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EDITORIAL<br />

SUNDAY,<br />

fEBrUArY 4, <strong>2018</strong><br />

4<br />

A race to the gutter<br />

Acting Editor & Publisher : Jobaer Alam<br />

Telephone: +88<strong>02</strong>-91<strong>04</strong>683-84, Fax: 9127103<br />

e-mail: editor@thebangladeshtoday.com<br />

Sunday, february 4, <strong>2018</strong><br />

Saving the wetlands<br />

around Dhaka<br />

N<br />

otwithstanding<br />

the apparent gloss and glitter of<br />

its high rise buildings, Dhaka is now a seriously<br />

endangered city. <strong>The</strong> once natural drainage<br />

system of the city with its many natural canals plus the<br />

surrounding wetlands that also helped the purpose of<br />

retention of drained waters and their gradual drainage,<br />

are largely things of the past.<br />

Only a few natural drainage canals remain though in<br />

heavily encroached conditions. <strong>The</strong> areas of the<br />

wetlands have also shrunk from the activities of real<br />

estate developers and other encroachers. Compared to<br />

their earlier non encroached sizes, the extent of the<br />

wetlands today are far smaller. Thus, any sensible<br />

person can see the imperative of saving these wetlands<br />

and remaining canals from grabbing in the name of<br />

developing them not to speak of trying to set them free<br />

from their present encroachments as well.<br />

<strong>The</strong> city of over 15 million turn into a flooded one in<br />

almost all of its parts even after a short period of heavy<br />

rains. It acquires the appearance of a city flood as water<br />

fails to drain off for days from the choked conditions of<br />

the city. Thus, the Detail Area Plan (DAP) for the city<br />

proposed that at least 21 per cent of the city's present and<br />

projected areas must be reserved as water bodies where<br />

no real estate development activities would be<br />

permitted. But this meritorious proposal triggered the<br />

wrath of the developers . <strong>The</strong>y made it transparent that<br />

they would be prepared to go to any lengths of<br />

misconduct, piling of pressure and other tactics to have<br />

the DAP changed in their favour.<br />

<strong>The</strong>refore, the responsibility becomes greater for the<br />

government to be even more firm in their commitment<br />

to DAP. DAP has been drawn up in the interest of a<br />

planned Dhaka, to save it from collapse due to all kinds<br />

of unregulated activities specially from real estate<br />

developers. <strong>The</strong> best interests of residents of the city<br />

cannot be allowed to be sacrificed at the altar of a limited<br />

number of greedy developers.<br />

However, it is also true that developers' interests<br />

cannot be so bluntly ignored either. Over the years, they<br />

intruded into the wetlands from a policy vacuum on the<br />

part of the government and no enforcement measures<br />

whatsoever against the same. <strong>The</strong>y have also invested<br />

huge sums of money in partial attempts to develop the<br />

areas of the wetlands they intruded. In some cases, they<br />

have even taken money from private persons as plots<br />

sold to them. <strong>The</strong>refore, the reasonable course would be<br />

government making some compromises in areas of the<br />

wetlands where the developers have already gone to<br />

work. But government's policy from now on should be<br />

one of sending very convincing signals to the developers<br />

that they have proceeded this far but won't be allowed to<br />

move further . This means that their further intrusion<br />

into the wetlands would be absolutely prevented in each<br />

such case from now on by the sternest application of the<br />

law.<br />

A wise coexistence of man and nature was visible at the<br />

initial days of development of Dhaka. Until 1950,<br />

development of the city took place on the higher terrain<br />

and the encompassing rivers, networks of canals and the<br />

wetlands were harmoniously used for transportation,<br />

defence, fishing or agricultural purpose.<br />

Vast tract of wetlands at close proximity to the central<br />

city has been attracting private developers since 1980s.<br />

After construction of the Western Flood Embankment,<br />

unplanned development stretched rapidly toward the<br />

low lying areas violating all the laws and regulations.<br />

Designated flood zone at the south and west of Dhaka<br />

are also experiencing the similar fate. It should be kept<br />

in mind, even after completion of the Eastern<br />

Embankment, a sizeable percent of land should be kept<br />

as retention area for storm water storage (according to<br />

the study of JICA).<br />

It was evident from catastrophic floods in 1988, 1998<br />

and 20<strong>04</strong> in the city that the poor discharge capacities of<br />

