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DEVELOPMENT TueSDay,<br />

May <strong>22</strong>, <strong>2018</strong><br />

9<br />

Colombian success story of uniting young people<br />

Steven Grattan<br />

A rat skitters through the prison cell<br />

where Harold Cuesta sits handcuffed,<br />

beads of sweat dripping down his<br />

brow. He says his imprisonment<br />

means the delicate peace pact that his<br />

gang and others negotiated with the<br />

mayor of Quibdó is now dead.<br />

Since April, Cuesta, a key figure in<br />

the peace talks, has languished in the<br />

deprived Colombian city's<br />

overpopulated Anayancy prison,<br />

alongside a dozen other ex-gang<br />

leaders. Cuesta's list of convictions<br />

over the years is exhaustive, a<br />

catalogue of time in and out of prison<br />

for offences including extortion and,<br />

this time around, the alleged murder<br />

of his former lawyer.<br />

Yet it wasn't always this way. Cuesta<br />

was once on track to realising his<br />

dream of becoming a professional<br />

footballer, until life took a turn for the<br />

worse and he resorted to criminal<br />

activity to make a living. "The peace<br />

process has no future here," reflects<br />

the 29-year-old, under the watchful<br />

gaze of the guards. The problem is not<br />

unusual in Colombia, where the<br />

Bogotá government has struggled to<br />

enforce a national peace accord in<br />

parts of the country where it holds<br />

little sway. Quibdó, however, has<br />

previously bucked that trend.<br />

The city, where the authorities<br />

struggle to provide basic services, has<br />

long felt abandoned by the state. Its<br />

predominantly black population<br />

sought to deal with their own safety.<br />

The pact over Quibdó's street warfare<br />

once distinguished it from other<br />

Colombian cities, riddled with violence<br />

and poverty. Now they find their<br />

reconciliation process threatened by<br />

the same question rocking Colombia<br />

as a whole: how should gang members<br />

who agree to turn in their arms<br />

account for their crimes?<br />

The Quibdó pact, signed in<br />

September, was an attempt to lower<br />

the crime rate before Chocó's famous<br />

San Pacho festival. The gangs agreed<br />

Quibdó's Reposo 3 barrio, built to provide temporary accommodation for people forced to flee their<br />

