8/<strong>John</strong> <strong>Locke</strong>plan it appeared in the world, to carry, by strength <strong>of</strong> its arguments, allliberty out or it; and that, from thenceforth, our author’s short modelwas to be the pattern in the mount, and the perfect standard <strong>of</strong> politicsfor the future. His system lies in a little compass; it is no more but this,“That all government is absolute monarchy.”And the ground he builds on is this.“That no man is born free.”§3. In this last age a generation <strong>of</strong> men has sprung up amongst us,that would flatter princes with an opinion, that they have a divine rightto absolute power, let the laws by which they are constituted and are togovern, and the conditions under which they enter upon their authority,be what they will; and their engagements to observe them ever so wellratified by solemn oaths and promises. To make way for this doctrine,they have denied mankind a right to natural freedom; whereby they havenot only, as much as in them lies, exposed all subjects to the utmostmisery <strong>of</strong> tyranny and oppression, but have also unsettled the titles andshaken the thrones <strong>of</strong> princes: (for they too, by these men’s system,except only one, are all born slaves, and by divine right are subjects toAdam’s right heir); as if they had designed to make war upon all government,and subvert the very foundations <strong>of</strong> human society, to servetheir present turn.§4. However we must believe them upon their own bare words,when they tell us, “We are all born slaves, and we must continue so;”there is no remedy for it; life and thraldom we entered into together, andcan never be quit <strong>of</strong> the one till we part with the other. Scripture orreason, I am sure, do not any where say so, notwithstanding the noise <strong>of</strong>divine right, as if divine authority hath subjected us to the unlimited will<strong>of</strong> another. An admirable state <strong>of</strong> mankind, and that which they have notlead wit enough to find out till this latter age! For however sir RobertFilmier seems to condemn the novelty <strong>of</strong> the contrary opinion, Patr. p.3, yet I believe it will be hard for him to find any other age, or country <strong>of</strong>the world, but this, which has asserted monarchy to be jure divine. Andhe confesses, Patr. p. 4, that “Heyward, Blackwood, Barclay, and others,that have bravely vindicated the right <strong>of</strong> kings in most points, neverthought <strong>of</strong> this; but, with one consent, admitted the natural liberty andequality <strong>of</strong> mankind.”§5. By whom this doctrine came at first to be broached, and broughtin fashion amongst us, and what sad elects it gave rise to, I leave tohistorians to relate, or to the memory <strong>of</strong> those who were contemporaries
<strong>Two</strong> <strong>Treatises</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Government</strong>/9with Sibthorp and Manwaring to recollect. My business at present isonly to consider what sir Robert Filmer, who is allowed to have carriedthis argument farthest, and is supposed to have brought it to perfection,has said in it: for from him every one, who would be as fashionable asFrench was at court, has learned and runs away with this short system<strong>of</strong> politics, viz., “Men are not born free, and therefore could never havethe liberty to choose either governors, or forms <strong>of</strong> government.” Princeshave their power absolute, and by divine right; for slaves could neverhave a right to compact or consent. Adam was an absolute monarch,and so are all princes ever since.Chapter IIOf paternal and regal Power.§6. Sir Robert Filmer’s great position is, that “men are not naturallyfree.” This is the foundation on which his absolute monarchy stands,and from which it erects itself to an height, that its power is above everypower: caput inter nubilia, so high above all earthly and human things,that thought can scarce reach it; that promises and oaths, which tie theinfinite Deity, cannot confine it. But if this foundation fails, all his fabricfalls with it, and governments must be left again to the old way <strong>of</strong>being made by contrivance and the consent <strong>of</strong> men (/Anqrwp…nh ct…sij)making use <strong>of</strong> their reason to unite together into society. To prove thisgrand position <strong>of</strong> his, he tells us, p. 12, “Men are born in subjection totheir parents,” and therefore cannot be free. And this authority <strong>of</strong> parentshe calls “royal authority,” p. 12,14, “fatherly authority, right <strong>of</strong>fatherhood,” p. 12, 20. One would have thought he would, in the beginning<strong>of</strong> such a work as this, on which was to depend the authority <strong>of</strong>princes, and the obedience <strong>of</strong> subjects, have told us expressly what thatfatherly authority is, have definer it, though not limited it, because insome other treatises <strong>of</strong> his he tells us, it is unlimited, and unlimitable; 1he should at least have given us such an account <strong>of</strong> it, that we mighthave had an entire notion <strong>of</strong> this fatherhood, or fatherly authority, wheneverit came in our way, in his writings: this I expected to have found inthe first chapter <strong>of</strong> his Patriarchal But instead there<strong>of</strong>, having, 1. Enpassant, made his obeisance to the arcana imperii, p. 5; 2. Made hiscompliment to the “rights and liberties <strong>of</strong> this or any other nation,” p. 6,which he is going presently to null and destroy; and 3. Made his leg tothose learned men who did not see so far into the matter as himself; p. 7:he comes to fall on Bellarmine, p. 8, and by a victory over him estab-
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