the existing natural drainage channels are responsible<br />

for the longer duration of floods. City dwellers<br />

experienced the severity of rain flood during the month<br />

of September 20<strong>04</strong>. Entire city collapsed at that time for<br />

poor drainage system of the city. Low-lying lands around<br />

Dhaka works as natural retainers of storm water, acts as<br />

natural drainage network and certainly help to keep<br />

balance in ecosystem. Land filling activities in those<br />

restricted areas have been going on even after enactment<br />

of the Water Body Conservation Act 2000 which<br />

prohibited any kind of development in the wetlands.<br />

It is a myth that today no wetland remains for<br />

conservation. Expert studies show that Dhaka is still left<br />

with 19.3% of wetland, which requires immediate<br />

attention. Wetlands are like living beings. Once they are<br />

destroyed, they cannot be brought back to life again.<br />

Programme for restoration of wetlands of Dhaka can be<br />

termed as the life saving drug for the survival of our<br />

beloved city and its surroundings. Development<br />

authorities in collaboration with experts, NGOs, media<br />

personnel and civil society must undertake a dynamic<br />

role to protect the wetlands. Natural resource<br />

conservation always requires active participation of, and<br />

therefore must include, the local inhabitants.<br />

ICan’t say I'm a big fan of the<br />

Supreme Court's current trend of<br />

taking on suo motu cases regarding<br />

everything wrong in Pakistan.<br />

In fact, if our judiciary were to clear<br />

their backlog of 1.8 million cases<br />

pending before it, our litigious<br />

country would breathe a sigh of relief.<br />

<strong>The</strong> whole business of granting stay<br />

orders at the drop of a hat needs a<br />

thorough judicial review: just<br />

consider the fact that TV channels<br />

charged with contravening the Pemra<br />

code of conduct have filed no less than<br />

600 stay orders with various courts,<br />

thus rendering the regulatory body<br />

totally impotent. Meanwhile, they go<br />

their merry way, vilifying their<br />

targets, and occasionally putting their<br />

lives at risk.<br />

Fortunately, there are a few<br />

exceptions like the recent unmasking of<br />

one of Pakistan's most popular anchors,<br />

by Chief Justice Mian Saqib Nisar, who<br />

took notice of his bizarre accusations.<br />

By claiming that the main accused in<br />

the brutal Kasur rape and murder of<br />

little Zainab was at the centre of an<br />

international child pornography ring,<br />

the anchor's allegations could have<br />

derailed the investigation. As it is, the<br />

State Bank almost immediately<br />

debunked his claim that the killer had<br />

37 bank accounts.<br />

Even after his claims have been<br />

discredited, the anchor in question is<br />

still defending himself on his channel.<br />

In one incoherent broadcast, he<br />

rejected the oft-repeated charge that he<br />

had no journalistic background but had<br />

parachuted into senior broadcasting<br />

positions at large media houses.<br />

Naming well-known TV anchors and<br />

broadcasters abroad who had no<br />

degrees in journalism, he sought to<br />

Imagine that you, like me, are a typical<br />

product of Western liberal<br />

democracy, and are invited to give a<br />

lecture to a group of Chinese students in<br />

Beijing or Shanghai on its benefits.<br />

Ignoring the fact that, in reality, the<br />

Chinese government would never allow<br />

such a lecture, ask yourself: What would<br />

you say?<br />

First and foremost, it would be<br />

advisable to acknowledge that you do not<br />

speak from a position of moral<br />

superiority. Western civilization in the<br />

first half of the 20th century was not very<br />

civilized. Human rights were trampled.<br />

