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Health Policy<br />

100<br />

Multisector: environment,<br />

sex, rural development<br />

Agriculture, fishing, forestry<br />

Energy, transportation,<br />

communication<br />

Other social infrastructure<br />

Government and civil<br />

society<br />

Water and sanitation<br />

Reproductive health and<br />

population services<br />

Health<br />

Education<br />

90<br />

80<br />

70<br />

Official development assistance (%)<br />

60<br />

50<br />

40<br />

30<br />

20<br />

10<br />

0<br />

1980<br />

1981<br />

1982<br />

1983<br />

1984<br />

1985<br />

1986<br />

1987<br />

1988<br />

1989<br />

1990<br />

1991<br />

1992<br />

Figure 2: Trends in committed overseas development assistance during 1980–2007<br />

Data from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. 80 Official bilateral commitments (or gross disbursements) are shown by sector. Aggregates are<br />

shown by donor, sector, and type <strong>of</strong> movement to developing countries. The data included funds from all bilateral and multilateral donors.<br />

whereas in others it decreases or stays the same (Ooms<br />

and colleagues, study 5, and De and colleagues,<br />

study 12, table 2). Stabilisation or reduction in domestic<br />

spending on health indicates that factors such as<br />

reduction targets for inflation and fiscal deficit might<br />

have been adopted by low-income countries, creating<br />

pressures that restrict the additionality <strong>of</strong> donor and<br />

domestic investments in health. 87,92,93<br />

Evidence for the association <strong>between</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />

development assistance and reallocation within national<br />

health budgets is also inconclusive. <strong>An</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> data<br />

derived from national health accounts and HIV/AIDS<br />

subaccounts in Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Tanzania, and<br />

Zambia <strong>between</strong> 2002 and 2006 shows that funding from<br />

donors accounted for an increased share in financing <strong>of</strong><br />

HIV/AIDS, reaching 75% <strong>of</strong> total HIV-targeted<br />

expenditures (study 12, table 2; figure 3). The share <strong>of</strong><br />

government spending that was allocated to HIV/AIDS<br />

decreased in three <strong>of</strong> these countries (Kenya, Rwanda,<br />

1993<br />

Year<br />

1994<br />

1995<br />

1996<br />

1997<br />

1998<br />

1999<br />

2000<br />

2001<br />

2002<br />

2003<br />

2004<br />

2005<br />

2006<br />

2007<br />

and Zambia) perhaps as a result <strong>of</strong> donor funding,<br />

although in other studies an increase in external funding<br />

in some countries was accompanied by steady growth in<br />

national budget commitments to HIV/AIDS. 94 Evidence<br />

<strong>of</strong> decreasing expenditure on HIV/AIDS in the private<br />

sector is widespread in settings where donor expenditure<br />

is rapidly increasing (study 12, table 2).<br />

Out-<strong>of</strong>-pocket expenditures<br />

Good health financing systems should raise adequate<br />

funds for health in ways that ensure people can use the<br />

needed services and are protected from financial<br />

catastrophe or impoverishment associated with having to<br />

pay for them. However, regressive models in which poor<br />

households contribute proportionally more to health<br />

expenditure, such as out-<strong>of</strong>-pocket payments at the point<br />

<strong>of</strong> delivery for treatment and services, still represent the<br />

most widespread means <strong>of</strong> financing health care in<br />

countries with inadequate resources. 95–97 Out-<strong>of</strong>-pocket<br />

2148 www.thelancet.com Vol 373 June 20, 2009

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