credits are equal. There is a sort of Emersonian principle of Compensation applicable to every item; each is worth what it costs, but also costswhat it is worth.It does not at all follow that we have proved the pleasures of life just equal to its pains. That question is irrelevant to our problems, <strong>and</strong> our analysishas nothing to say about it. It is not the province of economics to determine the value of life in "hedonic units" or any other units, but to work out, onthe basis of the general principles of conduct <strong>and</strong> the fundamental facts of the social situation, the laws which determine the prices of commodities<strong>and</strong> the direction of the social economic process. *18 It is therefore not quantities, nor even intensities, of satisfaction with which we are concerned(though the limitations of language compel the use of these terms at times), or any absolute magnitude whatever, but the purely relative judgment ofcomparative significance of alternatives open to choice. Now, for conduct, it is self-evident that the importance of anything is the effort or sacrificenecessary to get it. Two things, each of which can be obtained at will by the sacrifice of the other, cannot conceivably have any other than equalimportance from this point of view, <strong>and</strong> it is meaningless to speak of a surplus. The situation is especially clear in an exchange system which fixedprices where things can be converted at will at known rates by purchase <strong>and</strong> sale. We submit that it is clearly impossible, in such a situation, toconceive of things serving as motives to action in any other than the established ratios of conversion or substitution.For underst<strong>and</strong>ing the psychology of valuation, the two points are equally important: (1) that, logically, choice is a matter of comparing alternatives<strong>and</strong> combining them according, to the law of rational procedure above formulated, *19 <strong>and</strong> (2) that there is none the less a practical differencebetween two kinds of alternatives in an ordinary situation. This difference is perhaps connected with the distinction between our feelings ofpainfulness <strong>and</strong> pleasantness, but in its essence it relates to the quantitative character of the alternatives (in their physical aspects, not the psychicstates involved). In the case just considered, of the boy <strong>and</strong> berries, the difference is evident from the fact that we use the berry alternative tomeasure the leisure alternative. We speak of a certain quantity of berries <strong>and</strong> the sacrificed alternatives corresponding to them, not of a certainquantity of alternative independently determined. The "trouble," "exertion," or what-not is not quantitative on its own account, it is measured by theberries; it is "the" amount of exertion, etc., connected with a specified amount of the measurable commodity. This result is inevitable because, asremarked above, "the" alternative is not in fact some particular alternative, but any alternative; it is not merely not measurable, but isheterogeneous <strong>and</strong> wholly indeterminate. It is this fact which throws us back on the conception of "resources" for rationalizing the deliberativeprocess, making of it a quantitative comparison; it is this fact which gives its great importance to the "time" measure of effort. Time does not in anytrue sense measure the alternative or sacrifice, <strong>and</strong>, as we have seen, its employment in any use is a sacrifice in the first place only because thereare other uses for it, which are the real sacrifice; but it is measurable, <strong>and</strong> our intelligence, forced to have something quantitative to feed upon, likethe proverbial drowning man catches at any straw.In spite, therefore, of the purely relative character of pain <strong>and</strong> pleasure <strong>and</strong> of the essential parity as motives of all alternatives of conduct, it ispragmatically necessary to distinguish in productive activity between the incoming "economic" utility <strong>and</strong> the sacrificed (resources, representing)non-economic, unspecified alternatives in general, between utility <strong>and</strong> disutility, or commodity <strong>and</strong> cost. "Cost," in this sense, is "pain cost," or"opportunity cost," as one prefers; there is no real difference in meaning between the two.From this long but apparently necessary discussion of the fundamentals of valuation of psychology, we may proceed to consider a somewhat morecomplicated situation, as an approach to the study of the principles as manifested in the field of exchange relations. We will suppose an individualchoosing between the production <strong>and</strong> consumption of a large number of "commodities," in addition to the alternative of not producing any of them,but of putting his time, etc., to "noneconomic" uses. This is the situation of Crusoe on his isl<strong>and</strong>, of which many economists have made use. Thesame law of choice will hold as before; between any two alternatives or among all that are open, the man will choose such amounts, or divide histime <strong>and</strong> "resources" among them in such proportions, that the physically alternative or correlated quantities of all are to him equally desirable. Theonly difference is that the alternatives are more complicated than in the case of the boy <strong>and</strong> his berries, <strong>and</strong> of a somewhat different character; inparticular, the presence of a number of economic alternatives, involving concrete, measurable sources of satisfaction, is important.In Crusoe's mind there