25.01.2016 Views

Stateless Democracy

NWA5-Stateless-Democracy

NWA5-Stateless-Democracy

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

This separate political geography is based on forms of selforganization<br />

(democratic confederalism) and the strong<br />

conviction and praxis to take one’s own fate into one’s own<br />

hand. Since the election in 2009, this “separate political<br />

geography” has deepened with the arrest of Kurdish<br />

politicians, followed by a political counter-campaign of<br />

the Kurdish movement, including demands for bilingual<br />

public life within the framework of the project for democratic<br />

autonomy. The Peace and <strong>Democracy</strong> Party and<br />

the DTK sparked the discussions on a “bilingual life” by<br />

demanding the official recognition of the Kurdish language<br />

in public life. They also started to put their demands into<br />

practice, with municipalities changing the signboards of<br />

the municipalities into both Kurdish and Turkish, and local<br />

shop-keepers changing their signboards into Kurdish.<br />

Organizing the whole society from the bottom has been<br />

on the agenda of the Kurdish movement since 1999, with<br />

the take-over of an increasing number of municipalities in<br />

the Kurdish region. On the level of districts and towns, the<br />

Kurdish movement has formed different structures of selfgovernment<br />

that produce policies for local needs. Later<br />

on, the project of democratic autonomy aimed at enlarging<br />

and formalizing these structures. 43<br />

In the meantime, the Kurdish movement also tried to<br />

present these projects to both Turkish and global public<br />

opinion, with the organization of the Mesopotamia Social<br />

Forum in 2009, which brought together organizations and<br />

movements from the Middle East and several other countries<br />

in the city of Diyarbakır. The DTK also organized a<br />

workshop with Turkish journalists, academics, politicians,<br />

and rights defenders to discuss the project of democratic<br />

42 Fikret Bila, Satranç tahtasındaki yeni hamleler:<br />

Hangi PKK? (Ankara: Ümit Yayıncılık,<br />

2004), p. 10.<br />

43 Zeynep Gambetti, “Alternatif bir sol proje:<br />

demokratik özerklik,” Sendika.org, 27<br />

December 2010, online at: http://www.<br />

sendika.org/2010/12/alternatif-bir-solproje-demokratik-ozerklik-zeynep-gambetti-birgun/.<br />

autonomy in 2010. The organization of all segments of<br />

society from the bottom-up, under the principle of democratic<br />

confederalism and democratic autonomy, has been<br />

covering very different fields of social life and requires<br />

various activities. All these activities demonstrate that the<br />

PKK’s project of radical democracy involves an active agency<br />

of people, in the form of a struggling force from the local<br />

to the regional and global levels. Even more importantly,<br />

they show that this is a project that is based on bottom-up<br />

democracy, and therefore cannot simply be considered a<br />

political project imposed from above. Through communes<br />

and people’s assemblies, it aims to surpass the deadlock of<br />

representational democracy. In this sense, the democratic<br />

autonomy project in the form of 26 autonomous regions<br />

as formulated by the Kurdish movement presents a radical<br />

alternative that goes beyond the boundaries of the existing<br />

political regime. Above all, it is based on a radical conception<br />

of democracy — one that aims at the dissociation of<br />

democracy from nationalism by excluding state and nation<br />

from it and considering democracy as an unrestricted and<br />

unmediated form of people’s sovereignty rather than a form<br />

of government. As such, this project for democratic autonomy<br />

goes beyond the boundaries of the existing political<br />

regime as well the framework elaborated on the basis<br />

of the European Union’s acquis communautaire, which uses<br />

liberal democracy as its benchmark, although there is an<br />

ongoing discussion as to whether this proposal might suit<br />

the EU regional policy, given that it could be a useful step<br />

towards a solution of the Kurdish question by abolishing<br />

the centralism in Turkey. 44<br />

The Kurdish movement is ready to negotiate a solution<br />

on the basis of recognition and self-administrative rights.<br />

44 Erhan Üstündağ, “Possible Solution for<br />

Kurdish Question suits EU Accession Process,”<br />

Bianet, 1 July 2010, online at: http://<br />

www.bianet.org/english/english/123087-<br />

possible-solution-for-kurdish-questionsuits-eu-accession-process.<br />

186–187

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!