Importance of women's political empowerement - Gurmai Zita

Importance of women’s 

political empowerement 

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WOMEN IN ACTION 

CEE NETWORK FOR GENDER ISSUES 

Budapest, Ljubljana, Tallinn - 2012

Importance of women’s 

political empowerement 


CEE NETWORK FOR GENDER ISSUES 

Budapest, Ljubljana, Tallinn - 2012

Importance of women’s political empowerement 


Editor: 

Daša Šašic Šilovic 

Chair, CEE Network for Gender Issues 

Publisher: 

Zita Gurmai 

Founder, Foundation for Real Equality of Women 

A special thanks to Attila Benedek, Xavier Mirel and Roland Tátraházi. 

Printed in Hungary by Alfadat Press Kft. 

© 2012

Contents 

Importance of women's political empowerment 

Daša ŠAŠIĆ ŠILOVIĆ 

Foreword of the editor................................................................................................................... 5 

Zita GURMAI 

Foreword of the publisher ............................................................................................................. 9 

Besima BORIC 

Importance of women's political empowerment in the light of new economic 

and social challenges: Experiences form Bosnia and Herzegovina ........................................... 13 

Sylvie GUILLAUME 

Women’s empowerment ............................................................................................................. 19 

Zita GURMAI 

Women’s role in decision making process .................................................................................. 25 

Edit HERCZOG 

Political empowerment of women through digitalisation ............................................................. 31 

Mija JAVORNIK 

CEE Network workshop in the framework of the PES Progressive Convention ......................... 35 

Sonja LOKAR 


and social challenges ................................................................................................................. 41 

Sanja MAJOR 

Being a young woman in Croatia today – obstacles and challenges.......................................... 47 

Thomas MAES 

Overcoming gender under representation or the microphone effect .......................................... 51 

Kaisa PENNY 

We need to be the change we call for in our societies ............................................................... 57 

3

4 

Contents 

Rovana PLUMB 

Importance of women's political empowerment in light of the new economic 

and social challenges ................................................................................................................ 61 

Christa RANDZIO-PLATH 

Women in politics........................................................................................................................ 67 

Brigita SCHMÖGNEROVÁ 

Women’s voice to be heard ........................................................................................................ 73 

Judit TÁNCZOS 

Forever assistants? Challenges of women’s political empowerment ......................................... 79 

Patrizia TOIA 

Greater equality for all ................................................................................................................ 85 

Britta THOMSEN 

The importance of political empowerment of women ................................................................. 91 

Attila BENEDEK – Marta BONIFERT 

Summary of major activities of the CEE Network (1994-2011) .................................................. 95 

Closing remarks ........................................................................................................................ 101 

Annex I 

Members of the Group of Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats 

in the European Parliament in the 7th parliamentary term (2009-2014) ................................... 103 

Annex II 

Charts and figures .................................................................................................................... 113

Daša Šašić Šilović 

Chair, CEE Network for Gender Equality, 

Associated member of the PES Women

Daša Šašić Šilović 

Foreword of the editor 


Gender equality has, fortunately, been politically and socially broadly espoused. But do parties 

across the political spectrum, from left to right, have the same understanding of gender equality 

and the position of women in political decision-making? Is the devil in the details? 

The meeting organized by the Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) and CEE 

Network for Gender Issues Budapest Office focused on innovative strategies practiced by 

progressive women’s movements in Europe. The objective was to unveil the differences, i.e. 

address the neo-conservative backlash affecting the status of women in public and political life 

and identify viable social democratic alternatives. One of the key issues was whether the 

participation of women in political life and in key political decision making bodies can make a 

difference. 

This is of particular importance in today’s difficult financial and economic environment which is 

eroding democracy and negatively impacting the European acquis of equality and social justice, 

and the enormous political, economic and social gains of post-Second World War Europe. 

The situation demands for the socialist and social-democratic parties in Europe to urgently 

advocate for the solutions formulated in the PES Manifesto through a renewed activism and 

political leadership of the rising social civil society movements. The European political left 

needs to stay true to its roots - it should fight for the social welfare state model adapted to the 

21 st century, which is now needed more than ever; it cannot renounce the basic tenets of 

equality, social and economic justice; it cannot turn its back to the needs of women and the 

strife of the unemployed; it has to invest in the youth as the bearers of the future, in Europe and 

in the world. 

It also has to clearly state who is responsible for the present crisis and what ideological 

concepts have brought about the financial collapse with severe repercussions for the 

population. Blaming the social welfare state, camouflaging the real causes created by unbridled 

and unregulated capitalism and corporate greed, is an easy cop out. 

A shrinking economic and social space impacts political responses. Recent years have seen 

the political space for women in politics also shrinking. Our political response has to focus on 

strengthening participatory and inclusive democracy, stronger internal party democracy and 

participation of women and youth at highest party levels and decision-making, mainstreamed 

gender equality and parity in party culture, structures, practice (positive measures and 

enforcement of quotas) and political solutions to the present crisis. Above all this is the moment 

7

8 

Foreword of the editor 

to forge broad social coalitions.This was the way how for example in Slovenia, in the last 

election, the share of women in the parlaiement has finally been risen from 13% to 32%. 

Everywhere in Europe stereotypes on women in politics remain very strong. It is of crucial 

importance to create women role models, especially in executive branches of power by 

lobbying left parties to give women ministers prominent portfolios when in government or in 

shadow governments. 

This publication is in essence providing examples of practice, case studies and some innovative 

responses to a dialogue which is to be continued...


Member of the European Parliament, 

President of PES Women



Foreword of the publisher 

As we have entered this new year, which will be crucial for the future of Europe, we thought that 

it would be a good occasion to look back to what happened in 2011, and to take stock of the 

activities the CEE Network organized last year, bearing in mind the many challenges ahead of 

us. 

Among those activities, we decided to put a special attention to the workshop, organised by the 

CEE Network for Gender Issues Budapest office, that took place on the 26 November 2011, in 

the framework of the Convention of the Party of the European Socialists. It focused on “The 

Importance of women's political empowerment in light of new economic and social challenges”. 

This first Convention of the PES was the occasion to bring together during two days 

progressive politicians, trade-unions, NGOs, associations, academics and artists, with 

innovative debates, workshops, panels and cultural activities. I am very proud to say that this 

Convention was a real success. And I am also proud to say that our workshop met with the 

same success, whether regarding the quality of the interventions and the debates, or the 

audience, as the room was full. 

When a few months ago we were presented with the opportunity to organise such a workshop, 

it lead us to a long brainstorming, in order to decide which priorities in gender issues we should 

put forward. In particular when facing new social and economic challenges brought by the 

current crisis, and the resulting transformations of our European societies. We know that this 

crisis reflects harshly on women, for multiple reasons we have already debated in our last 

year’s publication. However, despite this now commonly acknowledged assessment, not much 

has been done to curb this issue, in those times dominated by austerity policies. 

It has also been said that this crisis could bring new opportunities to women, along with the 

societal changes we are experiencing. That is why, in times where the voice of the less 

favoured is harder to hear than ever, we believe that empowering women, especially in the 

political field, in one of the solutions to make women’s voices count. Indeed, if much progress 

has been made in some countries, and in many progressive and socialist parties, a snapshot of 

women’s situation in European politics shows us that much remains to be done, and that the 

overall situation is far from ideal. In addition, Europe is facing a resurgence of nationalism and 

populism, which threatens the progress we achieved over the last decades. 

So we decided to hold this debate, to discuss the possible innovative strategies progressive 

women in the EU and in non-EU countries are using in order to block this conservative 

11

12 

Foreword of the publisher 

backlash, and create viable social democratic alternatives. How can women's empowerment, 

representation and active participation in politics contribute to reversing this trend? How can we 

encourage our youth, the next generation, to take over the fight for a fairer and more genderbalanced 

society? And what about the situation of Central and Eastern European countries, 

when eight years after the first wave of accession to the European Union, they still tend to be 

side-lined in the European debate? And what about the candidate – or soon to be – countries to 

the EU accession, from which many of our panellists are coming from? 

I believe that we succeeded in launching this progressive brainstorming, and we came up with 

some innovative proposals to fuse the debate. Of course, this is only a first step, and now it is 

up to you, to us, to act in our own countries, parties, associations, to make sure that speeches 

will be followed by act. 

In addition to the contributions of the panellists present at the workshop, we decided, in order to 

enlarge and enrich the debate, to ask the opinion of several other prominent female politicians. 

Therefore I hope that this publication will encourage you to keep this debate alive, and I wish 

you a successful year 2012.

Besima Boric 

Member of Parliament, 

Social Democratic Party (SDP) 

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Besima Boric 


Experiences form Bosnia and 

Herzegovina 

Importance of women's political empowerment in 

the light of new economic and social challenges 

I come from Bosnia and Herzegovina, which in the last 20 years has been put through dramatic 

events and it is still striving for its existence, struggling for the redefinition of its Constitution and 

as well as the fulfilment of requirements defined in the accession process to the EU. 

In my Party, SDP BiH, we succeeded to introduce a formal framework and required statutory 

protective and positive measures so as to ensure increased presence of women in party 

bodies, electoral lists and all decision-making positions. In practice the outcomes of this 

approach are assessed to be only partly successful. However, it is appalling to see that out of 

12 ministers in the new government of the Federation of BiH there is only one female minister, 

who is from my own party! This is a worrying indicator that gender equality is still regarded as 

an unimportant issue, sidelined to a parallel railway track, while the presence of women in the 

executive government is only symbolic. 

Still, I would like to share with you the experience how we succeeded to turn the focus of the 

politics of the Social Democratic Party in BiH and to reorient it towards economic and social 

issues mainstreaming gender in all what we are doing. 

For a long time we have been criticized for not dealing with the problems of workers, being 

accused, rightly, that we have neglected the issues concerning their rights and interests. 

Understanding the rightly addressed criticism, two women, party activists, initiated and got the 

consent of the party leadership, to establish a Forum of trade union activists. Nobody interfered, 

as nobody believed that something important could come out of it. Our focus was on speaking 

up for workers and articulating burning labour issues. Also, we were dedicated to establishing a 

party-trade union dialogue, and identifying good common solutions for different problems that 

workers faced. Conducting various advocacy activities and with the support of our MPs, we 

make an impact by amending the laws and put pressure for their effective implementation. 

After four years of burdensome work, along with a number of important formal decisions taken 

by our party bodies we have succeeded to put this new priority on the agenda our party, 

namely, to speak up for male and female workers, both employed and unemployed, with or 

15

16 

Experiences form Bosnia and Herzegovina 

without children, with high as well as low education level. This became a crucial issue for our 

party. 

Applying a strategic approach we succeeded in getting equal support from men and women for 

this new way of work. This was a great step forward. We applied gender mainstreaming in 

every issue we were dealing with. Implementing activities, which were not directly connected to 

gender equality, we used the opportunity to include the gender equality aspect with no fuss or 

opposition whatsoever. Our experience is that this is the simplest and the most effective way to 

do it. The essential thing is to be aware about gender and what effects different actions have for 

men and women, as well as the practical skills and knowledge how to integrated gender in 

concrete activities. We did it by selecting topics; by using gender sensitive language; by making 

sure that equal number of men and women participated in each dialogue; by engaging female 

keynote speakers, analysts and activity participants etc. Step by step the number of women in 

the Presidency of the Forum of Trade Union as well as the number of female leaders at the 

local level increased. Through the work in this Forum Social Democratic Party of BiH started 

focusing on the issues of importance for everday life of ordinary people. Forum was also a 

valuable contribution before and after national elections, which resulted in an election victory. 

After general elections in 2010 and before the forming of the government in the BiH Federation 

we have also organized a big conference with the title: “Social justice as a precondition for 

economic development” with a special panel on “Women in the labour market in BiH”. Half of all 

speakers in the panels were women. 

This Forum was crucial for the formulation of specific policies offered by the SDP BiH at general 

elections in 2010. These policies naturally integrated a range of issues, which would be 

traditionally considered as “women issues”: maternity protection, disabled women, 

unemployment of young women and many others. At the recent Congress of the SDP BiH the 

party accepted a special Resolution, which was dealing with these issues. 

Thanks to this Forum, governmental Platform of the Federation of BiH mentions among other 

the following: just solution for paid maternal leave, plan to combat violence against women, 

integration of male and female disabled persons in labour market, social protection of 

unemployed etc. 

Strongly intensified contacts between party and Trade Union leaders, resulted in the TU open 

support to the Platform of the new coalition government for the BiH Federation, made of four 

parties and led by SDP BiH. This support was later on formalized in a Protocol of cooperation 

between the new Federal government and the Federation of Free TU. 

And last but not least, the activists of the Forum decided to stay in close contact with the people 

also after the elections. We visit our constituencies and discuss with the people the plans and 

the moves of our government specifically concerning pressing economic and social challenges.


We are told that this is not what a ruling party would routinely do. We decided to do this to show 

that we are not like all other parties. We were surprised how people were astonished and how 

much they have appreciated that we were willing to talk to them in peace, without the preelectoral 

haste and rush. Our experience is that this approach is very important and very 

effective and that we, women, are ready to do this sort of work. Our role in the Forum is now to 

follow up how our party promises are implemented. We found that this is one of the best ways 

to restore people’s trust in politics and at the same time, to keep our party on track, making it to 

work on the issues of the utmost importance for our citizens, both women and men. 

More information: http://www.sdp.ba 

17

Sylvie Guillaume 


Vice-President of the S&D Group

Sylvie Guillaume 

Women’s empowerment 


"When will equality for women in politics be achieved?" That is the question that remains 

unanswered in the 21st century. 

Women leading a country today in the world can still be counted on the fingers of the hand. 

Though they are now most often voters and eligible, few of them are ultimately elected. On this 

point the French situation is very illustrative of a long-lasting phenomenon that still continues 

and against which affirmative action must finally be implemented, a challenge with all the more 

acutely on the eve of important dates in France and hope to see the left regaining power after 

too many years of domination of the right. 

If new laws to move towards political equality have helped to make progress... 

At this stage, and despite progress in the last 50 years, France is ranked 18th largest in the EU 

27 and in 65th place worldwide for the proportion of women MPs, behind some countries, 

however, considered more macho, less democratic and less developed. At this rate, parity 

would be reached in the Assemblée nationale in a quarter century! 

Indeed, if all women became voters, they are still too few to be elected or to hold high political 

mandates. Thus, inequalities remain, despite the constitutional reform made in 1999 by Lionnel 

Jospin's government, under which "the law favours equal access of women and men to 

electoral mandates and elective functions", followed since 2000 by legislation aiming at 

implementing the parity principle for candidacies. This includes, for all elections by ballot, for 

municipalities with more than 3500 inhabitants, 50% of candidates of each sex. Regarding 

general elections, the law provides for financially penalizing political parties that have not 

submitted the same proportion of male and female candidates. 

However, the results expected from the introduction of parity in politics are still very theoretical, 

while some do not hesitate to flout these rules. 

This is the case with the UMP candidate, Nicolas Sarkozy, who presented himself in 2007 as 

women's rights defender, and it is this very same party that in 2012, certainly gripped by a 

fantasmatic fear of seeing his female candidates fail much more than his male candidates, that 

takes the risk of being sanctioned for non-compliance with the parity rules in the legislative 

elections with only 28% of nominations given to women, which could earn him a particularly 

salty addition to around 4 million euro. 

21

22 

Women’s empowerment 

More generally, it perfectly illustrates the bitter observation of a serious failure of the right wing, 

with women working five times more than men in part-time, with pay gaps of 10% at a level of 

equal skill and working time, and who are disproportionately represented in poorly paid and low 

skilled jobs. 