would undoubtedly be built up something of the nature of a price system or value scale, if he seriously attempted to get themaximum of satisfaction out of the conditions of his environment. For an "intelligent" use of his opportunities can be arrived at in no other way. Hemust ascertain the ratios in which different goods are to be obtained for subjectively equivalent sacrifices in "effort," <strong>and</strong> similarly form judgments oftheir relative subjective importance to him, <strong>and</strong> attempt to bring the two sets of ratios into coincidence. But a set of equivalence ratios or scale ofequivalent amounts of things is the essence of a price system. Exchange is a means by which things may be conveniently converted into orsacrificed for each other in determinate amounts, <strong>and</strong> substantially the same result follows from choosing between different lines of production in aCrusoe economy. It is sufficiently evident that the quantities involved in such a calculation are quantities of things <strong>and</strong> not of satisfaction or anypsychic magnitude.The rôle of the "resource" idea <strong>and</strong> the concept of "cost" will also take on characteristic form in the Crusoe case. The mental labor of evaluatingeverything in terms of everything else must force recourse to a crude measurement of "effort" as the common st<strong>and</strong>ard of value or "medium ofexchange" (it is almost like that) for mediating the comparisons. It is clear that this is an "instrumental" but none the less very important device."Really," it is purely a question of combining alternatives, among which are those indefinite, "non-economic" occupations, exploring the isl<strong>and</strong>,chatting with the parrot, sport or recreation of any appealing kind, or "loafing <strong>and</strong> inviting the soul." But the indefinite, heterogeneous, <strong>and</strong> uncertaincharacter of these last, <strong>and</strong> the convenience of "time" as a rough basis for an approximate evaluation of the stuff they are made of, make it a matterof economy to resort to its use as a common denominator of alternatives. It will not be true that all things produced in equal times will be equated,for there are elements of "irksomeness," etc., which have to be taken account of. Crusoe's value scale will probably be based on time as a "firstapproximation" with mental allowances for the other factors to be considered.Measurement relations will be reciprocal, in this case as always. The use of effort to measure other things amounts to an evaluation of effort interms of other things. Thus we get the concept of a quantitative outlay cost meaning something more than merely any sacrificed alternative. Aspointed out before, in stating in terms of "resources" the general law of choice among alternatives, this concept of cost has no very substantialindependent meaning; "when pressed" we reformulate our resource or effort (or money) costs in terms of positive alternatives we might have had;but as a mediating, instrumental idea, it is none the less a useful <strong>and</strong> universally used notion. There is, however, no occasion to speak of a possibledivergence between outlay cost <strong>and</strong> value return, of anything like a "profit" from operations.
There are many intermediate stages in the successive complication of alternatives which might be discussed, <strong>and</strong> which would shed light onvarious phases of economic relations; but for present purposes it is best to pass at once to the case of a group of people producing goods forexchange in a free market. The relations among the want-satisfying activities of a plurality of persons are based upon another "conflict," the conflictbetween similar wants of different individuals, to a large extent dependent on common, immediate means of satisfaction, while these immediategoods are almost entirely dependent upon a common fund of ultimate productive resources. The effect of the possibility of exchange is vastly tomultiply <strong>and</strong> complicate the alternatives open to any individual. He is now free, not merely to make any possible combination of commodities forproduction <strong>and</strong> consumption, but to combine the production of some with the consumption of any combination—on terms afforded by anestablished set of exchange ratios, the investigation of which is the principal problem before us. In order to study first the most essential features ofexchange relations, it will be necessary to simplify the situation as far as possible by a process of "heroic" abstraction. We therefore explicitly makethe following assumptions as to the characteristics of our imaginary society:1. The members of the society are supposed to be normal human beings in essential respects as to inherited <strong>and</strong> acquired dispositions, differingamong themselves in the ways <strong>and</strong> to the degrees familiar in a modern Western nation—a "r<strong>and</strong>om sample" of the population of the industrialnations of to-day.2. We assume that the members of the society act with complete "rationality." By this we do not mean that they are to be "as angels, knowing goodfrom evil"; we assume ordinary human motives (with the reservations noted in the following paragraphs); but they are supposed to "know what theywant" <strong>and</strong> to seek it "intelligently." Their behavior, that is, is all "conduct," as we have previously defined the term; all their acts take place inresponse to real, conscious, <strong>and</strong> stable <strong>and</strong> consistent motives, dispositions, or desires; nothing is capricious or experimental, everythingdeliberate. They