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Welfare Fraud: The Constitution of Social ... - York University

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etween 1995 and 2002 was a staggering 34 percent. 21 Prior to the 3 percent increase,<br />

a single person in Ontario received $520/month (comprised <strong>of</strong> a shelter allowance <strong>of</strong><br />

$325 and a basic needs allowance <strong>of</strong> $195); a single parent with one child, a total <strong>of</strong><br />

$997/month. Single persons in Ontario received benefits in 2003 that equaled only 35<br />

percent <strong>of</strong> the poverty line; a single parent with one child, 56 percent. 22 <strong>The</strong><br />

diminishment <strong>of</strong> welfare rates to a level which places recipients (many <strong>of</strong> them single<br />

mothers with children) into the conditions <strong>of</strong> abject poverty has been justified by a<br />

political discourse that in an era <strong>of</strong> the goals <strong>of</strong> a ‘debt free’ government, those on social<br />

assistance are getting a ‘free ride’ and getting ‘something for nothing’. Growing social<br />

assistance caseloads and corresponding costs were clearly understood to play a<br />

significant role in creating government debt and thus reducing caseload numbers and<br />

the costs for those remaining on the rolls was <strong>of</strong> central importance. 23 Here too, one<br />

sees a marked departure from the findings <strong>of</strong> the S.A.R.C. that rates were wholly<br />

inadequate. In the analysis <strong>of</strong> the S.A.R.C., inadequate rates hindered the transition to<br />

employment and self-sufficiency; in the view <strong>of</strong> the Conservative government, 'generous'<br />

rates [its characterization] create dependency and operate as a disincentive to work. 24<br />

2.c Workfare<br />

<strong>The</strong> O.W.A. conditions the receipt <strong>of</strong> benefits upon participation in paid work or in<br />

activities to increase the likelihood <strong>of</strong> becoming and staying employed, and as such,<br />

introduced the practice <strong>of</strong> what is commonly called 'workfare'. 25 Adult beneficiaries are<br />

required to enter into a 'participation agreement' with the Ministry, spelling out the<br />

'employment assistance' activities that they will undertake. Employment assistance<br />

activities include 'community participation' and any <strong>of</strong> the following 'employment<br />

measures': job searches; literacy screening, testing, assessment, or programs; basic<br />

education and job-specific skills training; employment placement; screening for<br />

21 Income Security Advocacy Centre, Ontario Works Basic Needs Allowance,<br />

http://incomesecurity.org (accessed October 6, 2003).<br />

22 National Council <strong>of</strong> <strong>Welfare</strong>, <strong>Welfare</strong> Incomes 2003 (Ottawa: National Council <strong>of</strong> <strong>Welfare</strong>,<br />

spring 2003) at p.28. Note as well that until December 2004, sponsored immigrants whose<br />

sponsorship had broken down were subjected to an automatic $100/mn deduction unless they<br />

could prove the breakdown was a result <strong>of</strong> family violence.<br />

23 See for example, MacDonald supra note 19, Hansard, supra, note 7.<br />

24 Disturbingly, in defending the rate cuts the Minister <strong>of</strong> Community and <strong>Social</strong> Services at the<br />

time, the Honourable David Tsubouchi, indicated that people could get by through measures such<br />

as negotiating for discounts on things like dented tins <strong>of</strong> tuna or buying food in bulk. He also<br />

maintained that because those on welfare had been given three months notice <strong>of</strong> the rate cuts,<br />

they had adequate time to prepare for the cuts. Hansard, supra, note 7, Oct. 2 & 3, 1995.<br />

20

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