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The Colombian Peace Agreement (EN)

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violence – and through other means, and speculations regarding the ongoing negotiations<br />

between the government and the ELN (National Liberation Army – the second<br />

largest guerrilla group in Colombia) along with the political deadlock resulting from<br />

the 2014 elections and exacerbated by the campaign that led to the referendum.<br />

FARC unity<br />

<strong>The</strong> FARC leadership “made adjustments to its 30-person negotiating team at different<br />

points, most notably inviting members from the Southern Bloc, which helped to<br />

dispel rumors that this large unit, believed to be heavily involved in drug trafficking,<br />

was not represented at” – and hence not supportive of – “the peace talks”. 99 Nevertheless,<br />

a source of great concern has been “whether the FARC negotiating team<br />

represents and speaks for the various FARC forces dispersed around Colombia. In<br />

other words, can the FARC negotiating team ‘deliver’ the decentralized organization<br />

or at least most of the FARC fronts? Reportedly, the FARC is divided into seven regional<br />

blocs made up of 67 fighting fronts. Many fronts are deeply involved in illicit<br />

businesses, such as drug trafficking and illegal mining, and may not willingly give<br />

up these profitable ventures”. 100 “<strong>The</strong> talks may reveal a possible generational divide<br />

within the FARC. <strong>The</strong> older ideological members may be loyal to the Secretariat that<br />

is represented in Havana, while other younger and mid-level members may have only<br />

known life in the jungle or remote rural areas financed by drug profits or other illegal<br />

activities”. 101 This could have been a dangerous combination: <strong>Colombian</strong> conflict<br />

analysis centers had identified a few fronts occupying areas neighboring Panama and<br />

Venezuela as the most newly-formed, more actively involved in drug trafficking and<br />

with alleged links to transnational criminal network, hence most likely to oppose the<br />

deal. “Various commentators have speculated about which FARC fronts will turn in<br />

their arms and demobilize, and which may demobilize but return to illicit activities<br />

afterward (much like the Bacrim) or never accept the demobilization terms in the first<br />

place”. 102 On July 6 th , the 1 st Front had announced it would not demobilize as part of a<br />

peace deal with the <strong>Colombian</strong> government. <strong>The</strong> unit is one of the biggest and most<br />

important within the FARC, and has justified its refusal with ideological motives. Local<br />

newspapers, citing military intelligence sources, stated the unit has 100 armed men<br />

and a further 300 militia members, and has reportedly been responsible for violating<br />

unilateral FARC ceasefires in the past. 103<br />

As set by the agenda agreed upon during the signature of the deal, the FARC has<br />

convened a National Conference of the Guerrillas, the tenth (and probably last) of<br />

such conferences but surely the most important one, since it has certified the end<br />

of the FARC as an armed organization and the birth of the group as a political party.<br />

<strong>The</strong> congress has also served as a mechanism of approval of the agreements by the<br />

FARC base, like an internal plebiscite, and has gathered some 600 commanders from<br />

all ranks from September 17 th to September 23 rd . 104 In this venue, the leadership has<br />

confirmed its control over the different fronts, the event has registered significant<br />

enthusiasm and a visible shift from previous editions. 105 At issue were estimates of the<br />

percentage of FARC troops that would demobilize if peace accords were approved.<br />

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