The opinion <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> the residents about the men supplying drugs in the flats is interesting.Some users who buy from them remember them as cheeky young kids. Others see them as doingwhat they must do to make their money. Some young people see them as ‘all right’ and others as‘stupid’ to be doing what they are doing. Still others would not cross them, as they are afraid <strong>of</strong>the consequences. What is clear, though, is that everyone knows what everyone else is doing. Oneresident described to us a very similar scene, referring to the same block where Tina regularlybought her heroin.As we speak, he looks over his shoulder from time to time, through his window pane... Thereare four or five young men across the green standing outside <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> the flats. Periodically,one <strong>of</strong> them goes up to the first level and into one <strong>of</strong> the flats. He explains how they indicateacross balconies when it is safe to get the drugs (from wherever in the hall they have themstashed). It amazes me that he knows in detail the people involved and what they are doing.This resident acknowledges that he would be seen as a ‘vigo’ (vigilante) by the dealers, thoughhe insists that he is not. He says that vigilantism was recognized as not working, though he claimsthere is a core group <strong>of</strong> about eight residents who, if pushed far enough, could turn again to ‘directaction’. The killing <strong>of</strong> Josie Dwyer, a local drug-user, at the height <strong>of</strong> the ‘Pushers Out’ campaign isstill a watershed in the fight against drugs in the community, however. This death was met with muchlocal revulsion, and subsequently, the ‘Pushers Out’ signs were taken down, and legitimate meanswere pursued to stop local dealing. While the Garda Drugs Unit still see it as possible to ‘clean up’this locality, through sustained effort over a longer period <strong>of</strong> time, they claim that the resources arenot there to do it. 17Many <strong>of</strong> the residents, <strong>of</strong> course, despise the dealers and what they are doing, but they also feelintimidated. The business end <strong>of</strong> drugs is simply too big and risky for the Residents Associationto deal with. Residents have been threatened, homes attacked, and people forced to resign. Onemother <strong>of</strong> a nineteen year-old man explains that, if she was seen to do anything, she’s sure her sonwould be punished. The papers are carrying stories daily about gang warfare and shootings and, ‘Itjust seems to be coming closer and closer’.Overall, the pr<strong>of</strong>essionalization <strong>of</strong> dealing we see here echoes some themes from North America(see Venkatesh 2008). Many research questions remain, however, about the organization <strong>of</strong> drugdealingin Dublin, particularly about the social organization <strong>of</strong> these groups <strong>of</strong> young men andhow they actually interact within and between what are labelled ‘criminal gangs’ by the Gardaíand the press. Such questions, regrettably, were beyond the scope <strong>of</strong> this study. With respectto our discussion <strong>of</strong> the changes that have occurred around drug use and abuse in the CanalCommunities, we can assert that this kind <strong>of</strong> dealing, which is located in known sites and whichdraws customers from outside, seems to have become less routine after the demolition <strong>of</strong> most<strong>of</strong> the local flat complexes. The main new characteristic <strong>of</strong> this trade is the centrality <strong>of</strong> non-usingyoung men at a relatively low level. The attraction <strong>of</strong> this activity, then, is to be found in the accessto fast cash, camaraderie and peer respect that it clearly provides, rather than as a means <strong>of</strong>funding a personal drug habit.17 Personal Communications with garda from Drug Unit. See also, Cooke 2007 http://archives.tcm.ie/businesspost/2007/02/04/story20801.aspan ethnographic study <strong>of</strong> drug use in the canal communities area 51
StigmaThe discussion <strong>of</strong> space, above, highlights the importance <strong>of</strong> the visibility <strong>of</strong> drug (especially heroin)use. The public nature <strong>of</strong> heroin use in the 1990s in the large flat complexes was a significant part <strong>of</strong>the moral panic surrounding it. Similarly, the visible markers <strong>of</strong> all opiate use are <strong>of</strong>ten highlightedin a negative fashion. In this way the body <strong>of</strong> the opiate user can stand for a series <strong>of</strong> broadersocial problems: the sense that the broader society is neglecting these areas, or the threateningaspect with which public spaces are imbued because <strong>of</strong> the drugs trade, or the serious social andeconomic inequalities that allow problems to grow and fester in certain places, can all be marked bythe body <strong>of</strong> the addict.Indeed, the negative sense <strong>of</strong> heroin (in particular) at all levels <strong>of</strong> this study was much morepr<strong>of</strong>ound than in our other drugs research experience. All the young people we spoke with (teensto under twenty-four) strongly rejected heroin use, ins<strong>of</strong>ar as they almost all knew a parent oran older sibling, or an uncle or aunt, who was a ‘junkie’ (a category pitied and despised in almostequal measure). Some went further, attacking not just the drug as dangerous, but the user as weak,spontaneously <strong>of</strong>fering statements like, ‘Brownheads [heroin-users] are stupid.’ Nearly everyone(with critical exceptions detailed below), insisted that, ‘injecting, it’s disgusting.’ We were probablymost taken aback by the spasms <strong>of</strong> morality displayed even by dealers towards the universe <strong>of</strong>potential products. The coke dealer we cite above, for example, who insisted, with some heat, that,‘Sellin’ heroin’ is ‘like murder’ simply stated more forcefully, what many other younger people alsomaintained: heroin was itself an evil.Nearly all <strong>of</strong> our sample had, <strong>of</strong> course, seen the effects <strong>of</strong> heroin on the older generation in thearea. There was something else going on as well. Heroin’s stigma (and by implication methadone),however, was also mitigated by a local appreciation <strong>of</strong> relative marginalization <strong>of</strong> certain settingsand families. Two young teens, ‘John’ and ‘Pat’, in a community with very high rate <strong>of</strong> opiateaddiction, for example, tried to articulate how they felt about heroin-users. In a small groupdiscussion, they moved between condemning the poor choices such users made, while showingsome understanding <strong>of</strong> (if not actual sympathy for) the context in which certain people ‘chose’ touse. On the other hand, they found it difficult to say that agency was entirely absent:Pat:I feel sorry for the users, it’s their way <strong>of</strong> life.Researcher: Mmm.John:Pat:John:Pat:Some people can’t help it, if you think <strong>of</strong> it.You can really, say if you see like, a person on gear or whatever walkingthrough flats like … Like you see them right, they have kids and all, but like if Iwas a kid at the age <strong>of</strong> three or four and I saw my Ma walk out the flats lookingfor drugs and all … some people like, they don’t have, not that they don’t havea choice but that’s what their life is.They look at it like that’s the way it is.Look at it: that’s their way <strong>of</strong> life, if you know what I mean.Researcher: They don’t know any different?52A DIZZYING ARRAY OF SUBSTANCES
- Page 2: TABLE OF CONTENTSEXECUTIVE SUMMARY
- Page 7: SCOPE OF THE WORKIn error, Sandra t
- Page 12: into this supposed continuum. Indee
- Page 15 and 16: late 20s. People drop in for a coup
- Page 17 and 18: WHAT IS A DRUG-USER?Any ethnography
- Page 19 and 20: heroin-users outside of treatment w
- Page 21 and 22: PLEASURES AND PERILSThe co-use of m
- Page 23 and 24: needles, though, is clearly not dos
- Page 25 and 26: In the 1990s, a new wave of heroin
- Page 27 and 28: She is aware that she has not been
- Page 29 and 30: Table 2. Change in deprivation indi
- Page 31 and 32: MAP 4In 2006 theproportion ofprofes
- Page 33 and 34: InchicoreInchicore has changed phys
- Page 35 and 36: RialtoThe population of the two Ria
- Page 37 and 38: BluebellThe Bluebell ED (Inchicore
- Page 39 and 40: VOICES OF DRUG USESET 1: THERAPEAUT
- Page 41 and 42: Unfortunately, cocaine had taken a
- Page 43 and 44: one free, so she’d make on the on
- Page 45 and 46: mates sitting on the landings in th
- Page 47 and 48: At different times during the late
- Page 49 and 50: of the social relations between the
- Page 51: disorganised or chaotic way. They b
- Page 55 and 56: probably after like, I could be aft
- Page 57 and 58: SET II: OUTSIDE THE THERAPEUTIC DIS
- Page 59 and 60: These sorts of expenditures are pos
- Page 61 and 62: Parked on MethadoneThe relationship
- Page 63 and 64: Indeed, a lot seemed ‘to happen
- Page 65 and 66: Having scored the crack we go back
- Page 67 and 68: Figure 1. Persons registered on the
- Page 69 and 70: CONCLUSIONThe preceding section ind
- Page 71 and 72: certain pre-existing networks. Such
- Page 73 and 74: APPENDIXRESULTS OF THE QUANTITATIVE
- Page 75 and 76: With whom do you live?GenderTotalWi
- Page 77 and 78: Money earned over the past three mo
- Page 79 and 80: Current illicit drug use (past thre
- Page 81 and 82: Number of days using illicit drugs
- Page 83 and 84: Illicit drug use (past 3 months) by
- Page 85 and 86: 1Amount spent on drugs in an averag
- Page 87 and 88: Have you ever served a custodial se
- Page 89 and 90: Have you ever used a filter, spoon
- Page 91 and 92: Ellis C and Bochner A.P2000 Auto-et
- Page 93 and 94: c/o Bridge House, Cherry Orchard Ho