Women have certainly taken their place in the economy, but French society remains strongly 

marked by a patriarchal mentality that makes the feminist struggle even more necessary than 

one could have imagined. So far, it has been asked to women to become "men like the others", 

mainly by adopting rules of domination. But this can absolutely not be considered as the true 

achievement of real equality between women and men. 

... we must go further to demonstrate greater political will and help mentalities changing 

Yet there are alternatives to ensure a real political equality and enable women in practise - and 

not virtually anymore - to participating actively in political decision-making, without family life 

constituting an obstacle in achieving this goal. 

But to reach this objective, a political voluntarism is needed, that voluntarism is embodied 

today for French citizens by our Socialist candidate, François Hollande. In the name of equality 

he has committed in the Charter for equality to suspend funding of parties that would not 

present 50% of female candidates at elections. 

Other measures could also help us in achieving this political equality soon. These would include 

changes in voting procedures. Indeed, France is characterized, unlike its European neighbours, 

with a broad resort to plurality voting in two rounds, a system that ultimately results in indirect 

discrimination against women because it encourages local leaders and incumbents. The 

proportional ballot of list values clearly more parity in compliance with a strict alternation 

between men and women and this is why it should be more widely used, especially for elections 

like those of the Assemblée nationale or Sénat. 

Another interesting approach would be that of non-overlapping mandates and functions, mainly 

monopolized by men, and their time limitation, to make room for a renewal of the political class 

that would bring out not only women but also young people and people from ethnic minorities, 

also victims of a severe under-representation. 

In the end, behind the political equality we defend, it is for us, socialist women and men, to work 

for gender equality in general. 

Without these changes in political representation, how can the way we look now on the public, 

economic, social or domestic sphere be changed? More women in politics are certainly a 

guarantee of increased attention to workplace equality, a revised task sharing or a greater fight 

against gender stereotypes from an early age.


This is the message of change that Social Democrats should seek to embody in Europe 

nowadays. The challenges are huge but they are worth being met because it is anything but a 

rear-guard, on the contrary. 

More information: http://www.sylvieguillaume.eu/ 

23



President of PES Women



Women’s role 

in decision making process 

When we are trying to find answers on how women can strengthen their positions in political 

fields, how women can be encouraged to take part in elections, stand up for their positions and 

participate in making decisions which benefit their interests, I think we all agree that it is crucial 

to put forward concrete proposals on how to keep women’s voices heard, how to ameliorate 

women’s situation in the labour market and how to maximize their resources across sectors and 

regions and not to undo the work we have achieved so far. 

I am not telling a secret when I say that women suffer from discrimination on the labour market 

but also in the political fields when it comes to decision-making. 

As long as the economic crisis continues and ordinary citizens are being hit throughout Europe, 

it is essential to remember that women are the main victims in the long run. 

But unfortunately neither decision-makers nor policy 

shapers are doing a proper gender assessment to 

acknowledge this. 

This is why we need to increase the number of women 

decision-makers: to ensure that women have a chance 

to decide about questions concerning their own future 

and particular problems. 

This is why we are here today: to work towards finding it 

out. 

I don't want to deeply influence our discussion but let 

me set out three general points that I would like to offer 

as guidelines to steer the conversation - but only if you 

take them up. 

First of all, it is important to strengthen women’s rights 

and gender equality at a global level. Secondly, it is 

necessary to promote women’s representation in 

PES Women Bureau 

President 


Vice-Presidents 

Olga Zrihen 

Anna Karamanou 

Inger Segelström 

Britta Thomsen 

Marianne Mikko 

Laurence Rossignol 

Karin Junker 

Edite Estrela 

Rovana Plumb 

Marja Bijl 

Sonja Lokar 

Iratxe Garia Perez 

Denitza Slateva 

27

28 

Women’s role in decision making process 

politics, women’s participation in elections as candidates and voters. Finally we need to fight 

against the conservative backlash. 

The FEPS and PES Women have been committed to tackle these problems. As you may know, 

PES Women brings progressive women in Europe together. We have strengthened our role 

within the PES and promoted several campaigns on women’s rights and gender equality in 

Europe and in the world. 

The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is a progressive political think tank at 

European level. In only three years it managed to become a point of reference in several fields 

amongst progressive politicians, academics, civil society representatives and – last, but not 

least – European citizens interested in politics. 

In the above-mentioned global economic, social and I dare to say moral crisis the European 

Union is also hit by serious recession. The economic downturn causes decreasing economic 

growth and increasing unemployment. 

In the light of the austerity measures, several workplaces were abolished, especially in the 

public sector. These labour market reductions primarily concerned the women workforce. 

Therefore women’s living standards and income situation are getting progressively worse. 

The conservative governments - that are in majority today in Europe - do not take this fact into 

consideration during the uncircumspect application of austerity measures. So we see that 

women’s interests and fundamental rights are threatened by right wing political governance. 

This process can only be stopped by adequate progressive recommendations on the one hand, 

and by women’s participation in decision-making that affects women on the other hand. 

It is clear that we need to promote women’s participation in decision-making. This should 

include European, national and regional elections - women should be encouraged to vote and 

stand as candidates! This way, we can make sure that gender equality is adequately 

mainstreamed and taken into account among the various current political challenges. 

This is something that European citizens want, too. Not only the majority of women, but also the 

majority of men agreed that women could bring a different perspective to politics, according to a 

survey conducted by Eurobarometer in 2009. 

Despite of all this, we have seen a conservative backlash throughout Europe. In 2009, we saw 

a shift to the right and the extreme right in terms of political representation in the European 

Parliament.


In the field of Gender Equality, European elections showed only a small increase in women’s 

representation to 35% compared to just over 30% in the last mandate; for the S&D Group we 

reached 40%. 

Even though women make up more than half of the population and electorate of the EU, the 

average representation of women in European parliaments is only 24%, while in national 

governments as low as 23%. 

A democracy which does not make enough room for 52 per cent of the population at the 

decision-making table is no real democracy at all! This is true for the Member States but also 

for the EU! 

We have worked together with the European Women’s Lobby to run a campaign named 50/50 

Campaign for Democracy. We proposed a system of nomination of Commissioners whereby 

each Member State would propose a woman and a man as nominee Commissioners. The 

President would then have the possibility to choose among them with a view to achieve an 

equal representation of women and men in the new Commission. 

Another method that is used in many places to increase women's participation in decisionmaking 

is using quotas. For example, a women quota of 40% is applied in the PES. 

Why am I bringing this up? Because it gives an idea of why and what challenges we have in 

terms of gender equality in Europe, in the fields of political leadership. 

As I said, the under-representation of women constitutes a serious democratic deficit, which 

undermines the legitimacy of the contemporary democratic ideal and the establishment of an 

inclusive and participatory democracy. 

Besides the political decision-making bodies women are under-represented in the economic 

decision-making bodies as well. Although women are increasingly highly educated, skilled and 

willing to commit themselves to their careers, they remain poorly represented in high-level 

management. The number of women presidents of Europe’s largest companies has fallen from 

4% to 3% since 2004. This is not only about ethics and equality, it is also essential for economic 

growth. 

But! Despite the grim outlook, we need to stay positive because this is also precisely why we 

are needed now more than ever! Together we can work towards a brighter future for women in 

Europe, if we take into consideration the specific situation faced by women. This is our role; this 

is the role of feminist social democrats, to tackle the blind austerity policies of the 

conservatives. 

29

30 

Women’s role in decision making process 

We need campaigns that call women into politics, as voters or as candidates. For example, the 

topics of childcare, pension and pay gap, sexual and reproductive rights, violence against 

women and children, maternity leave, etc. address women, and may inspire them to take part in 

political activities. 

If we can advance in this direction, together we can build a renewed economic model in which 

every woman and man can feel protected and safe, part of a progressive and gender equal 

society! 

More information: 

http://www.gurmai.hu 

http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/23805/Zita_GURMAI.html 

http://www.pes.org/en/about-pes/how-does-pes-work/pes-women

Edit Herczog 


Treasurer of the S&D Group

Edit Herczog 


Political empowerment of women 

through digitalisation 

Closing the gender GAP is a continuous challenge for politicians who believe in solidarity, equal 

opportunities and social mobility. 

While several success stories are reported of women leaders, the economic crisis, the 

demographic challenges, the environmental changes and the latest political trends, the rise of 

the right and extreme right movements are pushing us back. 

Although in the last 30 years, a new threat has been shadowing the gender issue: the 

application and the access to ICT technologies. This has got a little attention so far from 

researchers, but we all feel that the accumulated effect of the lack of women in professions like 

entrepreneurs, professional ICT experts or political decision-makers is causing a fast growing 

GAP. 

There is a unique negative consequence of this, namely 

the growing age GAP. The younger generation is 

"internet native", while the older generation is only 

"internet immigrant" or even "internet illiterate". The 

different levels of using ICT based technology plays a 

major role in the increased misunderstanding between youth and a political class, including 

women. 

The long term consequences are easier to imagine if you examine how much the ICT means 

contributed to the Arab Spring: The use of simple mobile phones accelerated political 

movements more vertically than before. Or if you realise that on the other side of the world the 

full Occupy Movement in Wall Street was also ICT organised. 

So the question is the following: Are we OK with it if the ICT technology originating from a 

simple garage will remain an exclusively male, especially young male opportunity? 

The answer is clear. NO! It's time to wake up and act! 

1. The EU new digital agenda will go for 100% universal coverage and broadband 

access for all households, therefore, we have to encourage half of the society - 

33

34 

Political empowerment of women through digitalisation 

women - to maximise their advantages and opportunities from this technological 

change. 

2. Have to promote the ICT sector, a double digit growing sector as a career for women, 

because most jobs are created here. 

3. Have to push for more women entrepreneurs and women politicians with high ICT 

skills to stay in the race of the 21st Century. 

4. Have to concentrate on elderly people - where women are in a higher percentage - 

and offer them ICT based solutions to make their lives easier and happier (with the 

help of a photo blog to have all the family photos, or to have access to e-health 

solutions, for example). 

If you think it is impossible, it is just one more reason to start today as the GAP is growing every 

minute. Are you ready? 

Yes! Then START IT TODAY! 

Source: European Commission Digital Agenda 2012 

More information: http://www.herczogedit.hu

Mija Javornik 

CEE Network for Gender Issues, 

SD Slovenia

Mija Javornik 


CEE Network workshop in the 

framework of the PES 

Progressive Convention 

One could observe 2 strong characteristics of youth in Slovenia, common to women and men: 

the expectations of youth regarding their future jobs, which are in contract from the 

opportunities offered by the labour market. On the other hand, the labour market is not inclined 

to young people – it conditions three sets of characteristics: -knowledge, experience, sociocultural 

capital or personality traits. 

Regarding the overall situation of youth in Slovenian society today: 

Among all European countries Slovenia is a leading country with the temporary employment 

among young people (Eurostat 2009) (65.5 percent) 

The unemployment rate in Slovenia is the highest among young people (aged 15 to 24 years) - 

13.9% (11.6% for men and 17.0% for women). 

The activity rate of young people by 2008 in Slovenia decreased (compared to 1996), mainly 

due to an increase in the continuation of education (in 2006 approx. 20% less active than young 

women in 1996). 

On the employment rate of young people in Slovenia in recent years two factors were crucial - 

an extension of education and relatively rigid labor market. 

The survey Eurostudent 2005 has shown that student work (the so-called "student contracts") in 

Slovenia carried 66.0 percent of all students, the difference between the sexes is minimal, since 

the proportion varies by only 1 percentage point in favour of the male part of the student 

population – students´ work from the employer point of view is an essential form of hiring 

cheaper workforce, they do not need to pay social security contributions or to pay 

compensations for absence from work, transportation costs to and from work, the cost of meal 

allowances and expenses for annual leave, the employer may also dismiss a student at any 

time because it has no obligation to pay severance or termination. 

37

38 

CEE Network workshop in the framework of the PES Progressive Convention 

Moreover, the differences between men and women in the Slovenian society have not changed, 

but the emergence of new forms of discriminatory conduct is more than obvious: 

• Jobs carried out by women are concentrated in the lower part of the spectrum of the 

labour market. 

• Advancement opportunities are limited and do not meet the skills and education of 

women. 

• Women are mainly employed in the service sector 

• Women are still a minority in carrying the responsibility and managerial positions in 

the economic and non-economic sectors, and therefore access to the social power 

and influence is limited to women. 

Measures 

Some of the most important measures that the Slovenian government has undertaken from 

2008 till today: 

With the support of active employment policy in the period from 2007-2013 the government has 

shaped a holistic approach for decreasing unemployment rates and to encourage employment 

policies. 

Suggestions 

We can all agree on our ultimate aim of a better society. But I would like to present to you some 

concrete measures to be taken in order to achieve that better society: 

I. Reforming the system of social benefits is necessary, in order to focus on new social 

groups that are most in need 

II. The demographic crisis cannot be solved by “just” reforming the pension system, but 

with the coordination of policies and with the consent of social partners; partnership 

between women and men on aboard at the same time 

III. Enhance /integrate a gender perspective in all spheres of society, especially in the 

sphere of employment policies, not only those in which the social dimension is 

particularly vulnerable. 

IV. It is crucial to enable new party members to understand and internalise social 

democratic values and main theoretical concepts. In the workshops of the CEE 

Network, organized in April and September 2011, it became clear that all political 

parties need systematic theoretical empowerment of young members, which is a 

basic method of collective mentoring. 

V. Personal mentorship as a systematic tool between established female politician and 

young female activist is impossible due to “well known rivalry” between women. 

VI. To develop personal mentorship as a new tool for badly needed rejuvenating of 

women human rights activists in our social democratic parties.


VII. Parties need strengthening of internal party democracy, especially with regard to 

human resources management, development and implementation of values and merit 

based criteria for recruitment of new party members and for their promotion. 

VIII. Furthermore, exchange of best practices of cooperation between women forums and 

youth forums in the region, public seminars for party and non party women members, 

renewal of the regional network of young women gender sensitive party activists 

(former regional young feminist’s network dissipated). 

Let me conclude by using a quote from Robert Luis Stephenson (1882), who once said “politics 

is perhaps the only profession for which no preparation is deemed necessary”, but I see that 

even though there are no obligatory trainings for political activists there is an increasing need to 

transfer inside knowledge about working for gender equality in politics to new comers, young 

women who will take over the torch. 

Source: Eurostat Newsrelease Euroindicators 5/2012 6 January 2012 

More information: 

http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/ 

Unemployment_statistics#Youth_unemployment_trends 

http://ec.europa.eu/youth/news/latest-youth-unemployment-figures_en.htm 

http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=950&langId=en 

39

Sonja Lokar 

Executive Director, 

CEE Network for Gender Issues

Sonja Lokar 


Importance of women's political 

empowerment in the light of new 

economic and social challenges 

Getting there in times of dispair 

In times of transition, when our sister parties were weak, infected by neoliberalism and totally 

gender blind, we have experienced how the neoliberal pattern of transition was detrimental to 

women: all over CEE and SEE women were transformed into the biggest group of the losers of 

transition. 

I have participated in several workshops of this Progressive Convention and for me the situation 

is clear: conservative parties which are in power in the EU at practically all levels – in national 

states, in European Commission, European Council, European Parliament, practice neoliberal 

»three A« solutions to the deepening financial and economic crises and women and youth are 

already the ones to pay the highest price. Even worse, our sister parties when they are in power 

often do not find viable alternatives – like in Hungary, in Slovenia, or cannot practice anything 

much different as the pressure of neoliberal political majority in EU and globally is too strong 

(Greece, Spain, Portugal). In such times it is of crucial importance to make women and youth 

much stronger within our sister parties and help them this way to discover, advocate for and 

implement innovative social democratic solutions to financial crises and economic recession. 

