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Interviewing Child Witnesses under the Memorandum of Good ...

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CHILD DEVELOPMENT<br />

challenging children about such beliefs can substantially reduce, but not<br />

eliminate, this problem.<br />

● Repeated suggestive interviewing . Both adult and child witnesses have<br />

been shown to be susceptible to leading questions. However, children<br />

below six appear especially vulnerable (see Cassel and Bjorklund, 1995).<br />

Repeated interviews with four to six year olds, in which leading questions<br />

were used to imply <strong>the</strong> same misleading account <strong>of</strong> events, led to free recall<br />

as well as prompted recall being affected, with convincing but false<br />

corroborating detail being <strong>of</strong>fered by <strong>the</strong> child (Leichtman and Ceci,<br />

1995).<br />

● Post-event misinformation. Both adult and child witnesses who observe an<br />

event and later read a misleading account <strong>of</strong> it will incorporate some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

misinformation into <strong>the</strong>ir memories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> original event. Once again,<br />

however, four to six year olds appear particularly vulnerable to this form <strong>of</strong><br />

distortion, which influences free as well as prompted recall (Poole and<br />

Lindsay, 1995).<br />

● Memories implanted by o<strong>the</strong>rs. It appears to be much easier to change a<br />

memory than to implant a totally false one in a witness’ memory (Pezdek<br />

and Roe, 1997). However, adults repeatedly presented with a mix <strong>of</strong> real<br />

and fictitious events from <strong>the</strong>ir own lives will over time claim to<br />

‘remember’ at least some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fictitious events (Hyman et al., 1995).<br />

Similar effects have been demonstrated in four to six year old children,<br />

some <strong>of</strong> whom claimed not only that <strong>the</strong> fictitious events had occurred, but<br />

also provided plausible supportive detail. This effect was maximised if<br />

witnesses were encouraged to visualise repeatedly each incident and were<br />

given an assurance that <strong>the</strong>ir parents remembered all <strong>the</strong> events (Ceci et<br />

al., 1994). However, for such effects to occur, <strong>the</strong> suggested event must be<br />

compatible with <strong>the</strong> child’s previous experience and beliefs (Pezdek et al.,<br />

1998).<br />

The type <strong>of</strong> language used in <strong>the</strong> interview<br />

Much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> research on <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> language in interviewing has focused on <strong>the</strong><br />

courtroom. This has highlighted <strong>the</strong> problems which can arise when language<br />

inappropriate to <strong>the</strong> age <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> child is used (Westcott, 1995; Wilson, 1995). The<br />

use <strong>of</strong> adult language in questioning a child can lead to inconsistent and confused<br />

answers and to an increase in incorrect responding (Carter et al., 1996). <strong>Child</strong>ren<br />

appear reluctant to query questions <strong>the</strong>y do not <strong>under</strong>stand, sometimes even when<br />

<strong>the</strong> question is not sensible.<br />

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