homes, has become a permanent installation.<br />

to lay down their weapons in exchange<br />

for the promise of access to education<br />

and work opportunities. Murder rates<br />

and vandalism dropped dramatically.<br />

"There is one simple problem," says<br />

Quibdó's mayor, Isaias Chalá. "These<br />

kinds of processes usually start from<br />

the top and work their way down …<br />

from the presidency down. But we<br />

started it the other way round."<br />

In April, the Colombian vice<br />

president, Óscar Naranjo, travelled to<br />

the region, applauding the pact for its<br />

success. Three days later, without<br />

warning, came the arrests. Chalá<br />

claims the order to jail Cuesta and the<br />

A former slave-trading hub on the<br />

Pacific coast, Chocó remains one of<br />

Colombia's most impoverished and<br />

marginalised regions. "Chocó is a<br />

region that has been marginalised,<br />

stigmatised and abandoned by the<br />

government, since the time of postcolonisation,"<br />

says Edwar Calderón, a<br />

Colombian academic at the University<br />

of Edinburgh.<br />

Since the signing of Colombia's<br />

peace accord with the Revolutionary<br />

Armed Forces of Colombia in late<br />

2016, a power vacuum has been<br />

created in areas where the guerillas<br />

demobilised, allowing criminal armed<br />

other gang leaders came from the groups to expand. "What has<br />

national police, "as a restorative justice<br />

process needs to be carried out".<br />

happened with the Farc leaving these<br />

areas are territories without control.<br />

Photo: Nadege Mazars<br />

What we are seeing now is the same<br />

violence as before, sometimes even<br />

worse, but without control," says<br />

Calderón. Amid the renewed violence,<br />

he wanted to try find a way to stop<br />

young people from joining gangs.<br />

Calderón hit upon the idea of using<br />

funds from an academic project to<br />

create a workshop involving<br />

Colombian artists and musicians.<br />

With the help of Mr Klaje, a<br />

Colombian music group who create<br />

instruments from recycled materials,<br />

and a group of artists from Fundación<br />

Casa Tres Patios in Medellín, a weeklong<br />

workshop was held in late April.<br />

Tatiana Gamboa, a 29-year-old<br />

mother from the impoverished Obrero<br />

neighbourhood, took part. "It's<br />

important, because all of the people<br />

who are here have had some kind of<br />

issue with one another," she says.<br />

Another participant, Luis Romaña,<br />

26, talks about displacement in his<br />

hometown. "Quibdó has seen a big<br />

increase in population over the last<br />

decade, a lot of it due to the arrival of<br />

displaced people as a result of the<br />

armed conflict. The population began<br />

to grow, there was no control over this,<br />

and we lost security in the city.<br />

"There are some neighbourhoods<br />

that are like colonies of other<br />

municipalities. For example, there are<br />

neighbourhoods here filled with<br />

people solely from Bojayá, where the<br />

massacre took place in 2002 [about<br />

100 people were killed when a rebel<br />

mortar aimed at paramilitaries fell on<br />

a church full of refugees]. There are<br />

also people from Bayudo, where a big<br />

indigenous population was displaced,"<br />

he says.<br />

On the final day of the workshop,<br />

young people from a variety of<br />

backgrounds, and from rival<br />

neighbourhoods, took part in a parade.<br />

Old buckets and paint tins were<br />

transformed into drums and carnival<br />

costumes crafted from sequins and<br />

feathers as the participants called for<br />

an end to violence in the city.<br />

Yeiner Belalcázar Paz, 40, better<br />

known as Candyman, is a teacher and<br />

the frontman of Mr Klaje. He comes<br />

from a neighbourhood in the<br />

Colombian city of Cali, where he grew<br />

up surrounded by gang crime.<br />

"We believe that art has a power that<br />

can help with the kind of processes that<br />

are happening like the one in Quibdó.<br />

It is like a magic tool. The young people<br />

here like to dance and sing. They live<br />

through art. When they hear a drum it<br />

runs through their veins."<br />

Among those taking part was a<br />

group of about 15 young people from<br />

Reposo 3, a neighbourhood taxi<br />

drivers wont go near. One was Baeron<br />

Palomeque. "We don't have a football<br />

pitch, a community centre or<br />

anywhere to carry out recreational<br />

activities, so the dance group is the<br />

only thing we have," he says. "It is<br />

helping to keep a lot of these kids off<br />

the street and has brought young<br />

people from rival neighbourhoods<br />

together. The government must do<br />

more though.<br />

"If there is no investment in youth, it<br />

is going to be very difficult [to end<br />

violence] because the solution is not<br />

just to arrest people or put more<br />

armed forces on the streets, but to<br />

create opportunity." Many of the<br />

workshop attendees told of their<br />

childhood in the Chocó region.<br />

Rosney Mosquera, 29, has just<br />

finished her high school diploma. "I've<br />

been a victim throughout my life. A<br />

victim of displacement, moving from<br />

neighbourhood to neighbourhood all<br />

my life. I'm a victim of rape and of<br />

armed conflict.<br />

"There is a lot of violence in the<br />

neighbourhood where I live. People<br />

have always been fighting and killing<br />

one another." The organisers were<br />

pleased with the outcome of the event.<br />

"When the young people realised that<br />