What have changed in the process of EU accession and in the first few years of our countries' 

membership in the EU? 

Our parties for sure became much stonger, many of them have been even leeding their national 

governments for one or even several electoral periods. The noeliberal infection is not cured at 

all, but is withering down very slowly. With regard to gender equality issues our parties are the 

best of all in every one of our countries, but they are still really lousy! In Slovenia for example, 

Women's Lobby of Slovenia recenty published an analysis how 5 parliamentry parties have 

placed their women candidates into eligibile constituencies. It turned out that the worst of them 

gave only 2.6% of eligible constituences to their women candidates, and the best of them – and 

this is, thanks to a small number of really well organized and determined active women in my 

party, my SD party, only 20%. At the same time Slovenia has a legal quota for candidates' lists 

at 35%! Most of our sister parties have established women party organizations, set quotas for 

43

44 


and social challenges 

the party organs in their statutes and quotas for their electoral lists. The matter of fact is that 

these quota regulations are not implemented everywhere to the full. Most of our parties 

supported the enactment of the first weak legal electoral qoutas, but we had to fight first and 

foremost with the leaderships of our sister parties to get stronger quota regulations with clear 

pacing rules in Macedonia and in Serbia. Not in one of our sister parties did women get 

positions of power which would heve lifted them to the role of equal partners in establishing 

party strategy for social and economic development. Gender equality policies are still not one of 

the clear priorties of their overal policy offer to the voters, these parties still do not directly target 

women voters. Getting women within the parties to the point that our voices, our proposal of the 

solutions are heard, accepted and implemented is still a constant battle with »the old boys 

networks« within our own parties. 

So the idea of this workshop was, to open a serious discussion on innovative strategies that we 

SD women need to use in order: 

� First, to make our parties really gender equality sensitive, 

� Second, to persuade voters to cast ther vote having in mind what their party is doing 

or not doing to serve their most vital interests. 

Conclusions on innovative methods to make women stronger within our parties, to make 

our party really gender equality sensitive and to persuade voters for re-newed social 

democrats 

The discussion in the workshop based on exchanges of experiences of the panellists as well as 

other participants have led to the following proposals for innovative activities of women within 

our sister parties: 

Innovation #1 

If we want to become persuasive as supporters of the movements like »indignados«, and to 

answer truth worthily to the outcry of angry people for so-called direct democracy, we need to 

build participative democracy and openness to trade unions and civil society movements first 

within our own parties. 

Innovation #2 

CEE Network for Gender Issues workshop led in 2011 in Skopje, on Mentoring, showed that 

our parties are getting short on young social democratic activists, especially women. Young 

women participants at the workshop complained that their party male colleagues use against 

them the method of bad jokes and ridiculing their problems.


We need to insist on internal party democracy, on systematic development of human resources, 

on merit based promotion of cadres, on development of personal and collective mentorship for 

young people, especially young women. The feminist tradition of our parties has to be passed 

to the younger generation in much more systematic way that this was the case until now. 

Innovation #3 

The experience of Women's Forum of Croatia shows that women party organizations are able 

to make sure that the party includes gender aspects in every priority of its electoral program 

and they are able to prepare and persuade the party to offer at least one concrete gender 

equality policy as a party electoral promise to the voters. 

Innovation #4 

Experiences from SDP of BiH shows that when it is too difficult to make gender equality a 

priority of party politics directly, women activists can do it indirectly as well, by getting on board 

trade union activists who need to make much closer partnership with SD if they both intend to 

develop their country in open social dialogue, without using drastic neoliberal solutions. Gender 

equality became a natural part of the party electoral program and of the agreement of SD 

government of BiH Federation with TU on crucial social policy issues. As women were in the 

leed of this process of partnership building, this agreement is really gender equality sensitive. 

Innovation #5 

ECOSY leadership has discovered that the procedure of competing for the leading individual 

positions within their organization is gender biased. In ECOSY they practice and should 

continue to practice statute based firm positive measures to achieve gender balance in their 

organizational organs, but the procedure of electing individual leaders of the organization is 

much more difficult for the young women with less experience in public speaking than for young 

men. They are still looking for the good solution of this problem. 

Innovation #6 

Several participants, veterans, as well as young ones, underlined: 

It is of crucial importance not to accept the concepts and wording of our opponents on the 

issues of gender equality. Instead of talking about fairness, equal opportunities and quotas, we 

should talk about equality between women and men, equality of results and parity and start to 

openly use and fight for the positive connotation of the notion: feminism. If we accept the 

wording of the conservatives and liberals, we are stepping out of our own value system and 

give prevalence to their value systems. 

45

46 


and social challenges 

Innovation #7 

Several participants underlined that the fight for positive measures, especially enacted positive 

measures (quotas, parity) is far from being over, neither within the leadership of our parties, 

neither within women membership of our parties, and even less within the general public. When 

conservatives and liberals are getting rid of gender equality bodies within the governments and 

parliaments under the pretext of saving budgetary funds, we should insist on their 

strengthening, like the Danish social democrats who have established a gender equality body in 

their new parliament for the first time. 

Innovation #8 

When social democratic and similar parties do not want or are not strong enough to enact alone 

positive measures for equal representation of women in all elected and nominated decision 

making bodies, social democratic women need to initiate or join broad civil society women 

coalitions in order to make enough pressure on all parties in parliament to force them to enact 

quota regulations like this was the case in 8 South European countries (BiH, Kosovo, 

Macedonia, Serbia, Slovenia, Croatia, Albania, Montenegro) and recently in Poland (Congress 

of Polish Women). 

Innovation #9 

Everywhere in Europe stereotypes on women in politics are still very strong. It is of crucial 

importance to create women role models, especially in executive branches of power by 

lobbying our parties to give women ministers unusual portfolios such as interior, defence, 

finance, foreign affairs, economic development. 

More information: http://www.europeanforum.net/gender_network

Sanja Major 

Adviser, City Office for Social Protection 

and Persons with disabilities, The City of Zagreb

Sanja Major 


Being a young woman in Croatia 

today – obstacles and challenges 

My name is Sanja, I'm a 31 year old woman who acquired over the years a college degree, 

certain skills and has a strong will to fulfill my potential in order to be a valuable member of the 

community. Regardless to all mentioned competencies I still have two major obstacles to cross 

in climbing the social ladder – being a young person and being a woman. 

In Croatia, women predominate in the rate of unemployment, they are paid approximately 18% 

less and have a higher risk of long-term unemployment than men within the same age range. 

We are the second country on the youth unemployment scale in Europe because of the 

perception that young people are a social burden rather then a social potential of the 

community. Poor financial situation prolongs staying with nuclear family and postponing 

creating a family of their own. 

According to research, young people that have obtained 

college degrees have more possibilities to find a better 

paid job and SDP's political framework for the next 4 

years rests on the idea of a policy that will enable higher 

quality of education, easier access to the labour market 

and the beginning of independent life as a young 

person. This policy is known as a – education, career, 

living space - triangle. 

The Kukuriku coalition will encourage active 

employment measures, which include direct payments 

and subsidies for every new employment, a major 

intervention measures will provide a temporary 

exemption from paying the contribution for each new 

employee. Also, a special attention will be given in 

building a strategy of employing women. One of the 

most important policy for the Kukuriku coalition is to 

achieve full equality in the prevalence of gender 

conditioned diffrences from an early age through the 

education system or the eradication of stereotypes, to 

open space for equal educational outcomes of 

The Kukuriku coalition 

(Croatian: Kukuriku koalicija) is 

a political alliance in Croatia 

formed in 2010. It consists of 

four centre-left parties in the 

Croatian Parliament: Social 

Democratic Party of Croatia, 

Croatian People's Party – 

Liberal Democrats, Istrian 

Democratic Assembly, and 

Croatian Party of Pensioners. 

Their somewhat facetious name 

Kukuriku, meaning 'cock-adoodle-doo', 

was taken from a 

restaurant of the same name in 

Kastav, where they first 

convened in July 2009 became 

well known, and eventually 

became the coalition's official 

name. http://www.kukuriku.org 

49

50 

Being a young woman in Croatia today – obstacles and challenges 

girls/women and boys/young men, and therefore fundamental changes in economic, social and 

family policy in the medium and long term. 

One of the problems within the political parties is the fact that very often young women are in 

youth organizations, and women over 30 are in women's organizations and that's why the first 

have the lack of gender perspective while the others miss the age perspective. One of the 

major problem is that young women are primarily identified as young persons, and then as a 

woman. In the SDP an attitude is still engrained that women's issues are dealt primarily by older 

women. With the improved position of women within their own party we can work better in 

promoting the idea of complete equality in the wider social context. 

The system of mentoring young women in the SDP doesn't exist and is still based on personal 

commitment, will and persistence of certain young women to become politically involved to 

come in contact with older and more experienced female politicians from whom they can learn. 

The system of mentoring is essential for the formation of a new political force and should be run 

not only by women's organizations in our party, but also by youth organizations where the party 

can recruit perspective young people. 

Suggestions: 

• Conducting surveys on the desire for mentoring young people by older members of 

the SDP 

• Conducting surveys and testing of the expressed interest in a particular area, the level 

of knowledge and preferences of young women who entered into the system of 

mentoring 

• Create a program for a period of one / two years through which a young woman and 

her mentor can work on specific projects / policies 

• This mentoring system may be extended by the expressed desires, needs or start a 

new form of cooperation with another politician, and work on other issues 

My final thought is that nothing is stronger than a sinergy between young woman's enthusiasm 

guided by knowledge and experience of a mature woman. 

More information: http://zagreb.hr/

Thomas Maes 

Secretary General, 

ECOSY – Young European Socialists

Thomas Maes 


Overcoming gender underrepresentation 

or the microphone 

effect 

Whoever participates in political processes, whether at the grassroots level within an 

organisation or in public elections, can see it happen time and again. An election is held for a 

position of some level of prestige, and the day of the hustings has arrived: the two candidates, 

Ms A and Mr B, prepare to impress the audience, which is at the same time the electorate, with 

their speeches on what their plans for the mandate about to begin are. 

The audience is starting to fill up the room. Mr B takes up a strategic position close to the 

entrance and chats away happily, to those with many friends and perhaps also to those with 

fewer friends. “Well, I don’t really expect to be elected, you know, but we’ll see.” Ms A is sitting 

near the front of the room, nervously shifting papers about and internally rehearsing her 

speech. A friend of hers sits down next to her. “How’s it going?” “I think I stand a chance, just 

need to pull off this speech thing. Still need to rehearse a bit.” The start time of the meeting 

comes and goes. No sign of the hustings’s chair, well-respected veteran Mr C, who held the 

position for many years in the 1990s. Meanwhile, a group of vaguely rowdy yet friendly young 

people known as the “Mr B appreciation society” enters the room and fills up one of the back 

corners. They rehearse the playfully joking chant they came up with in the pub last night, “Can’t 

you see, vote for B!” It doesn’t do much good for Ms A’s nerves, whose handful of tenacious 

friends have meanwhile frantically started waving their hand-made “Change the world, vote A” 

placards. 

Minutes pass, without a sign of Mr C. The room’s technician noisily swaggers up to the front 

and tests the microphone on the prominently installed speakers’ desk: “Test, 1, 2, 3, Test.” The 

microphone whistles and pops annoyingly, the technician proclaims that the microphone is “a 

bit wonky” but it’ll have to do. Mr B claps the technician on the shoulder, don’t worry. 

Finally, half an hour after the start time of the meeting, Mr C arrives. He delivers a long, boring 

speech (fifteen minutes, but it seems like an hour to Ms A) about the cardinal importance of the 

position and the glorious achievements of the organisation and previous incumbents, especially 

himself, implicitly. He makes a lengthy fuss of praising both candidates for their outstanding 

abilities, “what a pity we can only elect one of these excellent candidates”. But whoever loses 

53

54 

Overcoming gender under-representation or the microphone effect 

shouldn’t despair, life is ahead of us and there will for sure be future glories in store. He calls 

Ms A to the front. 

Ms A walks up to the speakers’ desk, clutching her papers. She takes a deep breath and starts 

delivering her prepared speech. “Louder!” come the shouts from the back of the room. “Use the 

microphone!” Ms A is knocked out of her stride; she apologises and nervously starts twiddling 

with the buttons on the microphone. It doesn’t work. “It was on!” comes the booming voice of 

the technician, wagging his head. Ms A makes another attempt at speaking into the 

microphone: a bone-chilling whistle emanates from the speakers, the audience shudders. Ms A, 

gathering her courage, quickly reads through her speech, outlining her well-researched and 

well-budgeted activity plan for the mandate, and the clearly defined goals she wants to reach by 

the end of it. Her speech is greeted with a polite applause from the audience and franatic 

placard-waving from her friends: on coming down from the stage she is greeted with a broad 

flourish by Mr B, congratulating her on her excellent speech and wishing her good luck. He 

makes a show of kissing her on both cheeks: she wishes he wouldn’t do that. 

Mr B takes the stage. Loud chants: “Can’t you see, vote for B!” A broad arm-gesture calms the 

crowd; Mr B adjusts the microphone to his height. He opens by complimenting Ms A (perhaps a 

quick comment on her radiant looks) and ensuring the audience that he will be happy for the 

world whoever wins, it’s an honest contest. The microphone breaks down altogether; Mr B 

undauntedly pushes it aside, continuing at the top of his voice. In a speech of booming 

rhetorical impressiveness, he talks about his childhood and how his classmates in primary 

school convinced him to enter politics: he promises to end the crisis, destroy capitalism and 

achieve world peace. Applause, more loud chants. 

Mr B is elected by a landslide. 

Though the story contains a few slight exaggerations, I have seen most of its elements occur 

dozens of times when watching or visiting election congresses of socialist and social 

democratic youth organisations. A few times the story unfolded more or less in its entirety: 

either way, it is clear that desperately few women succeed in being elected when in direct, oneto-one 

competition against men. If they run at all, that is: even in cases where hard gender 

quota is in place, the number of male candidates tends to be a multiple of the number of female 

candidates for any position. The cause can easily be identified as the gendered nature of 

traditional political and electoral processes. 

Most of these processes involve formal speeches, large and unmoderated audiences, 

interaction with (almost invariably male) illustrious predecessors, small talk with (near) 

strangers, improvisation and sound systems, all of which belong to the domain constructed as 

male in our society. It is of course possible for individual women to make these processes their 

own and reach office anyway, but this cannot achieve gender equality in the political field since 

the women in question are anyway accorded “male” attributes by society, so they by definition


remain as individual cases. In order to overcome the gendered outcome of political processes, 

the severe under-representation of women in office at any level, it is therefore necessary to 

tackle the issue at several levels. 

Various types of affirmative action, such as the imposition of hard gender quotas for the election 

of multiple offices (either at candidacy or at election level) and the avoidance of electing officials 

individually, at least ensure a more level outcome, though they mostly mask the gendered 

nature of processes rather than actually tackling it. This “masking effect” becomes especially 

problematic if “temporary” affirmative action is phased out when it appears to have achieved its 

objective: evidence suggests the original gender inequalities tend to reappear immediately. 

Thus, the organisers of political processes should also directly attempt to avoid the immediate 

gendered trappings of the traditional process. Formal speeches can be replaced with one-toone 

interviews in front of an audience; “speed-dating” methods can be used in order to avoid 

large crowds and uncontrolled small talk, sound systems can be avoided altogether by meeting 

in smaller rooms. 

It can be done. 

More informaion: http://www.youngsocialists.eu/ 

55

Kaisa Penny 

President, 

Young European Socialists

Kaysa Penny 


We need to be the change 

we call for in our societies 

"We need more women in politics" is a line often heard from women's organisations, but also 

from political parties and decision-makers. Yet any trends of increasing numbers of women in 

parliaments or in governments are stagnant or slow at best. There are obviously many reasons 

for this, but I'd like to analyse one aspect in particular. 

