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the origins of attachment theory: john bowlby and mary ainsworth ...

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eciprocal expectancies.<br />

Given that old patterns <strong>of</strong> action <strong>and</strong> thought guide selective attention <strong>and</strong> information<br />

processing in new situations, some distortion <strong>of</strong> incoming information is normal <strong>and</strong> unavoidable.<br />

The adequacy <strong>of</strong> internal working models can be seriously undermined, however, when defensive<br />

exclusion <strong>of</strong> information from awareness interferes with <strong>the</strong>ir updating in response to develop-<br />

mental <strong>and</strong> environmental change.<br />

To explain <strong>the</strong> workings <strong>of</strong> defensive processes, Bowlby cites evidence showing that<br />

incoming information normally undergoes many stages <strong>of</strong> processing before reaching awareness<br />

(see Dixon, 1971; Erdelyi, 1974) At every stage, some information is retained for fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />

processing <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> remainder discarded. That this may happen even after information has already<br />

undergone very advanced levels <strong>of</strong> encoding is shown by dichotic listening studies, In <strong>the</strong>se<br />

studies, individuals who are presented with different messages to each ear through headphones<br />

are able to selectively attend to one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m. That <strong>the</strong> unattended message is never<strong>the</strong>less<br />

receiving high level processing becomes obvious when <strong>the</strong> person becomes alerted to a word <strong>of</strong><br />

personal significance (e.g., <strong>the</strong> person’s name) that has been inserted into <strong>the</strong> unattended<br />

message.<br />

Bowlby proposes that defensive exclusion <strong>of</strong> information from awareness derives from <strong>the</strong><br />

same processes as selective exclusion, although <strong>the</strong> motivation for <strong>the</strong> two types <strong>of</strong> exclusion<br />

differs. Three situations are believed to render children particularly prone to engaging in defensive<br />

exclusion: situations that parents do not wish <strong>the</strong>ir children to know about even though <strong>the</strong><br />

children have witnessed <strong>the</strong>m, situations in which <strong>the</strong> children find <strong>the</strong> parents’ behavior too<br />

unbearable to think about, <strong>and</strong> situations in which children have done or thought about doing<br />

something <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong>y are deeply ashamed.<br />

Although defensive exclusion protects <strong>the</strong> individual from experiencing unbearable mental<br />

pain, confusion, or conflict, it is hound to interfere with <strong>the</strong> accommodation <strong>of</strong> internal working<br />

models to external reality. Indeed, a number <strong>of</strong> clinical studies reviewed in Separation (e.g., Cain<br />

& Fast, 1972) suggest that defensive exclusion leads to a split in internal working models. One set<br />

<strong>of</strong> working models- accessible to awareness <strong>and</strong> discussion <strong>and</strong> based on what a child has been<br />

told-represents <strong>the</strong> parent as good <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> parent’s rejecting behavior as caused by <strong>the</strong> “badness”

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