'The Lesse Set By': an early reference to the site of Middle Saxon London ? 31to the comparative archaeological evidencefrom the two excavated large urban centres atHamwih and Ipswich, centres of trade with theContinent, and the potential of the unexcavatedsite at Fordwich. He did not believe, on thebasis of existing archaeological evidence, thatLondon became a fully urban centre until the10th century (Hurst 1976).Biddle drew attention to the significance ofthe -wic place-name ending, both in Englandand on the Continent, in light of the excavationsat Hamwih. In particular he pointed to thosethat lay outside Roman walled places, on thecoast or beside rivers, and appear to havebeen undefended, but related to some othersettlement inland, such as Hamwih to Winchester,and Fordwich to Canterbury (Biddle 1976, 114-16). However in the cases of London and York hebelieved that the Roman walled areas would haveprotected the later trading towns, despite whathe called the 'current poverty of archaeologicalevidence relating to seventh-, eight- and ninthcenturyLondon' which was 'negligible' {ibid,116).Riddle's and Vince's reassessments of the evidencefor the location of Middle Saxon Londonin 1984, followed by excavations from 1985, havegone some way to clarifying Fabian's crypticcomments that earlier historians grappled with.What can we make of Fabian's account in thelight of current knowledge? His descriptionof 'the city of London' having most housingbetween Ludgate and Westminster would fit withwhat can be discerned from the archaeologicalevidence, principally from the Covent Gardenarea, for a town that reached its greatest extentin the mid- to late 8th century (Blackmore 1997,127). Occupation evidence has been found fromthe National Gallery in the west to the Templein the east, from Shorts Gardens in the north tobelow the Strand, and Whitehall, to the south.The paucity of excavated evidence for occupationin the City at this period would reflect the lack ofhousing 'little or none ... stood without order',although documentary evidence would suggesta Royal palace and chapel, possibly aldermens'residences (Vince 1990, 50-7), and of course StPaul's, and other churches (Vince 1990, 58-76).The lack of order described in that settlementmay be an implied contrast with the systematiclayout of Lundenwic now apparent from theRoyal Opera House excavations (Malcolm &Bowsher2003, 145-8).There is the difficulty of Fabian's entry beingascribed to AD 982. It is believed from theexcavated evidence that the trading city alongthe Strand had been severely reduced by thelate 9th century, as a result of Danish attacks,the surviving populace possibly taking advantageof the 'restoration' of the walled area by Alfred.There is little sign of occupation, at least fromthe excavations in the Covent Garden area,into the late 9th century, let alone the 10th(Malcolm & Bowsher 2003, 141-3; Leary et al2004, 144-5), although Alfred's interventionin London may not have been as welcome aspartisan contemporary accounts suggest, and theresettlement of the walled area may have takensome time to achieve (Dyson 1990, 99-110).Perhaps Fabian does characterise the City in AD982, after a disastrous fire, which only a Danish'suburb' escaped. Little excavation of survivingSaxon levels has taken place near St ClementDanes, but distinctive 'Danish' artefacts havenot yet been identified to support the idea of asubstantial Danish suburb around the church.Nor has evidence for a disastrous fire of thatdate been found within the City walls, althoughfire damage is apparent in the Royal OperaHouse excavations (Malcolm & Bowsher 2003,156) that can be associated with the 8th-centurydocumentary evidence. To what extent a Danishsuburb might have grown up around St ClementDanes, from what date, and in what politicalcontext is uncertain. Tatton-Brown favouredan early 11th-century foundation date for StClement Danes, in Cnut's reign, in what mighthave been an open market area for the MiddleSaxon town (Tatton-Brown 1986, 25). Brookeand Keir associate St Bride (Fleet Street) andSt Clement of the Danes, suggesting they servedthe area 'over which settlement was spreadingfastest in the Viking period, in the late tenth andeleventh centuries' (Brooke & Keir 1975, 140).Could Fabian have appended his statement totoo late an entry for a fire of London, and shouldhe instead have related it earlier in his Chronicle,in respect of one of the later 8th-century fires?Just as it seems probable that Bede's descriptionof London as an emporium would better relateto London at the time he was writing in AD 730,than as early as the events of AD 604 which he wasrecounting.Fabian's authority for his statement, referenceto a lost Saxon Domesday, is intriguing. Couldthis have been the Alfredian Domesday surveyto which Stow refers? If so, of course, it mustdescribe London some one hundred years