In order to get involved in politics, one needs to get involved in parties at one level or another. 

And it is the parties themselves who either help or hinder female participation. It is not alone 

about policies, statements or legislation, but practical issues that determine whether women 

can get involved or not. 

For a young mother - a very attractive person from party political point of view - getting involved 

is often most problematic. Not only are we juggling with work, childcare and other 

responsibilities, but we should find time to sit in meetings, go campaigning and participate in 

different events as well. Now, if you are interested in politics, you are also interested in taking 

part in all of this, that is not the problem for most women. The question is far simpler. When and 

where do these meetings take place, and are the events organised so that a new parent can 

possibly participate? Most of the time the meetings take place in the weekday evenings 

relatively late, in cramped offices, taking hours in end. Taking young children with you around 

bedtime is difficult at best of times, not everyone has a partner who can or is willing to care for 

the children, and finding child-care is not an option for everyone. 

On bigger events we rarely see children. Either, mothers and fathers - in order to participate - 

have to find somewhere to leave their children, or not participate. And if someone brings their 

children with them, the reception is often far from welcoming. 

But it wouldn't need to be this way. It is very easy for a political movement to be supportive and 

welcoming for young mothers, and fathers, who wish to be involved, and have no access to 

ever-available, super-flexible care options. I wish to share a couple of great experiences from 

the youth movement, as we have found some ways to ease, and encourage participation of the 

young parents and families. 

In the Congress of the Swedish Social Democratic Youth SSU last summer I was happy to see 

a high number of children from new-born babies to school age kids. The Congress hall was 

59

60 

We need to be the change we call for in our societies 

packed with young social democrats eager to get their opinions heard, and amongst them, or 

mostly on the passages around and in front of the seats you had a number of children running 

and collecting nothing but smiles and welcomes from those around. Just outside the Congress 

hall SSU had built a nice and calm area of bean-bags and sofas, where kids were sitting, 

drawing, reading and playing games. The Congress was orchestrated by a secretary-general, 

who's two children were among the others, occasionally wanting to join their dad in the 

proceedings on stage. 

Our Austrian comrades organised a successful IUSY Festival last summer in Attersee for 2500 

young socialists from across the world. They also made sure that those who came with their 

children felt welcome. There was not only the calm place to sleep (a festival can be a rather 

noisy place to be) organised with zero fuss, but also special invites to Rubber Duck races and a 

bouncy castle just for the kids. Small, but ever so significant gestures that make the experience 

positive for the families. 

The European Youth Forum has a standing policy of organising child-care during their longer 

events on demand for participating parents. All you need to do is to tell the organisers at 

registration that you'd need it, and it will be taken care of. For us in ECOSY, it is obvious that 

any parent could bring their children with them to our meetings or events. I have myself had my 

daughters in our Congresses and Bureau meetings, and have always been facilitated kindly 

and supportively by the Secretariat. 

Next summer we - ECOSY - are organising a summer camp in Croatia. We have committed 

ourselves from the beginning into making the camp accessible and enjoyable for all our 

members, including and especially for those with young children. We are looking into organising 

a crèche, making it possible for the parents to participate in the program. We have asked to 

borrow the bouncy castle from the Austrians this year as well, and we wish to organise program 

that is family friendly. This in addition to the obvious accommodation and hygiene issues that 

we're making sure are fit for children as well. 

These all are examples of small, inexpensive practises that are empowering young mothers by 

simply being there. You don't even need to take use of them, but knowing that the organisation, 

or a party, you are considering getting active in, welcomes you, supports and helps you out, can 

be the deciding factor. 

The big picture of gender equality is built up from smaller ones. The greatest policy only works if 

the attitudes of the society support it. And the change must start from within. We need to be the 

change we are calling for; we are the ones who can make it a real possibility for young women, 

and especially young mothers to participate. 

More information: http://www.ssu.se

Rovana Plumb 


Vice-President of the S&D Group, 

Member of the PES Women Executive Board

Rovana Plumb 


Importance of women's political 

empowerment in light of the new 

economic and social challenges 

Today's economic challenges such as fierce unemployment, ageing societies, and lower 

productivity levels, to name a few, have had a strong impact on women's participation in the 

labour market as well as their empowerment in social, economic and political fields of activity. 

Despite an increase in female employment following the crisis, this has rather been the case 

with part-time or irregular work which is usually low-paid and uncertain. This issue draws our 

attention that Europe needs to bring more female workers into full-time employment to 

contribute to their empowerment and emancipation, by offering them the chance to have a 

thriving career after the completion of their education, and also to be on equal terms with men 

as far as quality of life, educational attainment, economic opportunities and political 

representation are concerned. 

Women are still disadvantaged in the highest-level professions, particularly in the political and 

financial areas because of the embedded perception that men are more competent in pursuing 

top-level careers. From this point of view, the European democracy still looks imperfect: by 

applying the criteria of competence to the access to an important position, the balance weighs 

in favour of male candidates. 

The engagement of women in the mechanisms that regulate civil life has low levels in many EU 

countries, including in Romania. Although Romania's accession to the EU has brought about an 

improvement in the status of women and an increase in their visibility in the labour market, 

Romanian women are not very well informed about their right to equal opportunities and equal 

treatment. I sincerely hope that the patriarchal mentalities will change in the long-term, leaving 

room for mutual understanding and respect for both sexes. At the same time, we need to 

relentlessly continue to work together towards promoting an adequate status of women both in 

Romania and in the EU, so that they can gain a rightful place in society, through financial 

independence, self-confidence and a sense of self-worth. 

When it comes to a leadership position, one rarely ever sees a genuinely fair and open 

competition between the two sexes, aimed at emphasizing personal achievements and skills. 

Women’s voices in policy-making are insufficiently taken into account as compared to men, 

which means that they do not have meaningful input into the social and political developments 

63

64 

Importance of women's political empowerment in light of 

the new economic and social challenges 

in their societies and as a result, do not gain the same political influence that men do. However, 

I firmly believe that the political and social scenes both in Romania and the EU cannot be 

devoid of female participation and leadership. 

Similarly, although the number of female university graduates is higher than men, the former 

are under-represented in the management boards of companies and public administrations, 

owing to a stereotyping of 'management' as a typically 'male' profession. This is because the 

business and political realms are often portrayed as 'aggressive', being broadly accessible to 

men, and therefore less open to women who are classified as weak, which explains why certain 

professions are 'feminised' (for instance, nursing, teaching, office work, care of the elderly and 

the disabled). These are generally lower-paid and limited in their prospects for offering 

advancement. 

Another issue that women are generally more confronted with than men is the work-life 

balance. This is unfortunately regarded as a 'woman's problem' and not an issue that should be 

of equal concern to both men and women, thus instilling the idea that women do not have 

sufficient time to assume the responsibilities of a high-level position due to other commitments 

that family life imposes. This is a sever under-estimation of the potential and skills of women 

who are just as capable in taking leadership positions as men are. 

I therefore believe that women's empowerment should start from the early stages of education, 

through the diversification of the educational and training opportunities available to women and 

girls, the promotion of self-esteem and leadership in girls, and also of life-long learning and 

training. In this respect, the young and qualified female workers should have wider access to 

top positions in companies and political organisations, in order to break down the viewpoint of 

women as passive help recipients in favour of that which presents them well-deservedly as 

dynamic promoters of social, political and economic progress. 

A fair and gender-balanced representation in politics and in the management boards of 

companies constitutes a progressive approach in tackling the social, demographic and 

economic challenges that Europe is confronted with. 

In light of these challenges, women's empowerment can bring about a multitude of benefits: 

creating a more effective use of skills, better human resources management, better working 

relationships, and on the whole, positive effects on the reputation and the productive potential 

of their workplace, be it a company or a political institution. A woman leader also has additional 

assets that can help towards more efficient and effective results in the long-term: diligence, 

empathy, communication, listening skills, compassion. 

Moreover, boosting female employability in positions of high responsibility can deliver the muchneed 

economic growth and can be a powerful deterrent against the high unemployment levels


in the EU-27. Similarly, new technologies, research and development sectors and 'green jobs' 

are new instruments to capitalise on, due to their high-growth potential, and as a result, more 

highly-skilled women should be employed and retained in these fields at a higher level. 

On the whole, the empowerment and autonomy of women and the improvement of their 

political, social, political and economic status is both a highly important end in itself and 

necessary for the achievement of social human development, equal political representation and 

economic growth. Only by giving equal opportunities to women in all walks of human 

endeavour, acknowledging their skills and thereby empowering them can we progress and 

positively contribute to our societies on the basis of equal respect and equal treatment. 

More information: http://www.rovanaplumb.ro 

65

Professor Dr.h.c.Christa Randzio-Plath 

Lawyer and Lecturer, 

Former Member of the European Parliament, 

Former vice-President SIW Women, 

President Marie-Schlei-Association, Germany

Christa Randzio-Plath 

Women in politics 


Women empowerment is an invention of the last century. So the 20th century brought the 

benefits of women`s political emancipation and legal rights in public and civil law. This progress 

was due to the first women`s movements. The first collective declarations in favour of women’s 

political rights with the French revolution had no positive reaction. Olympe de Gouges who 

published a Declaration of the Rights of Women (1791) lost her life. British Suffragettes and 

continental women movements stressed the right to vote as an expression of equality in 

citizenship. The first German women`s movement before the 1st World War even believed in 

the fact that once the political rights were given to women equality between men and women 

would be easily achieved. But despite a high participation rate of women in the votes for 

parliaments the political representation of women has been weak even after the 2nd World War 

and none where in Europe exceeded the 10%- rate. 

In the Western democracies the female presence in politics remained low. Only the students` 

revolution, the sexual revolution, the peace movement and the very low political participation 

and interest of women in political parties made especially European political parties reflect on 

increasing the political participation of women in order to gain electorate and thus political 

power. The objective of former decades: every second seat in parliament and government 

should go to a woman. Europe is far from fulfilling this. Nevertheless the gender equality in 

politics was much more successful than the gender equality in the economy. The quota 

regulations of political parties changed the political landscape in Europe but economic power 

remained with men. 

The women`s organizations in contrast to the feminist autonomous movements and the 

women`s organizations within the political parties were the frontrunners for a higher political 

representation of women and more political power for women. Their ambition: to increase 

political participation, democratic legitimacy by ending discrimination against women and to 

change not only numbers of seats in the hand of women but also the quality of political 

decision-making. Change has been a key word in the debate about more women having 

access to politicaldecision-making. Equality of women in politics became not only a question of 

non-discrimination but also of changing decision- making to the better. Women becoming more 

and more qualified in education, studies and professional life should become deputies and 

ministers, mayors and political stake holders in general. 

Nevertheless it has to be underlined that the 20th century brought women political emancipation 

and improved legal rights in a lot of strands of concern like family and heritage law, social rights 

and more autonomy. The 21st century now has to deliver and to make women part of all 

69

70 

Women in Politics 

political solutions. Women in Arab countries demand freedom and democracy but also 

participation to chart their own futures and the future of their countries. A key challenge is to 

translate women’s leadership in the streets into sustained leadership in the political arena. The 

21st century has to finally be that time when we see equality between men and women. Women 

make up less than 10 percent of world leaders. Globally less than one in five members of 

parliament are woman. The 30 percent critical mass mark for women’s representation in 

parliament has been reached or exceeded in only 28 countries. In the 21st century gender 

equality finally has to become a lived reality. 

Political strategies 

There are different political strategies to make women getting access to decision-making in 

policies. Former Chancellor and Peace Nobel Prize Winner Willy Brandt proposed the quota 

model of 40% for the German Social- Democratic Party already in the 70ies but the women 

refused because of their self-esteem. Only 20 years ago in Germany the quota system has 

been introduced by the SPD, the Greens got it already in the 80ies immediately after their 

foundation. Actually all figures prove that those UN countries with quota systems perform better 

than other countries in view to political equality between women and men. Those countries use 

all strategies for improving the gender equality at the same time- quotas and measures for 

women empowerment, reporting and recommending, gender mainstreaming and gender 

budgeting as well traditional patterns like training and qualification measures, fundraising 

proposals and other procedures to make women become successful in access to political 

power. Sometimes developing countries are stronger than European countries to use given 

instruments in order to promote women in politics like Ruanda women and their nearly 50% 

representation in their national parliament. It has to be remembered that quota regulations in 

the former Communist countries(25%)helped to raise the percentage of women in the houses to 

over 20% while actually only 19.4% of deputies in both houses worldwide are women. 

Experience demonstrates that neither in politics nor in the private sector men retire and give up 

their privileges because of a woman wanting to be candidate. 

The quota system as a party or election strategy is just an instrument but the most powerful 

instrument. Punishment is possible because of media and public opinion. Nowadays parties 

compete in most European countries with the challenge of women `representation. 

Nevertheless, women empowerment remains necessary. Political parties with clear ambitions 

for women`s promotion, mentoring programs and role models like the Brazilian president Dilma 

Roussef, the former Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland or the actual prime 

ministers in Europe and other world regions make clear that they want a structural change in 

societies by offering women the political participation they want. 

But there has also to be scrutiny about the behaviour of the political elite and membership of a 

political party. There should be no political event any more being dominated by male presence, 

male statements and male behaviour. This is fundamental for a change of political culture and


political decision-making. Women being equal in political decision-making are about numbers 

but also about qualitative changes in political shaping and making. The presence of women in 

politics does not only change the participation rate and transparency but also offers 

opportunities to change society and societal engagement. 

The challenge remains for women in politics: If we want the human society we have to 

overcome the male (patriarchal) society. 

More information: http://www.marie-schlei-verein.de/ 

71

Brigita Schmögnerová 

former Vice President, 

European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 

former Minister of Finance, Slovakia

Brigita Schmögnerová 


Women’s voice to be heard 

Introduction 

Women in the CEE have been disproportionally affected by the neoliberal transition and 

reforms and recently by the financial and economic crisis. Market fundamentalism which was 

embedded in the transition blueprint and in the follow-up neoliberal reforms including pension 

reforms, tax reforms, social security reforms, labour reforms, etc. have proved to have more 

negative consequences on women than men. Our society is in a significant crisis of solidarity. 

Neoliberalism ignores inequalities generated by the market incl. gender inequalities; it ignores 

growth of poverty, unemployment or exploitation. In most cases women are more often victims 

of it than men. 

The financial and economic crisis at the beginning seemed to be friendlier to women than to 

men. Fewer women lost jobs than men as more women work in the public sector: in education, 

health, caring, etc. i.e. sectors less affected by the crisis at its early stage. However measures 

like fiscal stimulus, the bail-out of the banking sector implemented to tackle the crisis were far 

from gender sensitive. Labour reforms as a part of the crisis response lowered wages, offered 

more precarious jobs, lowered worker’s protection. They have had more important impact on 

women than on men as women have always been more ready to take less paid and less 

protected jobs. 

Debt crisis and austerity measures implemented to reduce budget deficits lead to lower 

expenditure in the health sector, caring, education sector, lower social allowances, etc. By 

these measures women are affected twice: as public sector workers and as primarily 

responsible for time-consuming child care, elderly care and sick care. It is very likely women will 

have less and less energy and capacity to progress in their careers and to be involved in public 

affairs. 

Life in Transition Survey, EBRD, 2011 shows that after 1989 women’s representation in 

parliaments decreased and is lower than before 1989. While the overall percentages of 

membership of men and women in political parties are small, fewer women than men are 

members of political parties or have participated in political activities such as attending 

demonstrations, participating in strikes or signing petitions. The survey adds that due to the fact 

that women’s membership in trade unions and NGOs is low it is also an indication of women’s 

low rate of participation in public life. 

