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THISDAY • MONDAY, MAY 18, 2015<br />

POLITICS/ THE MONDAY DISCOURSE<br />

21<br />

PLATEAU’S PEACE OF THE GRAVEYARD<br />

Residents fleeeing a Jos community in aftermath of incessant attacks<br />

Much of the violence on<br />

the state has resulted<br />

largely from ignorance<br />

and illiteracy. The fact<br />

is that a substantial<br />

population of Nigerians<br />

are still illiterate, which<br />

makes them easy vessels<br />

of manipulation by<br />

unpatriotic elites. This is<br />

very much the case in Jos<br />

tificates and therefore decide the indigene<br />

status of anyone. This arrangement opened<br />

the floodgates for the politics of labelling and<br />

the selective reciting of historical accounts that<br />

foster group boundaries to secure political<br />

control over local government areas.<br />

In a socio-political environment characterised<br />

by strong patronage networks, exclusion<br />

of one fraction of the political elite is widely<br />

felt as socio-economic decline among its<br />

constituency. The urban conflicts dynamics<br />

interlink with tensions in rural areas. The<br />

increasing scarcity of land and access to<br />

riverbanks has resulted in contested claims<br />

over land use between indigene farmers<br />

and Fulani herders.<br />

Religion reinforces the boundaries between<br />

the mostly Christian indigenes and the<br />

Muslim Hausa and Fulani in both urban<br />

and rural conflicts.<br />

In principle, these root causes of the<br />

conflicts are well understood. Nigeria has<br />

elaborated severally on the problem of<br />

indigene rights at several fora and even at<br />

the National Assembly. Yet there has been<br />

a poor political will to address the problem.<br />

The escalation of large-scale urban and rural<br />

violence over the past decade contributed<br />

to the protracted conflicts.<br />

Compounding the tragedy of the Jos crisis,<br />

violent clashes are no longer sparked only by<br />

deliberate political instigation during election<br />

times. In fact, Plateau State remained calm<br />

during the April 2011 and 2015 national and<br />

gubernatorial elections.<br />

But small-scale reprisal and revenge killings<br />

have continued to explode since 2010, even<br />

in the villages. The situation is so tense that<br />

residents fear that any minor incident could<br />

set the town ablaze again. It gives credence<br />

Jang...did his best<br />

to the belief that their some external forces<br />

on standby waiting to unleash terror at the<br />

slightest provocation.<br />

What is obtainable in Jos can therefore<br />

not be described as peace yet. A long-term<br />

solution to the Jos and wider Plateau State<br />

crisis will need to tackle the indigene-settler<br />

divide. However, given that the conflict over<br />

indigene rights is endemic all over Nigeria,<br />

Plateau State will hardly arrive at a durable<br />

solution on its own.<br />

Christian indigenes need only point to the<br />

discrimination against fellow Christians in<br />

northern, predominantly Muslim states to<br />

justify exclusion of the Hausa-Fulani in Jos.<br />

The latter, however, constitutes Nigeria’s most<br />

populous ethnic nationality. Thus, Plateau<br />

indigenes feel threatened with marginalisation<br />

and are not willing to be the first to step<br />

down from exclusive indigene privileges.<br />

Religious leaders will have to take responsibility<br />

for invalidating the perceptions of the<br />

threat to religious identity that have become<br />

entrenched in the daily lives of the people<br />

in the state.<br />

Top-level religious leaders have preached<br />

peace and tolerance, but the message has<br />

neither yielded nor reached those meant for.<br />

While grassroots initiatives echo their tenor,<br />

mid-level religious leaders feel the pressure<br />

to protect their communities. People tend<br />

to be suspicious of inter-religious dialogue,<br />

making it difficult to rebuild trust among<br />

communities.<br />

Several dialogue and peace meetings have<br />

been held to reconcile the various divides,<br />

but most of them only ended up in empty<br />

agreements and promises to sheathe swords;<br />

they soon resume violence at the slightest<br />

provocation.<br />

The outgoing administration of Governor<br />

Jonah Jang has particularly done much in this<br />

regard. Special Adviser to the Governor on<br />

Peace Building, Mr. Timothy Parlong, had on<br />

several occasions collaborated with groups<br />

to bring back peace in the state.<br />

The Governor had also strengthened<br />

Plateau Peace Conference, which was aimed<br />

at bringing all the people together with a view<br />

to addressing their grievances and charting a<br />

common course. But it never really worked.<br />

Jang also appointed Special Advisers from<br />

the various tribes in the state, including the<br />

Hausa-Fulani, thinking that their inclusion<br />

in government could render useful ideas<br />

towards finding a lasting solution. It also<br />

failed.<br />

He also established a state-sponsored<br />

security outfit, the Operation Rainbow, a<br />

neighbourhood watchdog to cub the incessant<br />

killings – still to no avail.<br />

The Senator Representing Plateau North<br />

zone in the National Assembly, Gyang Pwajok,<br />

also exerted a lot of energy trying to reconcile<br />

the people. He has to his credit as a major<br />

player in the much that has been achieved<br />

in reconciling the Hausa community in Jos<br />

with the indigenes. He had on several occasions<br />

visited the Jos Central Mosque and<br />

the Churches to dialogue with the religious<br />

leaders.<br />

At his instance, peace meetings have<br />

severally been held among traditional<br />

leaders. Football match competitions have<br />

been organised at his instance on different<br />

occasions, and empowerment. But in spite<br />

of these laudable efforts, political watchers<br />

have emphatically said both the state and<br />

federal governments have no political will<br />

to end the crisis.<br />

They posited that if they really do, they<br />

would not have been reluctant to implementing<br />

the White Papers of the various<br />

recommendations by the different commissions<br />

of inquiries that indicted several ‘sacred<br />

cows’. They added that as long as these<br />

heavy recommendations of the commissions<br />

of inquiry and the Presidential Advisory<br />

Committee on the crisis, including various<br />

white papers are forced under the carpet,<br />

the resolution of the crisis would remain<br />

a mirage.<br />

Indeed, there have been several commissions<br />

and strategies set up to study the causes of<br />

violent identity conflicts in Jos and proffer<br />

workable solutions. Unfortunately, until the<br />

present moment, government’s responses<br />

to the conflicts are widely “perceived as<br />

ineffective”<br />

At least, 16 public commissions have been<br />

launched to examine the conflict and identify<br />

solutions and many other studies have been<br />

conducted by independent groups. There is<br />

little political will to act on these findings.<br />

Federal and State governments have<br />

regularly worked at cross-purposes, sharply<br />

disagreeing on the measures to mitigate<br />

conflict in Jos, while the involvement of<br />

civil society groups has more or less had<br />

a polarising effect in most cases.<br />

In the aftermath of the 1994 crisis, a sevenmember<br />

judicial commission of enquiring<br />

headed by Justice Aribiton Fiberesime<br />

(Rtd) was constituted by the then military<br />

administrator of the state, to look into the<br />

causes as well as possible solutions to the<br />

crisis. However, the report of that commission<br />

CONT’D ON NEXT PAGE

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