Class war destroyed entire political<br />

systems. <strong>The</strong>re were large-scale violent<br />

conflicts and much ethnic cleansing.<br />

Given this history, Westerners are in no<br />

position to lecture on civil liberties or<br />

humane values. It is also worth noting<br />

that the global march toward democracy,<br />

which seemed nearly inexorable after the<br />

fall of the Berlin Wall, now seems to be<br />

reversing. According to Stanford<br />

University's Larry Diamond, several<br />

countries that were democracies at the<br />

beginning of this century have since<br />

shifted to different systems.<br />

Of course, elections alone do not a<br />

democracy make. Consider those cases<br />

when elections empower a majority<br />

ethnic or religious group, which then<br />

rides roughshod over minorities - an<br />

outcome that has been seen all too often<br />

in the Balkans, for example. <strong>The</strong>n there<br />

place himself in their ranks.<br />

Often anchors peddle half-baked<br />

opinions as facts.<br />

In fact, the subject one studies at<br />

university has nothing to do with<br />

journalistic standards and ethics. In<br />

reputable TV channels like the BBC and<br />

CNN, presenters and anchors, no<br />

matter how famous and well paid, have<br />

to stick to the script written and cleared<br />

by the news desk. If the story is<br />

controversial, additional vetting is<br />

called in. In Pakistan, however, anchors<br />

are the public faces of TV channels, and<br />

are extremely well rewarded. Some<br />

among the very popular ones have a<br />

direct link to the owners, bypassing the<br />

normal professional and managerial<br />

hierarchies other journalists are<br />

subordinate to. <strong>The</strong>y thus produce their<br />

own scoops, and sprinkle their stardust<br />

on the channels they work for.<br />

But this constant battle to top the<br />

popularity chart often becomes a race to<br />

the gutter. Although the chief justice<br />

has set up a joint investigation team to<br />

further probe the anchor's accusations,<br />

are the cases when the election of a leader<br />

is treated as if it somehow legitimizes the<br />

subsequent emergence of dictatorship.<br />

This has been the case in Russia, which,<br />

since President Vladimir Putin's first<br />

electoral victory in 2000, has become a<br />

Potemkin democracy. This year, another<br />

election, neither free nor fair, will give<br />

Putin another term in office. In a real<br />

democracy, free and fair elections are<br />

complemented more broadly by the rule<br />

of law, due process, an independent<br />

judiciary, an active civil society, and<br />

freedom of the press, worship, assembly,<br />

and association. In fact, it is theoretically<br />

possible - though unlikely - for political<br />

systems to have all these elements<br />

without elections at all. (<strong>The</strong> political<br />

scientist Samuel Finer, in his<br />

irfAN hUSAiN<br />

it appears that there is not much to look<br />

into. Had there been any evidence,<br />

surely the anchor would have presented<br />

it by now to his increasingly sceptical<br />

audience.<br />

However, he is not alone. Not that<br />

long ago, another senior anchor pushed<br />

a claim by a so-called inventor that he<br />

had discovered the secret of making a<br />

car that ran on water. Evening after<br />

evening, the anchor would lament<br />

about how a Pakistani genius was being<br />

Even after his claims have been discredited,<br />

the anchor in question is still defending<br />

himself on his channel. in one incoherent<br />

broadcast, he rejected the oft-repeated charge<br />

that he had no journalistic background but<br />

had parachuted into senior broadcasting<br />

positions at large media houses. Naming wellknown<br />

tV anchors and broadcasters abroad<br />

