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On the Formation of the American Corporate State - The Journal ...

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SKOURAS ON THE FORMATION OF THE AMERICAN CORPORATE STATE:THE FULLER SUPREME COURT, 1888-1910to why this was <strong>the</strong> case--- given that Europe had more embedded conservativeinstitutions than <strong>the</strong> New World--- might be this: <strong>the</strong> fragmentation <strong>of</strong><strong>American</strong> society via racial, ethnic, religion, language, unbounded immigration,and flood <strong>of</strong> entering immigrants from Eastern and Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Europeancountries that were mostly <strong>of</strong> peasant stock, uneducated, poverty stricken, etc.served as a hedge to unifying labor and defusing <strong>the</strong> need to establish an<strong>American</strong> Labor Party that could effectively challenge <strong>the</strong> Bigness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newCorporation at <strong>the</strong> dawn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Industrial Era. “In Europe industrializationuprooted <strong>the</strong> peasants from <strong>the</strong> land and brought <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> cities, where <strong>the</strong>ybecame revolutionary workers. But <strong>the</strong> uprooted European peasants whosettled in <strong>American</strong> cities remained conservative. In America <strong>the</strong> farmers whostayed on <strong>the</strong> land played <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> European workers as a major forcechallenging industrial capitalism.” 61 That is, <strong>the</strong> continuous flow <strong>of</strong> immigrantsat <strong>the</strong> dawn <strong>of</strong> industrialization was able to fragment labor and prevent or blunt<strong>the</strong> radicalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> worker. <strong>The</strong> corporations were able to take advantage<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> situation, in fur<strong>the</strong>r dividing and fragmenting <strong>the</strong> <strong>American</strong> populace; sothat Labor lacked common interest and ability to coordinate and react to <strong>the</strong>consolidation <strong>of</strong> corporate power.Ely’s revisionist defense seems to be that if society at large could not stomachlabor unions, could <strong>the</strong> Court do no o<strong>the</strong>r? Like Ackerman, Ely accepts <strong>the</strong>proposition that <strong>the</strong> Court was a part <strong>of</strong> a culture that valued property above allelse and could do no o<strong>the</strong>r. However, unlike Ackerman, Ely seems to recognizethat <strong>the</strong> Court did start to feel some unease with its property over laborprinciples.What are <strong>the</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong> Ely’s approach and <strong>the</strong> Lockean School <strong>of</strong> thought?This School is wedded to <strong>the</strong> idea that because <strong>the</strong> Fuller Court viewedproperty as a precondition to liberty, it was justified in making that equation.That is, Ely and o<strong>the</strong>rs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> classical liberal school assume Fuller’s taming <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> Due Process Clause to comport with Lockean philosophy was justified.<strong>The</strong>y share a philosophy <strong>of</strong> limited government, individualism, free markets,and strong protection <strong>of</strong> property. Natural law may have served a function inpre-Copernicun times or in Medieval <strong>the</strong>ology, but its continued use could onlyserve establishment and property interests. <strong>The</strong> Fuller Court was not unawarethat <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> natural law was no longer free <strong>of</strong> controversy. And <strong>the</strong>Progressives aptly pegged <strong>the</strong> Fuller Court for what it was---a stalwart <strong>of</strong>business and an impediment to labor.61 MICHAEL PAUL ROGIN, THE INTELLECTUALS AND MCCARTHY at 187.(2011) J. JURIS 54

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