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WUEG April 2015 Newsletter

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programs like public transportation<br />

infrastructure and low income housing<br />

weatherization.<br />

In addition to Quebec, other Canadian<br />

provinces have a mixed record with climate<br />

policies. For example, British Columbia<br />

pioneered its carbon tax on fossil fuel<br />

consumption in 2008 (still the only carbon tax<br />

in North America). Since then, per capita fossil<br />

fuel consumption decreased 16% while it<br />

increased 3% for the rest of Canada.<br />

Furthermore, since the carbon tax revenue is<br />

used solely to offset other taxes, British<br />

Columbia has "the lowest personal income tax<br />

rate in Canada and one of the lowest corporate<br />

rates in North America" according to The<br />

Economist. Economics literature refers to this<br />

usage of carbon pricing to both lower<br />

emissions and reduce distortionary taxes—like<br />

income taxes—as a "double dividend".<br />

On the other hand, Alberta is endowed with<br />

natural resources and emits the most<br />

greenhouse gases among the provinces. As a<br />

result of lackadaisical regulation over Canadian<br />

tar sands development, Alberta increased its<br />

greenhouse gas emissions from 2005 while<br />

almost every other province reduced<br />

emissions. In fact, of the three provinces with<br />

emissions increases, Alberta saw the largest<br />

pollution increase (14%). Unfortunately and<br />

expectedly, Alberta has no plans for any<br />

carbon tax or trading policy. This disparity<br />

between the climate action taken by different<br />

provinces (especially compared to Ontario<br />

which has a sizable emissions volume) clearly<br />

illustrates the fossil fuel extraction lobby's<br />

strong influence in obstructing economically<br />

and environmentally efficient policies.<br />

Elsewhere in the world, cap-and-trade is under<br />

attack by fossil fuel lobbyists. For example,<br />

Tony Abbott's administration, which has coal<br />

industry ties, abolished Australia's emissions<br />

trading scheme last summer. Similarly, while<br />

super-majors like Royal Dutch Shell and BP<br />

verbally support governmental carbon pricing,<br />

the fossil fuel industry's actions reveal<br />

hypocrisy. For example, Shell and BP refineries<br />

are members of the Western States Petroleum<br />

Association, which is now actively lobbying<br />

against Washington Governor Jay Inslee's capand-trade<br />

legislation proposal. A leaked slide<br />

deck reveals WSPA’s strategy to destroy AB32<br />

itself.<br />

It is in this context that Kathleen Wynne's<br />

Liberal provincial government in Ontario is<br />

announcing its cap-and-trade proposal.<br />

Interestingly, Ontario actually first committed<br />

to the Western Climate Initiative system back<br />

in 2008 but backed out along with other<br />

jurisdictions (with Quebec and California<br />

remaining). From a game theory perspective,<br />

any new jurisdiction joining carbon pricing<br />

helps to signal commitment to climate action<br />

and counteracts concerns about trade<br />

disadvantages. Thus, in the months leading to<br />

the Paris COP, Ontario's decision to join WCI<br />

builds up the ‘network effect’ for carbon<br />

pricing both amongst Canadian provinces and<br />

around the world.<br />

Sources:<br />

The Wall Street Journal<br />

Reuters<br />

The Economist<br />

The Seattle Times<br />

Bloomberg<br />

California Environmental Protection Agency<br />

Environment Canada

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