who had no degrees in journalism, he sought<br />

to place himself in their ranks.<br />

chriS PAttEN<br />

ignored by the scientific establishment.<br />

Finally, his persistence paid off, and the<br />

miracle car was publicly tested.<br />

Surprise, surprise, the whole thing was<br />

a hoax.<br />

In most such cases of false claims and<br />

accusations, no apologies or<br />

explanations are ever forthcoming,<br />

either from the anchor or the<br />

management. And Pemra, as we have<br />

seen, has been made a spectator to this<br />

unprofessional conduct through a spate<br />

of stay order notices so easily granted<br />

by our courts.<br />

Print journalism, by contrast, has<br />

comprehensive study of different sorts of<br />

government, found just one society that<br />

was liberal but not democratic: colonial<br />

Hong Kong.)<br />

Democracies depend on institutional<br />

software, not just hardware. <strong>The</strong> people<br />

who make them work accept a set of<br />

norms that often do not have to be<br />

codified. <strong>The</strong> problem comes when the<br />

people - or, worse, their leaders - refuse to<br />

adhere to democratic norms<br />

Democracies depend on institutional<br />

software, not just hardware. <strong>The</strong> people<br />

who make them work accept a set of<br />

norms that often do not have to be<br />

codified. <strong>The</strong> problem comes when the<br />

people - or, worse, their leaders - refuse to<br />

adhere to democratic norms. That is what<br />

is happening today in the United States,<br />

higher standards for the verification of<br />

stories. One reason is that reporters are<br />

in a chain of command, and, for the<br />

most part, no newspaper staffer can<br />

bypass the editor to approach the<br />

owners. In reputable publications like<br />

this one, their stories are normally<br />

subjected to cross-checking and factchecking.<br />

Much to my occasional irritation, the<br />

editor of these pages and I don't always<br />

see eye to eye with changes that appear<br />

in my published columns. But more<br />

often than not, I see that the alterations<br />

have been made due to either policy<br />

concerns, or where I have made a<br />

genuine mistake. <strong>The</strong> odd argument<br />

aside, my editor and I are literally on<br />

the same page.<br />

This kind of back and forth is only<br />

possible because the deadlines in print<br />

journalism aren't as tight as they are in<br />

TV where vicious rivalries and 24/7<br />

rolling news often force ill-considered<br />

decisions, and the news editor's role is<br />

severely curtailed. <strong>The</strong> results of this<br />

kind of journalism on the run are<br />

clearly visible in the shape of mindless<br />

discussions and poorly informed<br />

debates that have become the norm.<br />

Half-baked opinions are peddled as<br />

facts, and the same talking heads are<br />

invited to offer the same views night<br />

after night. Unproven accusations are<br />

thrown around liberally, while most<br />

anchors encourage the most<br />

outlandish comments without<br />

challenging them.<br />

In this environment of mediocrity<br />

and cut-throat competition, it is no<br />

wonder that unethical so-called media<br />

professionals flourish.<br />

Source : Dawn<br />

in defense of democracy during challenging times<br />

North Korea, if not stopped, will<br />

build an arsenal with multiple<br />

nuclear missiles meant to threaten<br />

the United States homeland and blackmail<br />

America into abandoning its allies in Asia.<br />

North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un will<br />

sell these weapons to state and nonstate<br />

actors, and he will inspire other rogue<br />

actors who want to undermine the USbacked<br />

postwar order.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se are real and unprecedented<br />

