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esidents in the neighbourhood was used as a basis from which upper limits to rent increases could be established. To remain on the safe side, in the event that a property owner went to court, it was instituted that rental increases could not exceed one third of the average income calculated from the area residents. Further, rent limits were to be adjusted every two years to remain in accordance with new income studies. A Socially Diverse Social Structure – a Socially Shared Value? This process was met by great criticism. Property owners characterized the upper rent limits as “socialist one-way streets”, and there was much discussion about whether or not socially diverse social structure truly represented a shared value at all. Is it not the case that gentrification and segregation are expressions of an urban developmental law of nature? In an urban area where much higher rents can prospectively be realized, is it really suitable to force investors to maintain rents defined by the state even after renovation? Is it not true that this policy valued the residents and their rights over prospective property values? Socially Sustainable Urban Renewal with Private Investors – a Challenge for All Actors! Yes, and indeed, the interests of the residents – even after urban renewal – were valued over the pro- Agood two dozen people were participating at the tour of Potsdamer Platz, an area in the geographic center of Berlin that is a spatial, and some people also would argue a symbolic, marker for reunification and Berlin’s new role in the global economy. The redevelopment of Potsdamer Platz is the result of speculative building activities of multinational corporations, including DaimlerChrysler, Sony and ABB, at this prime real estate address in the post-wall era. Local building traditions were merged with the aspiration of global corporations to represent themselves in a particular fashion, and therefore breaking with the existing height limitations. In good INURA tradition, the tour not only visited the main points of contention but also addressed the difference between social Fieldtrip #7 fit interests of the property owners. It was seen that residents have the right to be protected from luxury renovation. This demanded a high level of skill at negotiation from all participants, and especially a high degree of endurance at the district administration whose officers granted the renovation authorizations. The introduction of rent limits in Spandauer Vorstadt did not eliminate revitalization pressure. Speculation did, however, slow down, and property values fell. However, urban renewal still took place. Today Spandauer Vorstadt is an area that attracts many visitors not only because of its historical ambience, but also because of its livelihood created by the coexistence of residential living, gastronomy, and business. Rent limits alone, however, cannot fully prevent capitalist revitalization in inner-city areas. The future development of the neighbourhood, or more specifically, whether or not tenants will be able to defend their right to remain in the area in the future, crucially depends on the participatory actions of people concerned. It will also depend on whether or not the general growth logic of capitalist society will be kept in check by protest and struggle – for which it is about time. The recent history of the Spandauer Vorstadt has shown how an urban politic oriented towards its residents can create a lively urban neighbourhood. Translation: Erwin Riedmann, Constance Carr Potsdamer Platz as a Spatial and Symbolic Manifestation of a New Era in Berlin by Ute Lehrer and legal production of public space as well as the relationship between public versus private space. The best example of this approach can be seen at a shopping mall at Potsdamer Platz that was a designated street within the original master plan but as a result of the investors flexing their muscles was turned into an indoor space, controlled by private security. Questions that resurfaced during the tour were about practices of local planning traditions and the power that global players have in transforming the built environment in a particular city. Comparisons were drawn to other large-scale redevelopment sites that INURA had visited before, including the Docklands in London. While Potsdamer Platz is a good example of how the global economy articulates itself locally it also draws attention to the role of the planning process
and the relevance of individual actors. The particular political climate in a post-wall era worked to the advantage of speculative building activities and lead to a relaxation of existing planning regulations where lip service was provided to the specificity of the place by applying some characteristics of local building traditions. As both the Docklands and the Potsdamer Platz demonstrates, the challenge remains on how to deal in creative ways with the spatial and symbolic manifestation of a global economy. Accept it as a fact? Ignore it, as many radical Berliners do by not using the space at Potsdamer Platz? Or fight against it and its increased commercialization of everyday life through subversive practices? The P stand for public housing The R’s for respect that ya get, when ya hold down ya set The O’s for ounces that we flip into ki’s The J’s for the judgment handed by the ju-ry The E’ is for enter, at your own risk You know the C--that’s for the cats that’s out to get rich And the T ... trust no one And the S is for the snitchers - you know the outcome... (Wyclef, The PJs) On June 24th about 20 INURAians went to the district of Marzahn, home to one of several big housing estates at the fringes of East Berlin. To cover large distances in Marzahn, we went by bike - which due to the sunny weather was fun as well. Neighborhood Management The local neighborhood management office became our first stop, where Cornelia Cremer gave us an introduction to the area. The district management office receives funds from the state of Berlin and offers a broad array of information and support services to the local population. It is housed in what the socialist planners called a “social center”. These social centers offered some social services to residents and became a commerce nuclei after reunification. The district management staff introduced us not only to the area, but also to the people. Residents were present to answer our questions and the discussion shifted quite accidentally away from the built environment and centered on the migration patterns of ethnic Germans from the former USSR, who have been settling in increasing numbers in Marzahn. The new “skyline” of Berlin: the Potsdamer Platz Social(ist) Housing: The Projects by Karin Baumert, Jens Sambale & Volker Eick The Barnimplatz Next we went to Barnimplatz which is a prime example how to utilize public funding and competitive planning to neglect local needs. Every architect and urban planner in Berlin knows this square, though only a few ever ventured this far out. The square is a mere ornamental reference to modernist landscaping with different levels, small islands and an open space that looks like a stage craving for users – but nobody wants to be onstage. Socialist ideology was centered on Prefabricated residential block and around the people, nowadays urban planners build a stage for the people they will never enter. Even a little money for participatory planning would have changed the square considerably. The day we went there a strawberry festival attracted some people. Even though the place was populated our group stuck us like a sore thumb. Modernism Shows its Sunny Face On we went through thorough landscaping in the middle of newly renovated prefabricated housing (Plattenbau). It did not look like a ghetto as the existence of the district Fieldtrip #8
Page 1 and 2: Bulletin # 25 INURA Berlin Border C
Page 3 and 4: INURA-Conference 2003 Berlin - Treb
Page 5 and 6: Apologies Laura Collini, AnnaLisa P
Page 7: others’ race between the hare and
Page 11 and 12: A Short History of Migration to Ber
Page 13 and 14: share of the ‘foreign’ populati
Page 15 and 16: proved to be perfect conditions for
Page 17 and 18: Wagenburgen as an Alternative Way o
Page 19 and 20: Social Movements and the Present Ch
Page 21 and 22: What is required is a resistance th
Page 23 and 24: cess. Poor sap was supposed to get
Page 25 and 26: more and more that the government d
Page 27 and 28: During the field trip ject to prese
Page 29 and 30: Urbanization and Privatization: A T
Page 31: INURA Amsterdam c/o Arie van Wijnga

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