32 Robert L Whyteheadbefore Fabian's Chronicle entry. Studies of theNorman Domesday show that it must have beenbased on pre-existing surveys for assessment ofgeld (Harvey 1971, 753-73), including those ofmonastic estates (Clarke 1985, <strong>55</strong>). The practiceof recording estates, with origins in the LateRoman Empire, seems to have revived in the9th century on the Continent, possibly due tothe influence of Charlemagne (Perceval 1985,13-16). Could Alfred have been inspired tocompile such a survey through his connectionswith Charlemagne? From his description,Fabian's source appears more like a 'doom', thatis a collection of laws (such as those of Hlothereand Eadric mentioned above, or the Ordinancesof Athelstan's reign AD 924-940 (Vince 1990,104-5)). It is, however, difficult to know whattopographical information such a source mighthave contained.In retrospect, Fabian's Chronicle entry mighthave helped resolve the 'enigma' (Cowie &Whytehead 1988, 75) of Middle Saxon Londonrather sooner than it was, and points to thepotential value of combining both primary andsecondary historical material with archaeologicalevidence.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI would like to thank the staff of the Guildhall Library,Corporation of London, and English Heritage, SavileRow, Library for their help in locating sources for thisarticle.NOTESThese excerpts are taken from Henry Ellis (ed) RobertFabyan - the New Chronicles of England and France (1811):entry for AD 982, 202; Prologue, 293. This is based onthe 1<strong>55</strong>9 version with added editorial comment." Biographical details from Ellis op cit (note 1), whoalso reproduces Fabian's will (preface 3-13).^ Fabian's authorship is assessed by: C L Kingsford(ed) Chronicles of London (1905), thus: 'Robert Fabyanwas but one of the last in a long line, and built onlya little that was new on the foundations which othershad laid' (v), but: 'the first place must be given toRobert Fabyan to whose labours all knowledge of theChronicles was for three centuries chiefly due' (xxvi);A H Thomas & ID Thornley (eds) The Great Chronicle ofLondon (1938), who consider the possibility of anotherauthor, as the original manuscript was unnamed, andthat Fabian was dependent (as others) on a lost 'MainCity Chronicle'.Sir Laurence Gomme was Clerk to the LondonCounty Council.Page was General Editor of the 'Victoria Historiesof the Counties of England', and did devote onechapter to the Sokes surrounding the City.BIBLIOGRAPHYBESANT (1908), W Besant Early London Survey ofLondonBIDDLE (1976), M Biddle 'Towns' in D M Wilson(ed) The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England,114-16BIDDLE (1984), M Biddle 'London on the Strand'Popular Archaeology July 1984, 23-7BLACKMORE (1997), L Blackmore 'From beach toburh: new clues to entity and identity in 7*- to 9*-century London' in G de Boe & F Verhaeghe (eds)Urbanism in Medieval Europe, 127BROOKE & KEIR (1975), C N L Brooke & G KeirLondon 800-1216: The Shaping of a CityCLARKE (1985), H B Clarke 'The Domesdaysatellites' in P Sawyer (ed) Domesday Book: AReassessment, <strong>55</strong>COWIE & WHYTEHEAD (1988), R Cowie & R LWhytehead with L Blackmore 'Two Middle Saxonoccupation sites: excavations at Jubilee Hall and21-22 Maiden Lane' Trans London MiddlesexArc/ia«o/5oc 39, 47-163DOLLEY (1960), R H M Dolley 'Coin hoards fromthe London area as evidence for the pre-eminenceof London in the later Saxon period' Trans LondonMiddlesex Archaeol Soc 20 Part 2, 37-50DYSON (1990), T Dyson 'King Alfred and the restorationof London' The London Journal 15 No. 2,99-110FADES (1966), G E Fades Historic London City ofLondon SocietyELLIS (1811), H Ellis (ed) Robert Fabyan - the NewChronicles of England and FranceFLENLEY (1911), R Flenley Six Town Chronicles ofEnglandGOMME (1912), L Gomme The Making of LondonGOMME (1914), L Gomme LondonGORDON (1903), C Gordon Old Time Aldwych,Kingsway, and NeighbourhoodCOVER e< a/ (1942), J E B Cover et al The Place-namesof Middlesex, English Place-name Society 18GREEN (1963), HJ M Green 'Evidence of Roman,Saxon and Medieval Westminster' IllustratedLondon News 242, 1004-7GRIMES (1968), WF Grimes The Excavation of Romanand Medieval LondonHARVEY (1971), S P J Harvey 'Domesday Bookand its predecessors' English Historical Review 86,753-73HASLAM (1975),J Haslam 'The Saxon pottery andthe Tudor pottery group from the cesspit' in M JHammerson 'Excavations on the site of ArundelHouse in the Strand, W.C.2, in 1972' TransLondon Middlesex Archaeol Soc 26, 209-51
- Page 1 and 2: Wo)DlEllMl(l g^L^Iffl^i"1
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spatial determinants of animal carc
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86 Peter Guillery, Survey oj London
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'OUR LOST ELYSIUM' - RURALMIDDLESEX
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'Our Lost Elysium' - rural Middlese