threats. But the answer is not, as some<br />

officials of the administration of United<br />

States President Donald Trump have<br />

suggested, a preventive military strike.<br />

Instead, there is a forceful military option<br />

available that can address the threat<br />

without escalating into a war that would<br />

likely kill tens, if not hundreds, of<br />

thousands of Americans.<br />

When I was under consideration for a<br />

position in this administration, I shared<br />

some of these views.<br />

Some may argue that US casualties and<br />

even a wider war on the Korean Peninsula<br />

are risks worth taking, given what is at<br />

stake. But a strike (even a large one) would<br />

only delay North Korea's missile-building<br />

and nuclear programmes, which are<br />

buried in deep, unknown places<br />

impenetrable to bunker-busting bombs. A<br />

strike also would not stem the threat of<br />

proliferation but rather exacerbate it,<br />

turning what might be a North Korean<br />

moneymaking endeavour into a vengeful<br />

effort intended to equip other bad actors<br />

Democracies depend on institutional software,<br />

not just hardware. the people who make them<br />

work accept a set of norms that often do not have<br />

to be codified. the problem comes when the<br />

people - or, worse, their leaders - refuse to adhere<br />

to democratic norms. that is what is happening<br />

today in the United States, as President Donald<br />

trump challenges some of the foundational rules,<br />

norms, and principles of American democracy.<br />

against the US. I empathise with the hope,<br />

espoused by some Trump officials, that a<br />

military strike would shock Pyongyang<br />

into appreciating US strength, after years<br />

of inaction, and force the regime to the<br />

denuclearisation negotiating table. I also<br />

hope that if North Korea did retaliate<br />

militarily, the US could control the<br />

escalation ladder to minimise collateral<br />

damage and prevent a collapse of financial<br />

markets. In either event, the rationale is<br />

that a strike that demonstrates US resolve<br />

to pursue "all options" is necessary to give<br />

the mercurial Kim a "bloody nose".<br />

Otherwise, he will remain undeterred in<br />

his nuclear ambitions.<br />

Yet, there is a point at which hope must<br />

give in to logic. If we believe that Kim is<br />

undeterrable without such a strike, how<br />

can we also believe that a strike will deter<br />

him from responding in kind? And if Kim<br />

is unpredictable, impulsive and bordering<br />

on irrational, how can we control the<br />

escalation ladder, which is premised on an<br />

adversary's rational understanding of<br />

signals and deterrence?<br />

Some have argued the risks are still<br />

worth taking because it's better that people<br />

die "over there" than "over here" [in<br />

America]. On any given day, there are<br />

230,000 Americans in South Korea and<br />

90,000 or so in Japan. Given that an<br />

evacuation of so many citizens would be<br />

virtually impossible under a rain of North<br />

Korean artillery and missiles (potentially<br />

laced with biochemical weapons), these<br />

Americans would most likely have to<br />

hunker down until the war was over.<br />

as President Donald Trump challenges<br />

some of the foundational rules, norms,<br />

and principles of American democracy.<br />

Trump threatens (as Richard Nixon<br />

once did) to use his power to pervert the<br />

rule of law to target his opponents - most<br />

notably Hillary Clinton, whom he wants<br />

"locked up." He assaults the freedom of<br />

the press, implicitly encouraging<br />

supporters to attack journalists, say, by<br />

tweeting a (since-deleted) parody video of<br />

himself body-slamming a man with a<br />

CNN logo on his head. He attempts to<br />

subvert America's system of checks and<br />

balances. And he seems to place a higher<br />

priority on advancing his family's own<br />

commercial interests than the interests of<br />

the American people.<br />

While some parts of America's<br />

democratic political system - for example,<br />

the judicial check on executive authority -<br />

have proved resilient, others are breaking<br />

down. But Trump is a consequence of this<br />

breakdown, not its cause.<br />

<strong>The</strong> real problem is that the Republican<br />

Party has, over the years, become a<br />

hollow instrument of lobbyists and<br />

extremists, and both Democrats and<br />

Republicans seem to have abandoned<br />

their commitment to governing by<br />

consensus. As a result, the constitutional<br />

brakes that America's founders created to<br />

prevent the election of a huckster like<br />

Trump have failed.<br />

Source : Asia times<br />

Giving North Korea a ‘bloody nose’ risks hurting the US<br />

Victor chA<br />

Some may argue that US casualties and even a wider war<br />

on the Korean Peninsula are risks worth taking, given<br />

what is at stake. But a strike (even a large one) would only<br />

delay North Korea's missile-building and nuclear<br />

programmes, which are buried in deep, unknown places<br />

impenetrable to bunker-busting bombs. A strike also<br />

would not stem the threat of proliferation but rather<br />

exacerbate it, turning what might be a North Korean<br />

moneymaking endeavour into a vengeful effort intended<br />

to equip other bad actors against the US.<br />

While the American population in Japan<br />

may be protected by US missile defences,<br />

the US population in South Korea, let<br />

alone millions of South Koreans, has no<br />

similar active defences against a barrage of<br />

North Korean artillery (aside from<br />

counterfire artillery). To be clear: <strong>The</strong> US<br />

president would be putting at risk an<br />

American population the size of a<br />

medium-sized US city - Pittsburgh, say, or<br />

Cincinnati - on the assumption that a crazy<br />

and undeterrable dictator will be rationally<br />

cowed by a demonstration of US kinetic<br />

power. An alternative coercive strategy<br />

involves enhanced and sustained US,<br />

regional and global pressure on<br />

Pyongyang to denuclearise. This strategy is<br />

likely to deliver the same potential benefits<br />

as a limited strike, along with other<br />

advantages, without the self-destructive<br />

costs. <strong>The</strong>re are four elements to this<br />

coercive strategy.<br />

First, the Trump administration must<br />

continue to strengthen the coalition of<br />

United Nations member-states it has<br />

mustered in its thus far highly successful<br />

sanctions campaign. Second, the US must<br />

significantly up-gun its alliances with<br />

Japan and South Korea with integrated<br />

missile defence, intelligence-sharing and<br />

anti-submarine warfare and strike<br />

capabilities to convey to North Korea that<br />

an attack on one is an attack on all.<br />

Source : Gulf news

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