are supposed to know absolutely the consequences of their acts when they are performed, <strong>and</strong> to perform them in the light of theconsequences.3. The people are formally free to act as their motives prompt in the production, exchange, <strong>and</strong> consumption of goods. They "own themselves";there is no exercise of constraint over any individual by another individual or by "society"; each controls his own activities with a view to resultswhich accrue to him individually. Every person is the final <strong>and</strong> absolute judge of his own welfare <strong>and</strong> interests. *204. We must also assume complete absence of physical obstacles to the making, execution, <strong>and</strong> changing of plans at will; that is, there must be"perfect mobility" in all economic adjustments, no cost involved in movements or changes. To realize this ideal all the elements entering intoeconomic calculations—effort, commodities, etc.—must be continuously variable, divisible without limit. Productive operations must not formhabits, preferences, or aversions, or develop or reduce the capacity to perform them. In addition, the production process must be constantly <strong>and</strong>continuously complete; there is no time cycle of operations to be broken into or left incomplete by sudden readjustments. Each person continuouslyproduces a complete commodity which is consumed as fast as produced. The exchange of commodities mint be virtually instantaneous <strong>and</strong>costless.5. It follows as a corollary from number 4 that there is perfect competition. There must be perfect, continuous, costless intercommunication betweenall individual members of the society. *21 Every potential buyer of a good constantly knows <strong>and</strong> chooses among the offers of all potential sellers,<strong>and</strong> conversely. Every commodity, it will be recalled, is divisible into an indefinite number of units which must be separately owned <strong>and</strong> competeeffectually with each other.6. Every member of the society is to act as an individual only, in entire independence of all other persons. To complete his independence he mustbe free from social wants, prejudices, preferences, or repulsions, or any values which are not completely manifested in market dealing. Exchangeof finished goods is the only form of relation between individuals, or at least there is no other form which influences economic conduct. And inexchanges between individuals, no interests of persons not parties to the exchange are to be concerned, either for good or for ill. Individualindependence in action excludes all forms of collusion, all degrees of monopoly or tendency to monopoly.7. We formally exclude all preying of individuals upon each other. There must be no way of acquiring goods except through production <strong>and</strong> freeexchange in the open market. This specification is really a corollary from numbers 2 <strong>and</strong> 3, which exclude fraud or deceit <strong>and</strong> theft or brig<strong>and</strong>agerespectively, but it deserves explicit mention.8. The motives for division of labor <strong>and</strong> exchange must be present <strong>and</strong> operative. These have never been adequately treated in the literature ofeconomics in spite of the fact that the subject has been discussed more or less by countless writers on social problems from Plato down. Theprincipal condition is diversification of wants associated with specialization of productive capacities or dispositions, or with physical restrictions onthe range of productive activity. An important fact in this connection in the real world is the space distribution of the different resources of the earth<strong>and</strong> the limitations on human mobility. In addition the physical nature of the production process frequently calls for the simultaneous prosecution of anumber of operations. For simplicity we shall assume that the first two conditions alone are sufficient to restrict each individual to the production ofone single commodity at any given time. (Cf. number 11.)9. All given factors <strong>and</strong> conditions are for the purposes of this <strong>and</strong> the following chapter <strong>and</strong> until notice to the contrary is expressly given, to remainabsolutely unchanged. They must be free from periodic or progressive modification as well as irregular fluctuation. The connection between thisspecification <strong>and</strong> number 2 (perfect knowledge) is clear. Under static conditions every person would soon find out, if he did not already know,everything in his situation <strong>and</strong> surroundings which affected his conduct.The above assumptions, especially the first eight, are idealizations or purifications of tendencies which hold good more or less in reality. They arethe conditions necessary to perfect competition. The ninth, as we shall see, is on a somewhat different footing. Only its corollary of perfectknowledge (specification number 2) which may be present even when change takes place, is necessary for perfect competition. In addition to thesedifferences in degree only from actual life, we must lay down for the special purpose of the immediate analysis two further suppositions quitecontrary to the facts.10. The first is that for the present there is to be no productive property in the ordinary sense in the society. Every productive agency or capacity isan inseparable part of the personal endowment of some member of the society. Material implements of production may be used provided they are
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68. Principles of Economics (1913),