TRANSNATIONAL CLASSES AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 25<strong>and</strong> in part are carried over from prior community bonds, traditional or‘imagined’. But increasingly, they assume a socialised form, that is,commodification <strong>and</strong> individualisation are made subject to collectivearrangements of a secular nature. Social cohesion becomes increasingly abstractfrom personal peculiarities <strong>and</strong> ever more dependent on largely invisible (at leastindirect) forms of mutual dependence <strong>and</strong> routinised organisation.Interchangeability of personnel, complementarity of tasks, regulation <strong>and</strong>planning, are all aspects of this. Occasionally, there may be dramatic reversals onthis trajectory of increasing secularisation. Especially when certain particularlysensitive areas of community life are threatened (be it family, religion, ornation), a ‘tribal’ reaction may throw back the apparently rationalised social or<strong>der</strong>to the level of the primitive group, or worse, combine the capacity for planningengen<strong>der</strong>ed by a high degree of socialisation with certain features of a primitiveor<strong>der</strong>, as in Fascism, or Muslim fundamentalism.In all cases of Vergesellschaftung, division of labour <strong>and</strong> separation of tasks,driven by commodification directly or indirectly, are reintegrated into collectivearrangements un<strong>der</strong> (different degrees of) capitalist control or normativelyconnected to it. The objective integration of a patchwork of overlapping units ofsocial cohesion structured around units of socialised labour exists in a tensionwith the commodity form of social relations, requiring constant mutualreadjustment through struggle. Therefore, the effects of commodification, asdiscussed on pages 11–14, are not only partly compensated for by persistingforms of (imagined) community; but also, if always incompletely so, bystructures of socialisation. The phenomena belonging to each set—commodification, (imagined) community, <strong>and</strong> socialisation—will all beobservable in a real situation, because none of them cancels out the otherscompletely, although their relative weight may vary consi<strong>der</strong>ably.The discipline of capitalAs we have seen, the contradictory processes of commodification <strong>and</strong>socialisation, mediated by social struggles in which their mutual relation isarbitrated, can be un<strong>der</strong>stood as forces constantly restructuring a prior(imagined) community substratum without entirely obliterating its reproductive/affective core. Such transformed communities exist, as units of social cohesion,in a wi<strong>der</strong> arena which is tendentially subject to the same, mutuallyconflicting pressures of commodification <strong>and</strong> socialisation. Let us now pose thequestion how social cohesion is maintained at all un<strong>der</strong> the strain of thesecontradictory forces. This brings us to the role of the state as the source ofauthority <strong>and</strong> discipline, on which an actual discipline of capital is grafted at alater stage of development.In chapter 3 we will investigate the state in a more concrete, historical sense asa succession of specific state/society complexes <strong>and</strong> state forms. At the level ofabstraction we are dealing with here, however, a state can be said to emerge,
26 COMMODIFICATION, SOCIALISATION AND CAPITALeither on the foundations of an imagined community such as the nation (which isshaped in one of the world revolutions summed up by Rosenstock-Huessy 1961,see also my 1996b); or, in an act of mimicry (Gramsci’s ‘passive revolution’)from international relations as such. In this case, the state relates to its social basedifferently, as a creative instance shaping its own (multi-)national substance fromabove. In all cases in between <strong>and</strong> including the two extremes, however, the stateacts as a quartermaster of capitalist relations. As Marx notes, ‘war developedearlier than peace; …certain economic relations such as wage labour, machineryetc. develop earlier, owing to war <strong>and</strong> in the armies etc., than in the interior ofbourgeois society’ (1973:109; see also 893, <strong>and</strong> Krippendorf 1973).The theme of institutions such as armies <strong>and</strong> workplaces as well as prisonsimposing a corporeal discipline on people has been elaborated by Foucault.Foucault argues that ‘discipline increases the forces of the body (in the sense ofraising their economic utility) <strong>and</strong> simultaneously diminishes these forces (in thesense of increasing political obedience)’ (Foucault 1981a:589). The role of thevarious disciplinary spaces on the habits of diligence, precision <strong>and</strong> regularity inthe seventeenth <strong>and</strong> eighteenth centuries, their contribution to a new sense ofrhythm <strong>and</strong> measured time, all worked towards shaping ‘mo<strong>der</strong>nity’ as we knowit—<strong>and</strong> not just in the political economy strictly speaking, but also, e.g. in music(Rich 1995:22). But however broad our inclusion of social forms which togetherconstitute the setting in which capital crystallised, the disciplines emerging alongwith it <strong>and</strong> permeating it should not be reduced to ‘power’ as such, but to capital<strong>and</strong> the state(s) clearing the terrain on which it is operative. Otherwise, the‘microphysical’ omnipresence of power is turned into an uncontestable, generalcondition of human existence, <strong>and</strong> hence, a superfluous, metaphysical principle(Bartels 1991:92; see also Foucault 1981b).As to commodification <strong>and</strong> socialisation, the state initially relates to these bydemarcating a provisional structure of socialisation for commodity production. Itprovides, as Hirsch explains (1973:202), ‘a contradictory <strong>and</strong> illusory form of thegeneral’ to a world of small producers. The state takes care of the generalconditions of production <strong>and</strong> reproduction that are beyond the reach of theindividual producers (just as money provides social unity to the individuallyparcellised labour process), <strong>and</strong> which remain so due to competition (<strong>van</strong> Erp1982:102). The idea of an abstract universality represented by the state (abstractbecause its unity covers a totality riven by competition) sustains the specificnotion of a general interest into which particular interests must inscribethemselves to be heard at all. ‘In a true state,’ Marx wrote in an early work,‘there is no l<strong>and</strong>ed property, no industry, no material substance, which can…reach an agreement with the state; there are only spiritual powers, <strong>and</strong> only intheir resurrection at the level of the state, in their political reincarnation, thenatural powers are entitled to vote in the state’ (MEW Ergänz.b<strong>and</strong> 1:419). Thesespiritual powers are not r<strong>and</strong>om. They are the fractured expression of thecommodity <strong>and</strong> money economy, <strong>and</strong> eventually, of developed capital.‘Individuals are now ruled by abstractions, whereas earlier they depended on one
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NOTES 171(Nederveen Pieterse 1990:3
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REFERENCES 173Bartels, J. (1991)
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REFERENCES 175Clawson, P. (1976)
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REFERENCES 177Gallagher, J. and Rob
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REFERENCES 179Holliger, C.M. (1974)
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REFERENCES 181Kristol, I. (1971)
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REFERENCES 183Nima, R. (1983) The W
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REFERENCES 185——(1981) The Angl
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REFERENCES 187Stokman, F.N., Ziegle
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IndexNote: page numbers in bold typ
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INDEX 191fetishism 9, 11-14Feulner,
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INDEX 193machine tool company 16-17
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INDEX 195Soskovets, O. 134South Afr