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'Our Lost Elysium' - rural Middlese
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'Our Lost Elysium' — rural Middle
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'Our Lost Elysium '-rural Middlesex
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'Our Lost Elysium' - rural Middlese
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'Our Lost Elysium' - rural Middlese
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'Our Lost Elysium' - rural Middlese
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'Our Lost Elysium' - rural Middlese
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FURTHER PREHISTORIC FINDS FROMGREAT
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Fi^ 9. The Thamesfijreshore at Cham
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Further f/rehistorir finds fro7n Gr
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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Further prehistoric finds from Grea
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154 Jo Lyon7SP n^:Fig 1. Site locat
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156 Jo LyonN.-
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158 Jo LyonCripplegate fort, CAD 12
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160 Jo LyonFig 6. Section through e
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162 Jo LyonN/ /A---.7/"-;r-/ /"J•
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164 Jo Lyonbeen largely robbed out.
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166 Jo Lyonface of the south wall.
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168 Jo Lyon10th-century sunken-floo
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170 Jo LyonP6P5Fig 18. Cooking pot
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172 Jo Lyonr-^-jI II I/ !/ L"TTT-/
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174 Jo Lyonvessels from separate pi
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176 Jo LyonFig 24. Section through
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178 Jo Lyonpart of a large dish in
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180 Jo LyonFig 28. 'Queen Anne' cop
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182 Jo LyonNOTES1 The London Archae
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184 B Sloane and B Watson500mFig 1.
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212 Alison Telfer25m^^•1989 Evalu
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214 Alison Telfer9), river related
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216 Alison TelferFig 5. North-south
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218 Alison TelferThe most unusual p
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220 Alison TelferFig 11. Hearth 7 (
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222 Alison Telferalso occasional re
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224 Alison Telferbowls, jars, fine
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226 Alison Telferdating to between
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A SUMMARY OF PAPERS READ AT THELAMA
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Summary of papers read at the LAMAS
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Summary of papers read at the LAMAS
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Summary of papers read at the I^MAS
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Summary of papers read at the LAMAS
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Summary of papers read at the I^MAS
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Summary of papers read at the LAMAS
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Summary of papers read at the LAMAS
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Summary of papers read at the LAMAS
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REVIEWSAspects of Archaeology & His
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Reviews 249of prehistoric societies
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Reviews 251and quantified by period
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Reviews 253the choir singing distur
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Reviews 255burdens of office as may
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Reviews 257multiple occupancy and e
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Reviews 259Dials, by reference to c
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cookshops: medieval, 218-221; postm
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pits:medieval 166, 168, 168, 169, 1
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NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS1. Contributi