75

76 

Women’s voice to be heard 

The following paragraphs put forward some recommendations on how to improve low 

participation of women in politics. 

Active participation of women in politics in 4 steps 

In order a voice of women to be heard women must talk. Therefore following two steps are 

recommended: 

Step 1. Keep talking on women’s issues. Insist that all reforms, austerity measures, budget 

preparation (at all levels), etc. should be subject to Gender Impact Analysis. 

Formulate your requirements, objections, etc. 

Step 2. Move on from talking on women’s issues to talking on more general issues. Be a part 

of debates on all important financial, economic, social, etc. issues as appropriate. 

Step 3. Progress from a talking role to a check and balance role holding governments at all 

levels and politicians accountable. 

Step 4. Move on from a check and balance role to a leading role. 

Crisis of representative democracy: a new opportunity for women? 

Low turn-outs in local, regional, national and European elections in most CEE countries in 

recent years illustrate a decline of trust in elected politicians and governments. The birth of 

massive social movements like OWS in the USA, social movements in Spain, Greece, Italy, etc. 

but also growing number of industrial actions in CEE, 99% movements, etc. indicate people’s 

dissatisfaction with representative democracies. Call for more participative democracy or direct 

democracy at all levels incl. local level is a new opportunity for women’s voice to be heard. In 

most of social movements a hierarchical structure is non-existent. Therefore women need not 

be intimidated by power plays typical for well structured organisations or “men’s organisations”. 

Their participation in social movements could be an excellent learning opportunity and an 

occasion for increasing their chances for future leadership roles. 

What women bring into the world of politics 

While we all agree that women’s equal participation in the world of politics is their political right, 

as well as women’s rights are human rights, etc. At the same time I believe that women have a 

mission in life. Therefore I believe that if women fail to bring into the world of politics new 

values, goals and ways how to achieve them, they will fail their mission. 

In the period of the crisis of solidarity women should bring into the world of politics solidarity as 

one of the key social-democratic values. No objection is to professionalism which must women


bring in. In most cases women have to prove to be more educated and professionally prepared 

than men and they succeed to do it. However it is not enough: In addition to this women should 

bring in ethics and courage: courage to object to unethical or non-professional decisions. 

Women should always fight for human rights, for peace, against environmental degradation, 

etc. 

Women active in the world of politics 

Party politics should recognise benefits of integrating women into the party’s structure. Parties 

should not only agree on quotas but also ask themselves what they can do to assist women to 

be actively involved in politics? 

Women caring for their families (particularly young women) enter the world of politics more 

easily at local levels as local deputies, mayors or as members of NGOs. 

At government’s level women are most often appointed to traditional positions as ministers of 

labour, health, social affairs&family and education. Whether we like it or not the more powerful 

ministerial positions are the ministers of finance, or foreign affairs. A lady minister of finance 

would (or should) better understand the role of finance and ensure an open dialogue between 

“productive” and “non-productive” ministries and understand social and environmental 

expenditures as a factor of socially inclusive and environmentally sustainable growth. 

Finally a question: Is there a need for Ministry of Gender Equality? In the first phase when 

gender issues are not recognised by society and party politics, the immediate answer is: YES. 

In a later stage of development – if achieved – gender issues should be incorporated in policies 

of each ministry, in all policy measures, programmes, etc. In this case of true “gender 

mainstreaming” the answer would be: “NO”. However “a gender mainstreaming watchdog” 

would remain to be highly recommended. 

More information: http://www.ebrd.com/ 

77

Judit Tánczos 

Policy Advisor, 

Foundation for European Progressive Studies

Judit Tánczos 


Forever assistants? 

Challenges of women’s political 

empowerment 

“Jean Roatta, former UMP MP, who left the National Assembly last month in order to become 

MEP, was very much impressed, upon his arrival, by the crowd in Strasbourg's Parliament, 

much younger, much more feminine and with more colours than in Palais Bourbon. "Very 

interesting, all those assistants..." he turned to Brice Hortefeux. "Those are not assistants, but 

MEPs", Hortefeux warned him cheerfully.” 1 

Women’s political involvement is yet another issue in the European Union, where equality exists 

in law, but does not follow in fact. And even if numbers might slowly improve, the quote above 

shows very well, that the stereotypes and associations on gender roles are even more difficult 

to change. The current economic and financial crisis does not only mean a risk because budget 

cuts will largely deteriorate the infrastructure effecting women’s life (eg. less positions in the 

public sector, negative effect on child care facilities, cuts in the health sector). These measures 

can also easily be interpreted as symbols of one’s view on society. When these changes have 

the effect that women’s place in the public sphere gets more and more limited, it is tempting to 

give up, and - in accordance with the traditional, conservative gender roles – opt for a less 

ambitious public role or retreat to the private sphere. 

To begin with, I would like to complement and 

further think about some of the elements 

discussed at the workshop organised by the 

Foundation for European Progressive Studies 

(FEPS) and the CEE Network on Gender Issues 

on 26th November 2011. Then it will be 

described what role FEPS plays and what 

added value it represents in efficiently 

supporting women’s empowerment. 

1 L’agréable surprise d’un depute au Parlement Européen. Le Parisien, 21 January 2012 

http://www.leparisien.fr/indiscrets/politique/l-agreable-surprise-d-un-depute-au-parlement-europeen-21-01- 

2012-1822265.php 

81

82 

Forever assistants? Challenges of women’s political empowerment 

Changing image on surface vs. changing gender roles 

Activism is of great importance when it comes to the advancement of women’s political 

empowerment and changing the perception of gender roles. Due to intense cooperation in the 

past decades, there is a huge toolkit available for lobbying. However, the use of this toolkit far 

too often bumps into walls of prejudice and stereotypes. Therefore, I would like to firstly evoke 

some elements of the debate about gender roles, which have been there for a while, but 

certainly their further discussion is necessary. 

The reason is often evoked, that women should be more politically active (both in terms of civic 

participation and as politicians), as they have a naturally different way of doing politics. 

According to this belief, women are more empathetic, peaceful and careful. However, taking a 

look at politicians like Marine Le Pen, Krisztina Morvai or Michelle Bachman, there is no need 

for intense research to refute this argument. This argument based on supposed behavioural 

differences can be quite harmful in the process of women’s political empowerment, as it 

reinforces stereotypes of classical gender roles. 

The reason behind women’s political empowerment is rather linked with the debate about 

values in our society, and the way notions like freedom, emancipation and equality are 

interpreted. Several male politicians use equality, meaning the legal availability of equal 

opportunities, as an excuse for maintaining the current status quo. Their argument can be 

summarised as follows. The possibilities are there, women could freely decide to enter politics. 

But of course, if willingness and ambition is lacking, it would be against their free will to push 

them in another direction. Therefore, in order to change the perception of gender roles in 

society also on the level of bias and sub-consciousness, progressives should promote a new 

interpretation of freedom, meaning emancipation as an equal member of a community. 2 This is 

the first step if we would like to change institutional mechanisms, and effectively implement the 

toolkit available. Interpreting women’s political empowerment in this way is important, as it sees 

change in the way of doing politics based on supporting transformation in societal attitudes. 

Having noted this, it should be seen that it gives an important argument against these 

politicians cynically wondering about women's ambitions. It forms a solid part of the reasoning 

why gender quotas are necessary, amongst other fields, in politics. It is an efficient and 

supportable element of the toolbox with possible encouraging effect, at least in the beginning of 

the procedure, when institutional mechanisms are still missing. But again, one should be aware 

of the importance of the construction of arguments for quotas. Would the empowerment of a 

critical mass of women to participate actively in political life in itself change the perception of 

gender roles? If most of these women choose to continue representing the traditional values, 

based on the traditional interpretation of gender roles, change would be hardly expected. It 

2 Skrzypek, A. (2011) The core values for the Next Social Deal, [in:] Progressive values for the 21st 

century, (eds.)E. Stetter, K. Duffek & A. Skrzypek, FEPS


could nuance the image of women in general, but it would not be able to change the deeply 

rooted stereotypes on women. Instead, having more progressive women in politics committed 

to this new interpretation of the value of freedom could indeed be a catalyst for change. It 

should not be forgotten that representing this set of values needs lots of courage. Being an 

equal member of society means more individual responsibility and the loss of comfort of the 

conservative way of being taken care of. This brings progressives to the challenge of 

interpreting the value of solidarity. 

FEPS as an actor for changing attitudes 

The unfavourable effect of the current financial and economic crisis on various aspects of 

women’s life has been in the centre of interest of women’s groups’ (political) debate. FEPS has 

also taken an active role in this debate through its various initiatives. FEPS has offered place 

for discussing practical steps against the measurable effects of the crisis, such as stagnating or 

decreasing number of childcare facilities, women's unemployment, or their growing poverty. The 

series of annual spring conferences organised with the support of the Fondation Jean Jaures 

form an important part in assessment of the situation. Based on this assessment, it has been 

also acknowledged, that the issue of women's political empowerment is ever more crucial in 

crisis times. The workshop organised with the support of the CEE Network on Gender Issues 

approached the topic from an activist point of view. However, the issues brought up in the 

previous part of the article prove that activism which encourages more women to participate in 

political decision-making must not only be fast, but also coherent in response in order to be 

efficient. This coherence in action supposes coherence in the theoretical background as well as 

common understanding of the shared values. Within FEPS a separate reflection on the longterm 

effects of the crisis on the perception of gender roles was launched. This topic formed an 

integral part of the discussions at the conference “Clara Zetkin could do it. So can we!”, at the 

European Parliament on 28 February – 1 March 2011, as well as at “Restrengthening global 

sisterhood”, the third transatlantic meeting on gender equality in Washington D.C. on 20-21 

October 2011. The current crisis is indeed a chance for introducing a new vision for society, and 

a new interpretation of gender roles within it. By linking reflection on progressive values and 

value-driven action, FEPS is in privileged position to motivate this transformation and contribute 

to it. 

I'm convinced that the work of FEPS combining progressive thinking on gender roles, feminism, 

women's rights and women's activism is essential and instrumental for preventing automatic 

associations, like the one I quote in the beginning. So that women in politics will be free of the 

image of being forever assistants. 

More information: http://www.feps-europe.eu/ 

83

Patrizia Toia 


Vice Chair of the Group of the Progressive 

Alliance of Socialists and Democrats

Patrizia Toia 

Greater equality for all 


In past years, women have worked hard to reach the equality of rights and opportunities, but 

there is a lot of work to do yet. 

Today, women are emerging in many sectors, from which, in the past, were quite absent, like 

enterprise, politics and civil society. Today, women can aspire to have careers like men, cover 

prestigious public roles and institutional leaders and reach business positions, but unfortunately 

men dominate a lot of places yet. 

Today, in Italy we have two women leaders: Emma Marcegaglia, businesswoman, and 

Susanna Camusso, leader of the CGIL Trade Union. That said, in general, the representation of 

women in Public Institutions is more limited than in the other Member States, where the 

institutions express more “parity democracy”. In fact, women have to work more and harder to 

reach the leadership than men in countries all over the world. The reasons for this inequality are 

many, often cultural differences, but we can solve this critical problem through appropriate 

gender policies, which really help women. 

Statistics underline that the financial crisis hit Europe, caused major problem in the most 

vulnerable population, and women are among those. Analysing Europe’s economic inactivity 

rate (applied to people who are actively seeking work) 8.7mln men and 23.7mln women (8.2% 

and 22.1% of the total) were in this situation in 2009. However, the situation of Europe is not 

homogeneous. In Denmark and Sweden the inactivity rate was at 13%, whereas in Italy the rate 

was at 35.5%. The economic crisis certainly exacerbated the situation, and now the economic 

crisis is becoming an industrial and social crisis. 

Women are the first to lose their jobs when there are problematic situations. Often are the same 

women who chose staying home for family and children, trying to fill the shortage of welfare 

services. In many countries women have the greatest difficulty to access the labour market 

despite high female education. In many countries there is no way to balance career and family 

life. 

Very often we see the practice of so-called “blank resignations”. Today many women work for 

low wages (Please clarify the meaning of this with the author) This practice results in low 

pensions. 

Many women are dismissed during pregnancy and many women give up returning to work after 

having a child for the lack of support services. 

87

88 

Greater equality for all 

If we analyse in detail the rate of female employment (Eurostat), we see that in the whole Euro 

area, the rate fell by 0.6% between 1999 and 2009. In Italy the rate fell by 1.2%. Unfortunately 

my country is in the queue across Europe: in Italy, only 50% of the mothers work and this is due 

to the lack of welfare and protection services. 

Work and motherhood are incompatible now. In my country the rate of female employment 

decreases with the increase in the number of children, while in other countries it is exactly the 

opposite. 

There is another problem, the time flexibility for work, the possibility to personalize the times 

and to articulate their working time according to the different modes from the traditional, and 

coordination between work time and those of public administration and services. 

But things do not work the same way in all member states. To be citizens of the same Europe 

and to be member states of the same Union should lead to the "imitation" of the best practices 

that there are. 

Italy, that is not so good regarding childcare should gain from following Sweden and Denmark. 

Europe is also important for this: the best practices can be studied, exported and repurposed, 

setting quality standards and maintaining them through monitoring operation and continuous 

assessment. 

Women's employment is not only a problem from the point of view of women and of their rights, 

but is a theme that affects the whole economy, the possibility of development of society: a 

society cannot be on the top if it deprives itself from half of its capacities. All now recognise that 

working women are an asset for everyone and often turn out better than their male colleagues. 

The weight of women in the workplace can have a major impact on productive life, as claimed 

by "womenomics" theories, the streams of studies that analyse the economic impact of women 

business. 

The term comes from a study of Kathy Matsui, prepared for the study centre at Goldman Sachs 

in 1999, which attributed the interruption of the growth of Japan to the low participation of 

women in the workplace. These theories show the improvement of the percentage of women´s 

employment and the removal of obstacles to women´s career has significant effects on the 

GDP, the financial security of families, an increase of the performance by and creativity of 

business, and more generally, puts the best conditions for the emancipation and independence 

of women. A higher level of employment of women also develops an "economic multiplier", 

increasing the demand for various services (childcare, elder care, catering services for 

housing), usually performed by female spouses, which could be outsourced, as happens in 

many in the north of the European Union, thereby creating additional employment.


A welfare model based on flexibility and adaptation to changing life and times of work related to 

modern economies and society tending to reduce the barrier to social mobility "ex ante" through 

a strong investment in child care, in primary education and improve education quality and 

quantity of its economic performance. 

A lot of people ask if these theories are still valid before of the current crisis. We believe that 

they are more valid in a crisis. 

If the first challenge is related to the crisis of public finances and the problem of sovereign debt 

in order to boost the growth and employment, it is clear to everyone that there is a greater and 

more profound challenge. 

It is now obvious that the pattern of growth and economic output, which characterized the 

development of society in recent decades, has proven unsuccessful in face of the crisis. 

We must find the courage of a profound change and only the reform, democratic, socialist and 

progressive forces can do it. 

We need to revise the relationship between people and economy, between means and ends: 

person of the economy and the economy for the person. 

We must think of new ways of producing and consuming that respect each lives, and in the 

case of women, even the uniqueness of a certain stage of life that may privilege some aspects, 

like motherhood without being precluded from returning to full labour market. 

An economy more human and more socially sustainable is not only a response to women´s life 

but also the response to the need of change. 

We have to change this economic model aimed only at profit, because it proved to be 

inadequate bringing more destruction and poverty to growth and welfare. 

