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elements from residing in the city. In Kim’s mind, Pyongyang was for the revolutionaries, not the<br />

reactionaries who served religion, capitalism, or the Japanese colonial government.<br />

This practice continued after the Korean War. For Kim Il-sung, ideology was critical to rebuilding<br />

Pyongyang, which quickly became a city of exclusion. There was no place in Pyongyang for those<br />

who were not of the right social class or had little to offer to the regime’s political success or<br />

image. 291 The Kim regime began politically classifying all citizens in 1958 to complete its social<br />

revolution, a process greatly affected by the Korean War. War veterans and their families were<br />

directly classified to a higher songbun (socio-political classification) because of their sacrifices<br />

for the party-state. This process served as the basis for both the inclusion of the trusted and<br />

exclusion from Pyongyang of those classified in the lower socio-political classes. Through this<br />

process, the Kim Il-sung regime created a specific group of personnel for preferred positions and<br />

thus residency in Pyongyang. 292<br />

After being destroyed by American bombing during the Korean War, Pyongyang was rebuilt under<br />

Kim Il-sung’s leadership in accordance with a strict design plan intended to recreate Pyongyang as<br />

the “face of the nation.” 293 In May 1953, at Pyongyang’s underground theater in Moranbong, the<br />

Pyongyang Recovery Design Conference led by Kim Il-sung drafted the Pyongyang Reconstruction<br />

Design Plan (PRDP). The PRDP was rewritten in 1960 to focus construction in central and eastern<br />

Pyongyang. 294 Under Kim Il-sung’s direction, apartments were built in Pyongyang at the rapid pace<br />

of one every fourteen minutes, which was also known as “Pyongyang speed,” 295 a term favored<br />

thereafter. 296 Labor motivation propaganda focused on this concept to encourage workers and<br />

supervisors to build faster. 297 Since materials and personnel were in short supply, the reconstruction<br />

of Pyongyang required the national mobilization of students and soldiers. These two groups<br />

291 North Koreans that promote their country’s image include Olympic medal winners, particularly gold<br />

medal winners, famous acting or musical performers, or other international competition winners.<br />

292 Kim and Kim, Bukan sahoe-ui bulpyeongdeung gujo-wa jeongchisahoejeok hamui, 64.<br />

293 Cho, “Bukan-ui dosibaldal yeongu,” 240.<br />

294 Kang Song-san, Suryeongnim-gwa Pyongyang [The Supreme Leader and Pyongyang] (Pyongyang:<br />

KWP Publishing Company, 1986), 10, as cited in Cho, “Bukan-ui dosibaldal yeongu,” 220-21.<br />

295 “'평양 아파트', 어떻게 지었고 누가 어디 사나” [‘Pyongyang Apartments,’ How Were They Built<br />

and Who Lives Where?], SBS News, May 29, 2014.<br />

296 Kim Il-sung employed various “speed slogans” to motivate construction crews over the decades<br />

to quicken construction to meet unreasonable deadlines. These slogans and their programs were “loyalty<br />

speed” and “70-day speed battle” in 1974, “100-day speed battle” in 1971, 1978 and 1980, and “speed of the<br />

1980s” in 1982. See Hong, “Bukan-ui apateu geonseolsijang-gwa dosijeongchi,” 38.<br />

297 Cho, “Bukan-ui dosibaldal yeongu,” 223-28.<br />

94<br />

Pyongyang Republic by Robert Collins

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