Javanese Mystical and Marxist Dialectics - Paul Stange

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the practical side or programs. Selosoemardjan concluded in his study of the areaaround Jogja thataside from the leaders of the party, it is doubtful whether the mass followingunderstands the essence of a political ideology ... In talking to the villagepeople the impression is strengthened that they join a political party forreasons other than its ideology. 82Of the various parties, Selosoemardjan suggested that the PKI gained the most fromthe residue of revolutionary spirit and from social changes connected to moderneducation.Postrevolutionary youth is more apt to stand on its rights than to sacrificethem for the sake of social harmony. Semangat berdjuang or fighting spirit hasbecome the most respected trait in the character of the youth sinceindependence. 83Fighting during the revolution had concentrated in ethnic Javanese areas - anotherfactor bending toward alliance between the Javanese and the PKI.With these problems in politicizing the rural Javanese population, Party disciplineand ideological rigor became natural centers of concern. There was a remarkableunity to the PKI through the whole Aidit period - as the Party expanded, Aidit'spersonal base naturally gained since new members entered under conditions hecontrolled. 84 With greater success and power came a tendency toward laxness,cadres closer to power lost militancy. While Aidit clearly wanted a massive unitedfront, the drive toward quantity led to problems of quality. Mao succinctly posed thedilemmaIf unity is sought through struggle, it will live;If unity is sought through yielding, it will perish. 85Within the PKI the consequence was steadily increasing concern over self-satisfactionand ideological laxness. So Aidit stressed that ideology was more critical thanorganization and numerous speeches criticized cadre laxness, the tendencies either tosink to the level of the peasants or to take advantage of prestigious positions tobecome landowners. The leadership emphasized cadre humility and confessed that
only a very few really understood the essentials of Marxism. 86 The true test of Partystrategy came with confrontations over land reform between 1960 and 1965.Discipline is always most critical in periods of struggle.The land tenure patterns have varied greatly in Java - ranging from areas of strongcommunal ownership to those of individual ownership. Tenancy and share-croppinghave varied similarly. At base the system has been one of private ownership withcommunal controls. Within villages, social standing has depended directly onrelation to the land: original settlers became nuclear villagers who owned both landand houses, a second group might own either land or a house but not both, othersowned neither and remained tenants. Ownership rotated in some areas and wentalong with extensive communal gotong-rojong projects. Villagers supported their kinwho might lack land and believed that as many as possible should cooperate incultivating crops. The result was what Geertz has termed “shared poverty”, landbecame divided into smaller and smaller plots supporting more and more people. 87The deterioration of traditional patterns came with Dutch introduction of improvedhealth measures and the subsequent boom in population during the nineteenthcentury. Individuation spread; while in 1882 1.7 of 3.7 million hectares wereindividually owned, in 1932 the ratio was 5.4 to 6.6. 88 Reserve land and the limits ofJavanese involution were used up by the 1930s. 89 Professor Brand of Leidenestimated that in the period between 1963 and 1965 there were about 15 millionpeasants on Java and Madura. Of those, 4.8 million were independent familyworkers, 6.9 million were independent farmers, .2 were employed labor, 3.1 werelandless farmers. 90 A University of Indonesia survey recently estimated that 10million out of the rural population of 27 million Javanese could be consideredsurplus labor. 91 The main problem has been population pressure rather thanunequal distribution.At the same time, van der Kroef argued that the social conditions of rural Javaconformed fairly closely to PKI analysis. He points out that around World War I 72%of Javanese landowners held only 36% of the land while 1% Owned 7.6%. 92 Theclass breakdown he provides and the statistics he gives for several villages bothsupport PKI images. 93 He also mentions that “The Muslim kijaji in the villagesociety ... was often most representative of the developing Indonesian landownerand landlord class.” 94 Rural indebtedness spread rapidly after 1900 with thepenetration of the money economy, increases in taxes, and the pressures of
Page 1 and 2: Javanese Mystical and Marxist Diale
Page 3 and 4: UNITY IN DIVERSITYPossessed of tran
Page 5 and 6: Although the pogroms of 1966 were u
Page 7 and 8: through a process of musjawarah-muf
Page 9 and 10: The contrast is rooted profoundly i
Page 11: entrepreneurship remained confined
Page 14 and 15: undertook to carry out were too lim
Page 16 and 17: ut even in the earliest phases Isla
Page 18: THE NAIL OF GODFrom this sketch of
Page 21 and 22: egarded as the path to spiritual st
Page 23 and 24: The real and the really real are cl
Page 25 and 26: evolutionary fervor rather than pro
Page 27 and 28: Permai, an active mystical-politica
Page 29 and 30: doctrines themselves did not change
Page 31 and 32: is a release for the whole body and
Page 33 and 34: THE MASS LINEIdeas have no meaning
Page 35 and 36: communism, began to turn toward the
Page 37 and 38: Without the image of the PKI as pat
Page 39 and 40: The Party presented itself as a syn
Page 41 and 42: Sukarno's role in protecting the Pa
Page 43 and 44: argued that the nationalist revolut
Page 45 and 46: By this time the PKI had already ca
Page 47 and 48: the application of principles, to b
Page 49: some tendency for class and religio
Page 53 and 54: The main effect of Indonesia's Basi
Page 55 and 56: Trompet Masjarakat, the main Suraba
Page 57 and 58: eported the incident as the Kanigor
Page 59 and 60: Out of this third “white terror
Page 61 and 62: The test for PKI strategy came with
Page 63 and 64: In outlining the fundamental cleava
Page 65 and 66: the strategy of the PKI in the peri
Page 67 and 68: enough that the public accepted equ
Page 69 and 70: progress. That conclusion might app
Page 71 and 72: contradictory things are actually s
Page 73 and 74: Measured by rational utility and re
Page 75 and 76: forms without a sense of the underl
Page 77 and 78: of academic work by fleshing out un
Page 79 and 80: In the years before the coup the PK
Page 81 and 82: 18. Hans Schmitt, "Post Colonial Po
Page 83 and 84: 36. Legge, Indonesia, p 143. The di
Page 85 and 86: 48. Hildred Geertz, "Indonesian Cul
Page 87 and 88: NOTES: THE NAIL OF GOD1. Clifford G
Page 89 and 90: 18. Benedict Anderson, "The Languag
Page 91 and 92: the masses, and the development of
Page 93 and 94: 4. Ibid. p 298.5. George Lichtheim,
Page 95 and 96: this point, Aidit 's defense was th
Page 97 and 98: 39. Aidit, Problems, "Indonesian So
Page 99 and 100: 52. Alimin, "Orang Tani dan Proleta
Page 101 and 102:
75. Aidit, "Main Conclusions" (.TPR
Page 103 and 104:
100. Selosoemardjan, Social Changes
Page 105 and 106:
129. Obor Revolusi February 15, 196
Page 107 and 108:
conservative in that they only reac
Page 109 and 110:
32. Hegel, Phenomenology, p 11633.
Page 111 and 112:
--. "The Key to Food and Clothing:
Page 113 and 114:
--. "Peasant Movements in Colonial
Page 115 and 116:
--. The Religion of Java. New York,
Page 117 and 118:
Kartodirdjo, Sartono. The Peasant's
Page 119 and 120:
Levi-Strauss, Claude. Structural An
Page 121 and 122:
Pauker, Guy. "Current Communist Tac
Page 123 and 124:
Smail, John RW. "On the Possibility
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Javanese Mystical and Marxist Dialectics - Paul Stange

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