Trying to reach these targets of general change is necessary because we need more women in 

key positions in institutions, not just in the EU, but also at the national level. I think of the 

financial organizations and other economic and monetary institutions that "govern" the world 

are often more of the same elective institutions and democratic. 

For the future there is still work to be done to give greater protection for women, so as to 

guarantee them a true access to employment and ensuring careers equal to men’s. This will 

guarantee greater equality for all. 

More information: http://www.patriziatoia.eu 

89



Member of the PES Women Executive Board 

S&D Group coordinator of the EP’s Committee on 

Women’s Rights and Gender Equality



The importance of political 

empowerment of women 

Europe faces the biggest crisis since the end of the Second World War. In this time of crisis we 

of course focus on bringing our economy back on track, but we must also focus on preventing a 

social crisis. It is a well known fact, that when the economy is struck down by a crisis, the 

highest price is paid by the most vulnerable sectors of society. 

We know that women are more affected by poverty than men. Women receive lower salaries 

than men and do not have the same access to high level positions in society. The 

Commission's 2010 annual report on gender equality states that women on average earn 

between 14-17 percent less than men. And we also know that especially single mothers and 

elderly women are at high risk of poverty. 

Women's low income and exposure to poverty is linked to the situation on the labour market. 

Women are more likely to work on a part-time contract. They also need to give birth to children 

and is still seen as the primary care person. Women depend on access to child care and 

nurseries to be able to choose a more time-consuming career. In addition to this, women's 

pension is often reduced compared to men's because of the part time contracts and maternity 

leave. 

In other words, there is still a lot we need to change in order to achieve more gender equality in 

the European society. In that aspect it is a great concern that only 23 percent of national 

parliamentary seats are held by women. Not to say, that men cannot or will not change the 

reality of women today. But we must strive to achieve more diversity both at political level and 

at business level. This diversity is also highly important for a thriving democracy. 

At the overall level we must also discuss and confront cultural stereotypes. We still can observe 

how the competences of female politicians are still doubted especially by the media. In addition 

to that, female politicians often have to answer questions about their private life for example 

regarding how they combine family life with a political career. Men are rarely asked the same 

questions. It would be more relevant also to judge female politicians on their competences and 

acts the same way we judge male politicians. Women play a great role in that aspect. 

Sometimes women themselves pursue and maximize the cultural stereotypes. 

93

94 

The importance of political empowerment of women 

The above underlines the great importance of strengthening gender equality at a European and 

at a global level especially during these times of crisis. We must promote women’s 

representation in politics as candidates and voters. We also need to promote the career 

opportunities of women. 

We need to adopt legislation that promotes gender mainstreaming and gender equality. But it is 

still necessary to protect women through legislation for instance from exploitation like human 

trafficking and prostitution. 

To promote women's position on the labour market we must also make regulations regarding 

maternity leave. The European Parliament adopted a modern and ambitious position on the 

maternity leave directive guarantying all European women the right to 20 weeks of fully paid 

leave and two weeks paternity leave for the father - also with full payment. Unfortunately the 

Council is still blocking the directive so the situation still remains in a deadlock. 

In Denmark, the centre-left wing government is preparing a law that earmarks one third of the 

parental leave to the father after the Icelandic model. Only if we encourage families to share the 

burden, we can break down the stereotype of women as the primary care person in families. 

Hence that will improve the family-work balance, improve the rights of the father and help 

women's participation on the labour market, women's carrier opportunities and diminish the 

gender pay gap. 

I would like to make one final point regarding women empowerment and that relates to the lack 

of female representation in decision-making. It is a fact that financial and political power is 

concentrated in boards and other decision-making arenas. If the women are not there they do 

not have any influence on the important decisions that affect half of the population. Therefore it 

is crucial that we take action on this as well. Different quota models have already been 

introduced in several European countries, and now we are waiting on Commissioner Viviane 

Reding to make a move. Legislation is the only way forward if we want anything to happen. We 

have for a very long time impatiently watched businesses talk about volunteer measures to get 

more women into the boards and executive positions. But nothing happens. It is time for 

political action if we want a more gender-balanced Europe where women are recognised as 

equally competent decision-makers as men. 

We all want a prosperous and socially balanced Europe. For that to happen we need to keep 

fighting for women's rights to be heard and participate in the society on an equal level with men. 

It is all about working in the best interest of the next generation. 

More information: http://www.brittathomsen.dk/

Attila Benedek 

Special adviser on gender equality, 

European Parliament 

Márta Bonifert 

CEE Network for Gender Issues

Attila Benedek – Márta Bonifert 


Summary of major activities of 

the CEE Network 

(1994-2011) 

Background 

The transition period in Central and Eastern Europe has not been even. It posed numerous 

political, economic and social challenges. Women have experienced a heavy burden in this 

process due to their unequal status. Moreover, in setting transition priorities gender equality 

was often marginalized. 

Socialist and social-democratic parties have been a strong political force to promote gender 

equality in the political arena. From engendering party politics through the use of the quota 

system to the training for women for public functions and politics, these parties and their 

women’s wings have made a difference. The European Forum for Democracy and Solidarity, 

the Party of European Socialists (PES) and the CEE Network on Gender Issues were vehicles 

to turn this policy into practice in the region. 

Track Record 

CEE Network for Gender Issues has been established, under the auspices of the European 

Forum for Democracy and Solidarity (Regional NGO initiated by the Party of European 

Socialists – PES) in 1994. Its main activities were directed towards: 

- The analysis of political, social, and economic trends as they relate to gender equality 

in Central and Eastern European countries, the identification of challenges and 

strategy formulation for socialist and social-democratic parties and their women’s 

wings. 

- Fostering dialogue, through the establishment of a gender network throughout the 

region and with counterparts in other parts of Europe in order to help accession 

countries to fulfil EU gender equality standards and particularly prepare for the 

European Parliament elections. 

- Raising awareness on gender issues in CEE within the European Forum, PES, SI and 

SIW. 

97

98 

Summary of major activities of the CEE Network (1994-2011) 

- Support to international foundations within the European Forum in the coordination of 

their work on gender. 

- Sharing information with other non-governmental partners. 

To this end the CEE Network developed a network of focal points in socialist and socialdemocratic 

parties and organized strategy setting workshops on women in political decisionmaking 

and elections; economic and social challenges of transition and their implications to 

gender equality; minority women and their triple discrimination; women in media and family in 

transition. Two publications on the above issues and numerous articles have been published by 

the CEE Network members to inform the discussion and contribute to priority setting. 

In 1996 the Network organized, in collaboration with the women’s organization of the Socialdemocratic 

Party of the Czech Republic, a major international conference in Prague to discuss 

progress made in promoting gender equality since the beginning of transition. The conference 

gathered more than 100 participants from CEE and Western European socialist and socialdemocratic 

parties and interested non-governmental organizations. 

The Network was strengthened in 1998 by the establishment of an Office in Budapest. 

Currently the Network has Offices in Ljubljana (South Eastern Europe); Budapest (Central 

Europe); Tallin (the Baltic). It also worked on the analysis of gender equality issues in the EU 

enlargement process. 

Apart from a number of papers, the Network organized the first of its kind annual discussions 

among SD women members of the Parliament from EU accession countries, taking place in 

Budapest and Vienna. 

Activities 

The CEE Network continues to strengthen its support to women’s organizations, women MPs, 

and party leaders from socialist-democratic parties in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe 

through a thematic and sub-regional approach. 

Thematic: 

a) Support to the development of strategies and substantive capacity for the promotion 

of women in political decision making within parties (including the implementation of 

the quota system) and in electoral processes; 

b) Support to the inclusion of gender concerns in the EU enlargement process through 

advocacy, policy formulation, strategy setting and partnership with the PES. 

Sub-Regional: 

a) The development of support to women’s organizations, women MPs, and party 

leaders from socialist and social-democratic parties through its sub regional offices in


Tallinn (Baltic States, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus), Budapest (Central Europe) and 

Ljubljana (South Eastern Europe) 

b) Sub-regional strategy setting and mutual support through networking 

c) Capacity development training programs tailored for each sub-region 

d) Specific gender equality policy setting and advocacy campaigns - in 2004 on quota 

for the first EU elections in new EU member states, in 2008 on catching up with EU 

child care targets in new EU member states and EU neighbouring countries and 

development of a pan- European campaign on parity for EU lections in 2009. 

Methodology 

The CEE Network implements its programmes through strategic partnerships with: 

a) Socialist and social-democratic parties and women’s groups in Europe 

b) European Forum for Democracy and Solidarity and the PES, SI and SIW 

c) European foundations supporting the work of the European Forum 

d) European Commission Expert group on women in political decision making 

(established in June 2008 in Brussels) 

Implementation tools include: 

a) a Format of annul MP/MEP strategy consultations and recommendations 

b) b Women Can Do It I, II, III training and Youth Can Do It training custom tailored subregionally 

and thematically 

c) c The CEE Network web site (within the European Forum web site) 

d) d The CEE Network publications 

The CEE Network tries to ensure a gender balance in its work. Male leaders in political parties 

have been instrumental to help push the equality agenda forward. It is a story of shared goals 

and gender collaboration. 

Impact 

Among its most important successes the Network can highlight: 

Training: In 1998 the CEE Network provided the translation Women Can Do It (Norwegian 

manual) in 10 languages of transition countries and organized training sessions in nearly all 

CEE countries. The positive effect (time, effort, and money well spent) of the Women Can Do It 

– Phase 1 project has been widely recognized. It was picked up by the Stability Pact for South 

Eastern Europe Gender Task Force – SP GTF (OSCE) and has been implemented throughout 

SEE region, training more than 16.000 women from different political option for public functions. 

Till August 2004, 24 SD parties from 12 transition countries (out of it 12 with some kind of the 

status in the SI, and 7 close to the SI), held seminars for their women’s organizations. In 2003 

99

100 

Summary of major activities of the CEE Network (1994-2011) 

the CEE Network developed a new training module: Youth Can Do It with training sessions for 

SD youth and women organizations in the SEE. 

Women in Politics: As a result of the two years systematic work of the CEE Network with SD 

parties and broader women movements in eight accession countries – Estonia, Latvia, 

Lithuania, Hungary, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, EU enlargement did not 

end up in the significant drop of women MEPs and commissioners. This engendered political 

platforms of most of socialist and social democratic parties in transition. The average number of 

women MEPs from these eight countries increased from 14% of women observers in the former 

European Parliament to 29,5% of elected women MEPs in the new one. Five out of these eight 

countries contributed more than overall average of women MEPs (30,3%): Slovenia (42%), 

Lithuania (38%), Slovakia (33%), Hungary and Estonia (33%). Out of eight women 

commissioners, three are coming from these eight new EU member states: Latvia, Lithuania, 

and Poland. Out of 9 Hungarian socialist MEPs five are women. 

The quota: Through constant work with women’s organizations and political party leaderships 

the quota system was introduced in most socialist and social democratic parties in the region, 

with tangible results at elections – some countries like Croatia – mostly because of the quota in 

the SDP – increased the number of elected women from 5% to 21%. In 2007 CEE network 

started a broad lobbying for the pan European Parity in the Law Campaign. In 2008 European 

Women’s Lobby and PES W accepted to be partners in this endeavour, starting with PES W 

pledge for parity in all decision making in the European parliament electoral campaign in 2009. 

Results of the European Parliament Elections 2009; Representation of Women: The 2009 

European elections took place in the 27 Member States on 4-7 June 2009. Among the 

European Institutions the only directly elected institution was the EP. After the elections, the 

percentage of women in the European Parliament (EP), stands at 35%. 

Altough the results are a progress compared to the approximate 30% at the beginning of the 

1999-2004 term and 16% for the first EP election in 1979, the EP again fails to attain parity or 

even the 40% of women threshold agreed by Member States of the Council of Europe. 

More information: http://www.europeanforum.net/gender_network

Closing remarks 


For the last two years, in the middle of an unprecedented economic, financial and social crisis, 

we have been witnessing an increasing understanding of the need to empower women and to 

adopt measures to increase social, economic and political equity. 

The main aim of this publication was to collect relevant strategies and best practices in order to 

start a common thinking on how to put more women in charge especially in political and 

economic fields. The workshop co-organized by the Foundation of European Progressive 

Studies and the CEE Network for Gender Studies aimed to assess the possible answers and 

tools to improve women’s political empowerment. Our societies are experiencing a dramatically 

changing period, where the future of the next generations suddenly appears uncertain, and 

where the cohesion of our societies is threatened. Therefore it is not only a matter of the EU 

institutions, nor an issue restricted to Europe. It is a global problem with specific regional 

aspects. 

While the majority of female politicians, civil activists and NGOs members gave their own, 

sometimes complex, receipt for the same issue, the overall conclusion was unanimous: 

women’s political empowerment is a key accelerator for economic and social progress. 

However, nowadays, while some women manage to reach key political decisional seats, it 

appears that there is still a large gap and that women need to be reconciled with politics. Not 

only because men have claimed the political power for themselves for decades and centuries. 

But also because women argue that politics and power carry the same meaning and that power 

politics is a concept they do not want to be associated with. 

All this is a matter of definition. Power should not be seen as something negative by women. 

Power, in fact, gives one the resources, the possibilities to pursue the values and aims we 

believe in. As women are often more concerned by the common welfare of our societies, and 

the future of our children, they should not exclude themselves from politics. On the contrary, 

they have a responsibility to be involved. But they also need to be encouraged and supported, 

which supposes to create the appropriate conditions for this empowerment. 

Furthermore, all countries in the world that call themselves democratic should give an 

appropriate share of the leading positions to women, who account for half of their population. 

Despite some major progress, this is still far from being the case and women still have to be 

stronger, to prove more and to jump more hurdles than men. 

Therefore, one of the common results of this publication is the support of gender quotas, for 

political parties, for government offices, as well as for companies and international 

organisations. 

101

102 

Annex 

The articles of the contributors show that women’s political empowerment can only be achieved 

by a combination of several strategies, such as: 

� Legal framework: women’s rights must be included in the country’s constitution and in 

specific laws referring to the social, economic and political situation; 

� The effective implementation of such legal framework, as well as efforts in education 

in order to raise women’s awareness about their rights; 

� A strong commitment of political parties, pointing women’s empowerment as a major 

policy and setting up special departments and/or programmes; as well as promoting 

gender mainstreaming. 

� A strong network of women’s organizations at international, national, regional and 

local level.

