Building education beyond crisis.pdf

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Then, there have been ‗policy breaches‘. While Minister Bengu‘s priorities wererestructuring and de-racialising, can he really be blamed for the progressivistoptimism that saw the introduction of OBE (Outcomes Based Education) and itsmassive failures amongst poorly resourced schools and teachers? Similarly,Minister Asmal‘s focus on matric results and high-profile victories, while driven toraise morale, failed to bed down the long-term pathways that were required. Hisstraight-talking perhaps only heightened the tendency of relations with theteacher unions to become conflict-based labour relations rather than a process ofmutual professional development.5.4 Governance and leadershipSystems of school governance were based on many of the idealistic assumptionsof the people‘s education movement that stressed the importance of communitymobilization and involvement in education issues. The hoped for momentum hasnot transpired. Indeed, while the Schools Governing Bodies (SGBs) of many ofthe Model C (old white) schools have been able to raise substantial private fundsand skills to improve education provision, there have been accusations that insome cases this has involved maintenance of privilege and restricted access. Onthe other hand, in poorer communities, SGBs have sometimes been a source oflocalized power politics and resource control. The DoE has also re-visited thequestion of the powers of principals in this environment in a bid to focus onissues of effective school leadership.Some of the more worrying outcomes of the weaknesses listed above include:5.5 Two systemsWhile formerly white Model-C schools produce uniformly better results, rural andtownship schools overwhelmingly survive through sheer will and the force ofgood and committed teachers. Hours on the job are substantially less in ‗secondeconomy‘schools. Over half of the cohort that starts school never gets to theend, with Grade 9 being a major point of drop out. Evidence has shown thatenhancing resource inputs, surprisingly, seems to have little effect on outcomesin poorer schools. It is not (only) money or even physical infrastructure that isimportant, but how the education process is ordered, managed and translatedinto classroom practice. The result for those in such hostile and bleakenvironments, has often been teacher brain drain and student flight or desertionfrom township schools where possible. Only a small number of black studentsacquire an education of any meaningful quality - there is a huge gap between thetop quintile of learners and the rest. Poor schools effectively play a warehousingfunction or have become ‗sinkholes‘, with some notable exceptions. In short, ruraland poor schools effectively form a second system of education, trappingparticipants behind the massive blocks of the second economy.5.6 Skills backlogsGraeme Bloch: Building Education Beyond Crisis: Development Today 10
Comparative scores for maths, numeracy and literacy are consistently among theworst in the world. While skills at the top end may be cutting-edge, there is justnot the broad base to ensure adequate responsiveness to the changingpressures of globalisation and the knowledge economy.Recent national tests showed that while some 65% of 6 th -grade learners in modelC schools performed at 6 th grade level (not great), this figure was some 3% in ex-DEC schools and a frightening 0,1% in ex-DET schools.Recent scores showed that only 20% of 6 th -graders could do maths at theappropriate grade levels (average score 27%) and only 40% in language ofinstruction (average score 38%) (IOL 12/12/2005). The average score for 6 thgrade maths in the lowest fee-paying schools (under R100) where some 72% ofchildren are located, was 22%. Only some 5% of students do higher grade mathsand science for matric while the matric exemption rate is static or falling at 17%.Numbers matriculating are no greater than in 1994, with similarly poor highergrade maths and university-exemption passes. Most learners are simply beingwarehoused rather than taught. These issues impact at the higher educationlevel, where poor school results mean poor university preparation, high dropoutrates and the ‗revolving-door‘ syndrome. Where poor students do gain accessbeyond high-school, they struggle for academic support and adequate financingwhen costs such as residence and materials are included. Paradoxically, thenarrow funnel that so successfully filters access, ensures great pressures tosecure admission to one of the few avenues for progress.Further, the structure of researchers in the Science and Technology fields,including human sciences, is becoming increasingly old and remains largelywhite. While younger black graduates choose other lucrative professions overacademia, research and teaching, there are worrying implications for both pureand applied research in the future.5.7 UnemploymentThese systemic problems are compounded by the high levels of unemployment,in particular amongst youth. Where educational effort is not seen to lead toimproved life prospects, where even access to further education and trainingbecomes a financial and educational battle with poor prospects, the value ofeducation risks rapidly losing its cachet. This can be seen in the ‗degrading‘ ofmatric results even as pass levels have improved. There is even a small level ofgraduate unemployment that points to the problems of the mismatch of skills withopportunities.Graeme Bloch: Building Education Beyond Crisis: Development Today 11
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Page 4 and 5: This reflects the reality that educ
Page 6 and 7: lower-level skills and occupations
Page 8 and 9: R985m scheme in 2004 from R70m in19
Page 12 and 13: A range of ‗external‘ factors m
Page 14 and 15: Bibliography1. Chisholm, L (2005)
Page 16: Interview and Consultation Schedule

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