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<strong>Sample</strong> extract from The Native Land Court Vol. 2 - www.thomsonreuters.co.nz<br />

A RETURN TO COLLECTIVISM?<br />

Church lands and communal Indian lands were seen as archaic relics of the Spanish<br />

colonial empire and as obstacles to modernisation, and the period of the liberal reforms,<br />

associated with the governments of Benito Juarez and Porfirio Diaz, saw significant<br />

losses of Indian lands to private ownership during a period of rapid economic expansion.<br />

The process was, however, both complex and incomplete. Recent Mexican scholarship is<br />

now cautious about overstating the effects of the liberal Reforma on the corporate lands<br />

of the Church and the Indian pueblos. Historians have emphasised the need for further<br />

research on the many obstacles that the liberals faced in putting their plans into effect<br />

and the limitations in liberal theory itself, which tended to regard private property rights<br />

as sacred. Liberalism left the properties of the existing landed elite untouched,<br />

contributing to the problem of unequal land distribution, a problem which was one of<br />

the causes of the great Mexican revolution which broke out in 1910. 12 A further problem<br />

was the weakness and constant indebtedness of the Mexican state: enacting statutes is<br />

one thing, putting them into effect is quite another — this being equally true of much<br />

statute law relating to Maori land in 19th-century New Zealand, much of which was just<br />

so much boilerplate. Mexico, moreover, is a vast and complex country, and the effects of<br />

the Reforma on the indigenous towns varied considerably, as is now becoming<br />

increasingly clear as the result of a proliferation of new regional and local studies of 19thcentury<br />

Mexico. 13 Notwithstanding all these caveats, however, it is certain that an<br />

important, if regionally varied, transformation took place.<br />

For much of the 19th century the creation of the unitary liberal regime remained an<br />

aspiration, rather than a reality (this is just as true of New Zealand, where parts of the<br />

North Island remained autonomous and under de facto Maori control until the 1890s). 14<br />

Even in a powerful metropolitan country like France, parts of the national territory were<br />

still more or less autonomous in 1800, and were only brought under centralised authority<br />

10 The “positivist” philosophy of Auguste Comte, not to be confused with the jurisprudential theory of<br />

legal positivism, was never very influential in the Anglo-Saxon world, but was enormously significant<br />

in key Latin American countries such as Mexico and Brazil in the 19th and early 20th centuries.<br />

Positivism, which sees humanity as progressing away from religious superstition towards rationalism<br />

and modernity, was not necessarily antithetical to indigenous interests. Many Brazilian supporters of<br />

Indian rights in the early 20th century, such as the famous explorer and ethnographer Candido<br />

Rondon, and political intellectuals such as Silvio de Almeida and Luis Horta Barboza were dedicated<br />

positivists. See generally John Hemming Die if You Must: Brazilian Indians in the Twentieth Century (Pan<br />

Books, London, 2004) at 1–23. The positivist slogan, “order and progress” (ordem e progreso) is on the<br />

Brazilian flag. On positivism in Brazil see also Todd A Diacon Stringing together a Nation: Cândido<br />

Mariano da Silva Rondon and the Construction of Modern Brazil, 1906-1930 (Duke University Press, Durham,<br />

2004). Positivism was not entirely without influence in Britain (and perhaps, therefore, in British<br />

colonies): the reformer Charles Booth regarded himself as a positivist and it was an important strand<br />

in Fabian socialism: see Gertrude Himmelfarb Poverty and Compassion: The Moral Imagination of the Late<br />

Victorians (Knopf, New York, 1991) at 82–85 and 356–358. Its formal impact in New Zealand seems<br />

to have been slight but probably many key architects of Maori land policy such as Donald McLean,<br />

Francis Dart Fenton, and John Ballance would have shared similar ideas.<br />

11 See François-Xavier Guerra Le Mexique: De l’Ancien Régime à la Révolution (L’Harmattan, Paris, 1985) at<br />

37.<br />

12 See Aurora Gómez Galvarriato and Emilio Kourí “La reforma económica: Finanza Públicas,<br />

Mercados y Tierras” in Erika Pani (ed) Nación, Constitución y Reforma, 1821-1908 (Fondo de Cultura<br />

Económica, México DF, 2010).<br />

13 See, for example, J Édgar Mendoza García Municipios, cofradías y tierras comunales: Los pueblos chocholtecos de<br />

Oaxaca en el siglo XIX (Universidad Autónoma “Benito Juarez” de Oaxaca, Oaxaca, 2011).<br />

14 Te Urewera is an example. See ch 9 above.<br />

<strong>Sample</strong> extract<br />

252<br />

<strong>Sample</strong> extract from The Native Land Court Vol. 2 - www.thomsonreuters.co.nz

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