Annex 


Members of the Group of the Progressive 

Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the 

European Parliament 

in the 7th parlamentary term (2009-2014) 

Bureau 

Hannes SWOBODA Chair Austria Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs 

Véronique DE KEYSER Vice-Chair Belgium Parti Socialiste 

Enrique GUERRERO SALOM Vice-Chair Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Sylvie GUILLAUME Vice-Chair France Parti socialiste 

Stephen HUGHES Vice-Chair United Kingdom Labour Party 

Rovana PLUMB Vice-Chair Romania Partidul Social Democrat 

Bernhard RAPKAY Vice-Chair Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Libor ROUČEK Vice-Chair Czech Republic Česká strana sociálně demokratická 

Patrizia TOIA Vice-Chair Italy Partito Democratico 

Marita ULVSKOG Vice-Chair Sweden Arbetarepartiet- Socialdemokraterna 

Edit HERCZOG Treasurer Hungary Magyar Szocialista Párt 

President of the European Parliament 

Martin SCHULZ Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

103

104 

Annex 

Vice Presidents of the European Parliament 

Gianni PITTELLA Italy Partito Democratico 

Miguel Angel MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Anni PODIMATA Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement 

Chairs of the European Parliament’s standing committees 

Pervenche BERÈS France Parti socialiste (EMPL) 

Paolo DE CASTRO Italy Partito Democratico (AGRI) 

Matthias GROOTE Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (ENVI) 

Juan Fernando LÓPEZ AGUILAR Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español (LIBE) 

Vital MOREIRA Portugal Partido Socialista (INTA) 

Brian SIMPSON United Kingdom Labour Party (TRAN) 

Vice Chairs of the European Parliament’s standing committees 

Luigi BERLINGUER Italy Partito Democratico (JURI) 

Corina CREŢU Romania Partidul Social Democrat (DEVE) 

Dimitrios DROUTSAS Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement (ITRE) 

Edite ESTRELA Portugal Partido Socialista (FEMM) 

Kinga GÖNCZ Hungary Magyar Szocialista Párt (LIBE) 

Louis GRECH Malta Partit Laburista (IMCO) 

Zita GURMAI Hungary Magyar Szocialista Párt (AFCO) 

Jutta HAUG Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (BUDG)

Dan JØRGENSEN Denmark Socialdemokratiet (ENVI) 

Ivailo KALFIN Bulgaria Coalition for Bulgaria (BUDG) 


Bogusław LIBERADZKI Poland Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (CONT) 

Kyriakos MAVRONIKOLAS Cyprus Movement for Social Democracy EDEK (SEDE) 

Arlene McCARTHY United Kingdom Labour Party (ECON) 

Guido MILANA Italy Partito Democratico (PECH) 

Justas Vincas PALECKIS Lithuania Lietuvos socialdemokratų partija (SEDE) 

Chrysoula PALIADELI Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PETI) 

Ioan Mircea PAŞCU Romania Partidul Social Democrat (AFET) 

Evelyn REGNER Austria Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (JURI) 

Edward SCICLUNA Malta Partit Laburista (ECON) 

Joanna SENYSZYN Poland Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (DROI) 

Georgios STAVRAKAKIS Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement (REGI) 

Silvia-Adriana ŢICĂU Romania Partidul Social Democrat (TRAN) 

Patrizia TOIA Italy Partito Democratico (ITRE) 

Bernadette VERGNAUD France Parti socialiste (IMCO) 

Members 

Luís Paulo ALVES Portugal Partido Socialista 

Josefa ANDRÉS BAREA Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Kader ARIF France Parti socialiste 

Pino ARLACCHI Italy Partito Democratico 

105

106 

Annex 

Kriton ARSENIS Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement 

John ATTARD-MONTALTO Malta Partit Laburista 

Inés AYALA SENDER Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Maria BADIA i CUTCHET Spain Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya 

Zigmantas BALČYTIS Lithuania Lietuvos socialdemokratų partija 

Francesca BALZANI Italy Partito Democratico 

Thijs BERMAN Netherlands Partij van de Arbeid 

Vilija BLINKEVIČIŪTĖ Lithuania Lietuvos socialdemokratų partija 

Rita BORSELLINO Italy Partito Democratico 

Victor BOŞTINARU Romania Partidul Social Democrat 

Emine BOZKURT Netherlands Partij van de Arbeid 

Zuzana BRZOBOHATÁ Czech Republic Česká strana sociálně demokratická 

Udo BULLMANN Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Luis Manuel CAPOULAS SANTOS Portugal Partido Socialista 

Salvatore CARONNA Italy Partito Democratico 

Michael CASHMAN United Kingdom Labour Party 

Françoise CASTEX France Parti socialiste 

Alejandro CERCAS Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Nessa CHILDERS Ireland Labour Party 

Ole CHRISTENSEN Denmark Socialdemokratiet 

Sergio Gaetano COFFERATI Italy Partito Democratico

António Fernando CORREIA DE CAMPOS Portugal Parti socialiste 

Ricardo CORTÉS LASTRA Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Silvia COSTA Italy Partito Democratico 

Emer COSTELLO Ireland Labour Party 

Andrea COZZOLINO Italy Partito Democratico 

Rosario CROCETTA Italy Partito Democratico 

Joseph CUSCHIERI Malta Partit Laburista 


George Sabin CUTAŞ Romania Partidul Social Democrat + Partidul Conservator 

Frédéric DAERDEN Belgium Parti Socialiste 

Vasilica Viorica DĂNCILĂ Romania Partidul Social Democrat 

Spyros DANELLIS Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement 

Francesco DE ANGELIS Italy Partito Democratico 

Harlem DÉSIR France Parti socialiste 

Leonardo DOMENICI Italy Partito Democratico 

Robert DUŠEK Czech Republic Česká strana sociálně demokratická 

Saïd EL KHADRAOUI Belgium Socialistische Partij.Anders 

Ioan ENCIU Romania Partidul Social Democrat 

Ismail ERTUG Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Tanja FAJON Slovenia Socialni demokrati 

Richard FALBR Czech Republic Česká strana sociálně demokratická 

Göran FÄRM Sweden Arbetarepartiet- Socialdemokraterna 

107

108 

Annex 

Elisa FERREIRA Portugal Partido Socialista 

Monika FLAŠÍKOVÁ BEŇOVÁ Slovakia SMER-Sociálna demokracia 

Knut FLECKENSTEIN Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Vicente Miguel GARCÉS RAMÓN Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Dolores GARCÍA-HIERRO CARABALLO Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Iratxe GARCÍA PÉREZ Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Eider GARDIAZÁBAL RUBIAL Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Evelyne GEBHARDT Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Jens GEIER Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Lidia Joanna GERINGER de OEDENBERG Poland Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej 

Adam GIEREK Poland Unia Pracy 

Norbert GLANTE Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Robert GOEBBELS Luxembourg Parti ouvrier socialiste luxembourgeois 

Ana GOMES Portugal Partido Socialista 

Estelle GRELIER France Parti socialiste 

Roberto GUALTIERI Italy Partito Democratico 

Sergio GUTIÉRREZ PRIETO Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Jiří HAVEL Czech Republic Česká strana sociálně demokratická 

Anna HEDH Sweden Arbetarepartiet- Socialdemokraterna 

Liem HOANG NGOC France Parti socialiste 

Mary HONEYBALL United Kingdom Labour Party

Richard HOWITT United Kingdom Labour Party 

Iliana Malinova IOTOVA Bulgaria Coalition for Bulgaria 

María IRIGOYEN PÉREZ Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Cătălin Sorin IVAN Romania Partidul Social Democrat 


Liisa JAAKONSAARI Finland Suomen Sosialidemokraattinen Puolue/Finlands 

Socialdemokratiska Parti 

Karin KADENBACH Austria Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs 

Petra KAMMEREVERT Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Evgeni KIRILOV Bulgaria Coalition for Bulgaria 

Mojca KLEVA Slovenia Socialni demokrati 

Maria Eleni KOPPA Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement 

Constanze Angela KREHL Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Wolfgang KREISSL-DÖRFLER Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Bernd LANGE Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Stéphane LE FOLL France Parti socialiste 

Jörg LEICHTFRIED Austria Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs 

Jo LEINEN Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Olle LUDVIGSSON Sweden Arbetarepartiet- Socialdemokraterna 

Linda McAVAN United Kingdom Labour Party 

Vladimír MAŇKA Slovakia SMER-Sociálna demokracia 

David MARTIN United Kingdom Labour Party 

Antonio MASIP HIDALGO Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

109

110 

Annex 

Emilio MENÉNDEZ del VALLE Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Judith A. MERKIES Netherlands Partij van de Arbeid 

Alexander MIRSKY Latvia 

Claude MORAES United Kingdom Labour Party 

María MUÑIZ DE URQUIZA Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Norbert NEUSER Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Katarína NEVEĎALOVÁ Slovakia SMER-Sociálna demokracia 

Jens NILSSON Sweden Arbetarepartiet- Socialdemokraterna 

Raimon OBIOLS Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Wojciech Michał OLEJNICZAK Poland Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej 

Ivari PADAR Estonia Sotsiaaldemokraatlik Erakond 

Pier Antonio PANZERI Italy Partito Democratico 

Antigoni PAPADOPOULOU Cyprus Democratic Party 

Gilles PARGNEAUX France Parti socialiste 

Vincent PEILLON France Parti socialiste 

Andres PERELLO RODRIGUEZ Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Mario PIRILLO Italy Partito Democratico 

Pavel POC Czech Republic Česká strana sociálně demokratická 

Phil PRENDERGAST Ireland Labour Party 

Vittorio PRODI Italy Partito Democratico 

Sylvana RAPTI Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement


Mitro REPO Finland Suomen Sosialidemokraattinen Puolue/Finlands Socialdemokratiska Parti 

Teresa RIERA MADURELL Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Ulrike RODUST Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Carmen ROMERO LÓPEZ Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Dagmar ROTH-BEHRENDT Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Antolín SÁNCHEZ PRESEDO Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Daciana Octavia SÂRBU Romania Partidul Social Democrat 

David-Maria SASSOLI Italy Partito Democratico 

Christel SCHALDEMOSE Denmark Socialdemokratiet 

Olga SEHNALOVÁ Czech Republic Česká strana sociálně demokratická 

Debora SERRACCHIANI Italy Partito Democratico 

Peter SIMON Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Birgit SIPPEL Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Marek SIWIEC Poland Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej 

Peter SKINNER United Kingdom Labour Party 

Monika SMOLKOVÁ Slovakia SMER-Sociálna demokracia 

Jutta STEINRUCK Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Catherine STIHLER United Kingdom Labour Party 

Gianluca SUSTA Italy 

Csaba Sándor TABAJDI Hungary Magyar Szocialista Párt 

Claudiu Ciprian TĂNĂSESCU Romania Partidul Social Democrat 

111

112 

Annex 

Marc TARABELLA Belgium Parti Socialiste 

Britta THOMSEN Denmark Socialdemokratiet 

Patrice TIROLIEN France Parti socialiste 

Catherine TRAUTMANN France Parti socialiste 

Kathleen VAN BREMPT Belgium Socialistische Partij.Anders 

Derek VAUGHAN United Kingdom Labour Party 

Kristian VIGENIN Bulgaria Coalition for Bulgaria 

Henri WEBER France Parti socialiste 

Josef WEIDENHOLZER Austria Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs 

Barbara WEILER Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Åsa WESTLUND Sweden Arbetarepartiet- Socialdemokraterna 

Kerstin WESTPHAL Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands 

Glenis WILLMOTT United Kingdom Labour Party 

Luis YÁÑEZ-BARNUEVO GARCÍA Spain Partido Socialista Obrero Español 

Boris ZALA Slovakia SMER-Sociálna demokracia 

Janusz Władysław ZEMKE Poland Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej

Annex II 

Charts and figures 

Women in national Parliaments 

Rank Country 


Lower or single House Upper House or Senate 

Elections Seats Women % W Elections Seats Women % W 

1 Rwanda 9 2008 80 45 56.3% 9 2011 26 10 38.5% 

2 Andorra 4 2011 28 14 50.0% --- --- --- --- 

3 Sweden 9 2010 349 157 45.0% --- --- --- --- 

4 South Africa 4 2009 400 178 44.5% 4 2009 54 16 29.6% 

5 Seychelles 9 2011 32 14 43.8% --- --- --- --- 

6 Cuba 1 2008 586 253 43.2% --- --- --- --- 

7 Iceland 4 2009 63 27 42.9% --- --- --- --- 

8 Finland 4 2011 200 85 42.5% --- --- --- --- 

9 Nicaragua 11 2011 92 37 40.2% --- --- --- --- 

10 Norway 9 2009 169 67 39.6% --- --- --- --- 

11 Belgium 6 2010 150 59 39.3% 6 2010 71 26 36.6% 

" Netherlands 6 2010 150 59 39.3% 5 2011 75 27 36.0% 

12 Mozambique 10 2009 250 98 39.2% --- --- --- --- 

13 Denmark 9 2011 179 70 39.1% --- --- --- --- 

14 Angola 9 2008 220 85 38.6% --- --- --- --- 

" Costa Rica 2 2010 57 22 38.6% --- --- --- --- 

15 Argentina 10 2011 257 96 37.4% 10 2011 72 28 38.9% 

16 Spain 11 2011 350 126 36.0% 11 2011 263 88 33.5% 

" 

United Republic 

of Tanzania 

10 2010 350 126 36.0% --- --- --- --- 

17 Uganda 2 2011 375 131 34.9% --- --- --- --- 

113

114 

Annex 

18 Nepal 4 2008 594 197 33.2% --- --- --- --- 

19 Germany 9 2009 622 204 32.8% N.A. 69 15 21.7% 

20 Ecuador 4 2009 124 40 32.3% --- --- --- --- 

21 New Zealand 11 2011 121 39 32.2% --- --- --- --- 

22 Burundi 7 2010 106 34 32.1% 7 2010 41 19 46.3% 

23 Belarus 9 2008 110 35 31.8% 7 2008 58 19 32.8% 

24 

The f.Y.R. of 

Macedonia 

6 2011 123 38 30.9% --- --- --- --- 

25 Timor-Leste 6 2007 65 19 29.2% --- --- --- --- 

26 

Trinidad and 

Tobago 

5 2010 42 12 28.6% 6 2010 31 8 25.8% 

27 Switzerland 10 2011 200 57 28.5% 10 2011 46 9 19.6% 

28 Austria 9 2008 183 51 27.9% N.A. 61 18 29.5% 

29 Ethiopia 5 2010 547 152 27.8% 5 2010 135 22 16.3% 

30 Afghanistan 9 2010 249 69 27.7% 1 2011 102 28 27.5% 

31 Portugal 6 2011 230 61 26.5% --- --- --- --- 

" South Soudan 8 2011 332 88 26.5% 8 2011 50 5 10.0% 

32 Tunisia 10 2011 217 57 26.3% --- --- --- --- 

33 Mexico 7 2009 500 131 26.2% 7 2006 128 29 22.7% 

34 Monaco 2 2008 23 6 26.1% --- --- --- --- 

35 Bolivia 12 2009 130 33 25.4% 12 2009 36 17 47.2% 

36 Iraq 3 2010 325 82 25.2% --- --- --- --- 

37 Sudan 4 2010 346 87 25.1% 5 2010 28 5 17.9% 

38 

Lao People's 

Democratic 

Republic 

4 2011 132 33 25.0% --- --- --- --- 

39 Australia 8 2010 150 37 24.7% 8 2010 76 27 35.5% 

" Canada 5 2011 308 76 24.7% N.A. 103 37 35.9% 

40 Namibia 11 2009 78 19 24.4% 11 2010 26 7 26.9% 

" Viet Nam 5 2011 500 122 24.4% --- --- --- ---


41 Lesotho 2 2007 120 29 24.2% 3 2007 33 6 18.2% 

42 Liechtenstein 2 2009 25 6 24.0% --- --- --- --- 

43 Poland 10 2011 460 110 23.9% 10 2011 100 13 13.0% 

44 Croatia 11 2007 153 36 23.5% --- --- --- --- 

45 Kyrgyzstan 10 2010 120 28 23.3% --- --- --- --- 

46 Senegal 6 2007 150 34 22.7% 8 2007 100 40 40.0% 

47 Pakistan 2 2008 342 76 22.2% 3 2009 100 17 17.0% 

" Singapore 5 2011 90 20 22.2% --- --- --- --- 

48 Mauritania 11 2006 95 21 22.1% 11 2009 56 8 14.3% 

" Philippines 5 2010 280 62 22.1% 5 2010 23 3 13.0% 

49 Czech Republic 5 2010 200 44 22.0% 10 2010 81 15 18.5% 

" Eritrea 2 1994 150 33 22.0% --- --- --- --- 

" United Kingdom 5 2010 650 143 22.0% N.A. 733 147 20.1% 

" Uzbekistan 12 2009 150 33 22.0% 1 2010 100 15 15.0% 

50 Serbia 5 2008 250 54 21.6% --- --- --- --- 

51 Peru 4 2011 130 28 21.5% --- --- --- --- 

52 China 3 2008 2987 637 21.3% --- --- --- --- 

" Italy 4 2008 630 134 21.3% 4 2008 321 59 18.4% 

53 Cambodia 7 2008 123 26 21.1% 1 2006 61 9 14.8% 

54 Latvia 9 2011 100 21 21.0% --- --- --- --- 

55 Bulgaria 7 2009 240 50 20.8% --- --- --- --- 

" Cape Verde 2 2011 72 15 20.8% --- --- --- --- 

" 

Dominican 

Republic 

5 2010 183 38 20.8% 5 2010 32 3 9.4% 

" Malawi 5 2009 192 40 20.8% --- --- --- --- 

56 Luxembourg 6 2009 60 12 20.0% --- --- --- --- 

57 Estonia 3 2011 101 20 19.8% --- --- --- --- 

58 Israel 2 2009 120 23 19.2% --- --- --- --- 

59 Lithuania 10 2008 141 27 19.1% --- --- --- --- 

115

116 

Annex 

60 El Salvador 1 2009 84 16 19.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Tajikistan 2 2010 63 12 19.0% 3 2010 34 5 14.7% 

61 France 6 2007 577 109 18.9% 9 2011 348 77 22.1% 

62 Mauritius 5 2010 69 13 18.8% --- --- --- --- 

" 

Republic of 

Moldova 

11 2010 101 19 18.8% --- --- --- --- 

63 Bangladesh 12 2008 345 64 18.6% --- --- --- --- 

64 

Sao Tome and 

Principe 

8 2010 55 10 18.2% --- --- --- --- 

65 Honduras 11 2009 128 23 18.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Indonesia 4 2009 560 101 18.0% --- --- --- --- 

66 Kazakhstan 8 2007 107 19 17.8% 8 2011 47 ? ? 

67 

68 

United Arab 

Emirates 

Saint Vincent and 

the Grenadines 

9 2011 40 7 17.5% --- --- --- --- 

12 2010 23 4 17.4% --- --- --- --- 

69 Greece 10 2009 300 52 17.3% --- --- --- --- 

70 Venezuela 9 2010 165 28 17.0% --- --- --- --- 

71 

United States of 

America 

11 2010 434 73 16.8% 11 2010 100 17 17.0% 

" Turkmenistan 12 2008 125 21 16.8% --- --- --- --- 

72 

Bosnia and 

Herzegovina 

10 2010 42 7 16.7% 6 2011 15 2 13.3% 

" Morocco 11 2011 395 66 16.7% 10.2009 270 6 2.2% 

" San Marino 11 2008 60 10 16.7% --- --- --- --- 

73 Albania 6 2009 140 23 16.4% --- --- --- --- 

74 Azerbaijan 11 2010 125 20 16.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Slovakia 6 2010 150 24 16.0% --- --- --- --- 

75 Thailand 7 2011 500 79 15.8% 4 2011 149 23 15.4% 

76 

Democratic 

People's 

3 2009 687 107 15.6% --- --- --- ---


Korea 


77 Burkina Faso 5 2007 111 17 15.3% --- --- --- --- 

78 Uruguay 10 2009 99 15 15.2% 10 2009 31 4 12.9% 

79 Ireland 2 2011 166 25 15.1% 4 2011 60 18 30.0% 

80 Zimbabwe 3 2008 214 32 15.0% 3 2008 99 24 24.2% 

81 Gabon 1 2009 116 17 14.7% 1 2009 102 18 17.6% 

" 


Korea 

4 2008 299 44 14.7% --- --- --- --- 

82 Slovenia 9 2008 90 13 14.4% 11 2007 40 1 2.5% 

83 Chile 12 2009 120 17 14.2% 12 2009 38 5 13.2% 

" Turkey 6 2011 550 78 14.2% --- --- --- --- 

84 

Russian 

Federation 

12 2007 450 63 14.0% N.A. 169 8 4.7% 

85 Cameroon 7 2007 180 25 13.9% --- --- --- --- 

86 Djibouti 2 2008 65 9 13.8% --- --- --- --- 

87 Swaziland 9 2008 66 9 13.6% 10 2008 30 12 40.0% 

88 Grenada 7 2008 15 2 13.3% 8 2008 13 4 30.8% 

" Jamaica 9 2007 60 8 13.3% 9 2007 21 5 23.8% 

" Niger 1 2011 113 15 13.3% --- --- --- --- 

89 Sierra Leone 8 2007 121 16 13.2% --- --- --- --- 

90 Chad 2 2011 188 24 12.8% --- --- --- --- 

91 Colombia 3 2010 166 21 12.7% 3 2010 102 16 15.7% 

92 

Central African 

Republic 

1 2011 104 13 12.5% --- --- --- --- 

" Dominica 12 2009 32 4 12.5% --- --- --- --- 

" Madagascar 10 2010 256 32 12.5% 10 2010 90 10 11.1% 

" Paraguay 4 2008 80 10 12.5% 4 2008 45 7 15.6% 

93 

Syrian Arab 

Republic 

4 2007 250 31 12.4% --- --- --- --- 

117

118 

Annex 

94 Bahamas 5 2007 41 5 12.2% 5 2007 15 5 33.3% 

95 Romania 11 2008 334 38 11.4% 11 2008 137 8 5.8% 

96 Japan 8 2009 480 54 11.3% 7 2010 242 44 18.2% 

97 Montenegro 3 2009 81 9 11.1% --- --- --- --- 

" Togo 10 2007 81 9 11.1% --- --- --- --- 

98 Zambia 9 2011 155 17 11.0% --- --- --- --- 

99 India 4 2009 545 59 10.8% 3 2010 242 25 10.3% 

" Jordan 11 2010 120 13 10.8% 10 2011 60 7 11.7% 

100 Cyprus 5 2011 56 6 10.7% --- --- --- --- 

101 

Antigua and 

Barbuda 

3 2009 19 2 10.5% 4 2009 17 5 29.4% 

102 Mali 7 2007 147 15 10.2% --- --- --- --- 

103 Bahrain 9 2011 40 4 10.0% 11 2010 40 11 27.5% 

" Barbados 1 2008 30 3 10.0% 2 2008 21 7 33.3% 

" 

Equatorial 

Guinea 

5 2008 100 10 10.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Guinea-Bissau 11 2008 100 10 10.0% --- --- --- --- 

104 Malaysia 3 2008 222 22 9.9% N.A. 64 18 28.1% 

105 Kenya 12 2007 224 22 9.8% --- --- --- --- 

" Suriname 5 2010 51 5 9.8% --- --- --- --- 

106 Armenia 5 2007 131 12 9.2% --- --- --- --- 

107 Hungary 4 2010 386 35 9.1% --- --- --- --- 

108 Cote d'Ivoire 12 2000 203 18 8.9% --- --- --- --- 

109 Kiribati 10 2011 46 4 8.7% --- --- --- --- 

" Malta 3 2008 69 6 8.7% --- --- --- --- 

110 Brazil 10 2010 513 44 8.6% 10 2010 81 13 16.0% 

111 Bhutan 3 2008 47 4 8.5% 12 2007 25 6 24.0% 

" Panama 5 2009 71 6 8.5% --- --- --- --- 

112 Benin 4 2011 83 7 8.4% --- --- --- ---


113 Ghana 12 2008 230 19 8.3% --- --- --- --- 

114 Ukraine 9 2007 450 36 8.0% --- --- --- --- 

115 Botswana 10 2009 63 5 7.9% --- --- --- --- 

116 Algeria 5 2007 389 30 7.7% 12 2009 136 7 5.1% 

" Kuwait 5 2009 65 5 7.7% --- --- --- --- 

117 Gambia 1 2002 53 4 7.5% --- --- --- --- 

118 Congo 6 2007 137 10 7.3% 10 2011 72 10 13.9% 

119 Somalia 8 2004 546 37 6.8% --- --- --- --- 

120 

Saint Kitts and 

Nevis 

1 2010 15 1 6.7% --- --- --- --- 

" Tuvalu 9 2010 15 1 6.7% --- --- --- --- 

121 Georgia 5 2008 138 9 6.5% --- --- --- --- 

" Maldives 5 2009 77 5 6.5% --- --- --- --- 

122 Sri Lanka 4 2010 225 13 5.8% --- --- --- --- 

123 Myanmar 11 2010 326 14 4.3% 11 2010 168 6 3.6% 

124 Haiti 11 2010 95 4 4.2% 11 2010 30 1 3.3% 

125 Samoa 3 2011 49 2 4.1% --- --- --- --- 

126 Mongolia 6 2008 76 3 3.9% --- --- --- --- 

127 Nigeria 4 2011 352 13 3.7% 4 2011 109 4 3.7% 

128 Tonga 11 2010 28 1 3.6% --- --- --- --- 

129 Lebanon 6 2009 128 4 3.1% --- --- --- --- 

130 Comoros 12 2009 33 1 3.0% --- --- --- --- 

131 

Iran (Islamic 

Republic of) 

3 2008 290 8 2.8% --- --- --- --- 

132 Vanuatu 9 2008 52 1 1.9% --- --- --- --- 

133 Oman 10 2011 84 1 1.2% 10 2011 83 15 18.1% 

134 

Papua New 

Guinea 

6 2007 109 1 0.9% --- --- --- --- 

135 Yemen 4 2003 301 1 0.3% 4 2001 111 2 1.8% 

119

120 

Annex 

136 Belize 2 2008 32 0 0.0% 3 2008 13 5 38.5% 

" 

Micronesia 

(Federated 

States of) 

3 2011 14 0 0.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Nauru 6 2010 18 0 0.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Palau 11 2008 16 0 0.0% 11 2008 13 2 15.4% 

" Qatar 7 2010 35 0 0.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Saudi Arabia 2 2009 150 0 0.0% --- --- --- --- 

" Solomon Islands 8 2010 50 0 0.0% --- --- --- --- 

? 

Democratic 

Republic of the 

Congo 

11 2011 500 ? ? 1 2007 108 5 4.6% 

? Guatemala 9 2011 158 ? ? --- --- --- --- 

? Guyana 11 2011 70 ? ? --- --- --- --- 

? Liberia 10 2011 73 ? ? 10 2011 30 ? ? 

? Marshall Islands 11 2007 33 ? ? --- --- --- --- 

" Saint Lucia 11 2011 18 ? ? 1 2007 11 4 36.4% 

Situation as of 30 November 2011. 

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm


Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm 

121

122 

Annex 

The cost of childcare in EU countries


123

124 

Annex 

Source: The Cost of Childcare in EU Countries. European Parliament, Policy Department, Economic and Scientific Policy, 2007 

http://www.europarl.europa.eu/document/activities/cont/201107/20110718ATT24321/20110718ATT24321EN.pdf


Legal instruments (quotas) to narrow the gender gap in corporate management boards 

in European and OECD countries 

Country 

(Year 

introduced) 

Austria 

(2011) 

Belgium 

(2011) 

Denmark 

(2000) 

Finland 

(2004) 

France 

(2011) 

Iceland 

(2006) 

Iceland 

(2010) 

Ireland 

(2004) 

Israel 

(1993) 

Italy 

(2011) 

Applicability Target for 

female 

Companies owned 50%+ 

by state. 

Phased timing by company 

legal status: 

State-owned companies 

Listed companies 

Small and medium sized 

listed companies; 

companies with less than 

50% shares listed. 

repr. 

2 phases: 

25% 

35% 

1/3 

Year to be 

reached 

2 phases: 

2013 

2018 

Phased 

timing by 

company 

legal status: 

2012 

2016 

2018 

State-owned companies. 30% Immediate 

State-owned companies. 

Listed companies; 

companies with 500+ 

employees or 

turnover/asset of €50m+. 

State-owned and municipalowned 

companies. 

Public and private limited 

companies with 50+ 

employees. 

40% 2005 

2 phases: 

20% 

40% 

2 phases: 

2013 

2016 

50% (or as Immediate 

close as 

possible) 

40% 2013 

State-owned companies. 40% No deadline 

State-owned companies. 30% No deadline 

Listed companies; 

companies with public 

participation and stateownership. 

2 phases: 

20% 

30% 

2 phases: 

2012 

2015 

Penalties for 

noncompliance 

No sanctions. 

Temporary loss of 

financial and nonfinancial 

benefits 

by board 

members. 

Annulment of 

board 

appointments. 

Verbal sanction by 

regulatory body 

(Consob); fine; 

voiding of board’s 

actions. 

125

126 

Annex 

Norway 

(2003) 

Spain 

(2007) 

Switzerland 

(2006) 

The 

Netherlands 

(2010) 

Public limited companies; 

state owned companies; 

intermunicipal companies. 

Public limited companies 

with 250+ employees. 

40% 

40% 

State-owned companies. 30% 2011 

All companies (regardless 

of listing, ownership, 

private/public) with 250+ 

employees (or turnover 

criteria). 

30% in 

boards and 

senior 

manageme 

nt 

2008 Official warning; 

fines; ultimate 

delisting and 

dissolution. 

2015 No penalties; 

incentive: potential 

priority status for 

government 

contracts. 

2016 No sanctions in 

law. Comply or 

explain in annual 

report and publish 

action plan to 

address. 

Source: Jo Armstrong (2012): Gender Quotas in Management Boards. European Parliament, 

Directorate-General for Internal Policies, Policy Department C, Citizens’ rights and 

constitutional affairs, pp.30-31.

Gender quotas in the EU 

Source: Der Spiegel 


127

128 

Annex 

Proportion of women at major German companies 

Source: Der Spiegel

CEE Network for Gender Issues 

The CEE Network provided support to women politicians and those active in public life in the 

region as early as 1994. The Bejing Conference in 1995 represented a major breakthrough for 

women in the region – many women activists went to Bejing, collected experiences of others, 

participated in joint activities, and came home emboldened to push the gender agenda forward. 

Some chose to do this through NGO activities and others found their political vocation. The 

CEE Network itself realised that it could assist this process through a two-pronged approach by: 

Strengthening women’s organizations within political parties and engaging social-democratic 

and socialist politicians, parties and regional conglomerations in the discourse on gender 

equality establishing ties between and among women politicians and women’s NGO groups and 

leaders to foster dialogue and joint action in the promotion of gender equality. 

Foundation for European Progressive Studies 

Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the European progressive political 

foundation. Close to the Party of European Socialists (PES) but nevertheless independent, 

FEPS embodies a new way of thinking on the social democratic, socialist and labour scene in 

Europe. FEPS establishes an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the 

European project, putting fresh thinking at the core of its action. As a platform for ideas, FEPS 

works in close collaboration with social democratic organisations, and in particular national 

foundations and think tanks, to tackle the challenges that Europe faces today. 

Being a progressive European think tank, next to essential issues like the Next Left research 

project, research on sustainable economy or creating new global solidarities, we are convinced 

that gender issues also play a significant role in the creation of a fairer and more solidaritybased 

society. Several successful initiatives - including the annual transatlantic meeting on 

gender issues and the “Clara Zetkin could do it. So can we!” platform for discussion - have been 

launched within the gender, diversity and democracy research project. This aims to give an 

impetus to the debate on the notion of inclusive society, by focusing on issues like gender 

equality, migration, minorities and active democracy. Currently these areas are far too often 

addressed in a populist, simplistic and incoherent way in the political debate, with many 

discrepancies between vision and policies realised. Therefore, there is a need for reflection on 

long-term vision with adequate policies, as well as establishing communication strategies on 

these highly emotional issues. 

For further information please, have a look at the FEPS website, www.feps-europe.eu, or 

contact Ernst Stetter, FEPS Secretary General (ernst.stetter@feps-europe.eu) or Judit 

Tánczos, FEPS Policy Advsior (judit.tanczos@feps-europe.eu).

Importance of women's political empowerement - Gurmai Zita

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?