they could work together, they started<br />

to integrate, and when this happened<br />

they said that they didn't know why<br />

they thought about people from other<br />

neighbourhoods the way they did<br />

before," says Candyman.<br />

"There were a few young indigenous<br />

people there, and the black population<br />

of Quibdó. Both usually kept to their<br />

own groups. But when we started to do<br />

the activities, they started to come<br />

together."<br />

On the final day, as the parade made<br />

its way through the puddle-laden<br />

streets of the city, onlookers peered<br />

from balconies, tapping their feet to<br />

the infectious rhythms and listening to<br />

the young people as they chanted:<br />

"Our neighbourhood is your<br />

neighbourhood, our street is your<br />

street. No more violence, Quibdó." At<br />

one point they went past the prison<br />

where Cuesta is being held, reflecting<br />

on the ruined pact he built.<br />

Why development needs<br />

social science<br />

Less meat consumption linked<br />

to cutting drug resistance<br />

David Bennett<br />

Different media sources<br />

and commentators provide<br />

very good coverage on a wide<br />

range of development issues -<br />

but it is striking how little<br />

attention they give to the<br />

social sciences. A recent<br />

editorial, for example,<br />

appears to mean the natural<br />

sciences when setting out<br />

arguments for focusing aid<br />

on science funding based on<br />

the UN's Financing for<br />

Development conference in<br />

Ethiopia in 2015.<br />

Yet the social and political<br />

sciences have much to offer in<br />

providing powerful insights<br />

for promoting development.<br />

And in fact, the division<br />

between the natural and<br />

social sciences only emerged<br />

in the mid-19th century.<br />

My own career straddles<br />

the divide and most recently<br />

has focused on<br />

biotechnology's increasing<br />

role in developing countries,<br />

particularly in Africa, where -<br />

like in other economically<br />

emerging and increasingly<br />

influential regions - the social<br />

sciences are the poor relation.<br />

This neglect of the social<br />

sciences is part of a larger<br />

challenge: that of producing<br />

research that addresses<br />

development priorities such<br />

as food, health and energy<br />

security, rather than simply<br />

meeting academic objectives<br />

such as conference<br />

presentations and<br />

publication in peer-reviewed<br />

journals.<br />

Thabo Mbeki, the former<br />

South African president,<br />

criticised the African<br />

education system for its<br />

"limited relevance" to the<br />

continent's social and<br />

economic challenges when<br />

delivering a keynote address<br />

at the start of the inaugural<br />

Africa Universities Summit in<br />

Johannesburg in July.<br />

This has roots in the<br />

history of African education.<br />

There are some 620 African<br />

universities now, yet until the<br />

1970s, many were extensions<br />

of British and French<br />

universities. Their curricula<br />

and research were dominated<br />

by Western paradigms,<br />

concepts and theories.<br />

As Mbeki said in his<br />

speech, this dominance still<br />

continues in the social<br />

sciences. Marxist, neoliberal<br />

and gender studies derived<br />

from Western thinking and<br />

research prevail over local<br />

thinking and research. So<br />

social scientists generally<br />

avoid topics deemed<br />

unfashionable, politically<br />

incorrect or too sensitive in<br />

the local context. Those<br />

topics include large rural<br />

populations, widespread<br />

relative poverty, massive<br />

young population growth and<br />

governance involving<br />

extremist violence, tribalism<br />

and corruption - but there are<br />

many others.<br />

The result is that African<br />

social sciences are of<br />

questionable relevance to<br />

local conditions. And this is<br />

part of a wider problem in the<br />

higher education system. As<br />

Mbeki said, the relationship<br />

between universities and<br />

political leaders has been<br />

"weakened and destroyed in<br />

many instances" since<br />

colonial times, partly because<br />

universities are perceived to<br />

be part of the political<br />

opposition.<br />

This has led to African<br />

universities becoming<br />

"impoverished", "weakened"<br />

Social and political science can offer powerful insights for regional<br />

development.<br />

Photo: Tom Pilston<br />

and "marginalised", in the<br />

words of Mbeki again. This<br />

means they are starved of<br />

funds, being regarded as a<br />

drain on public finances<br />

rather than potential<br />

contributors to countries'<br />

economies, and their findings<br />

and recommendations are<br />

frequently ignored, rejected<br />

or even opposed.<br />

So when they are able to,<br />

bright students go abroad for<br />

their postgraduate training,<br />

as they used to, but no longer<br />

return enthusiastically to<br />

contribute their knowledge -<br />

depriving the continent of a<br />

new generation of natural<br />

and social scientists. Instead,<br />

many join an ever-growing<br />

diaspora. If they do return,<br />

they frequently face poorly<br />

resourced and managed<br />

facilities with little<br />

opportunity to participate in<br />

the work of their<br />

international academic<br />

communities, or to advance<br />

their careers.<br />

This resource deficit feeds<br />

into the disconnect between<br />

social science research and<br />

African development, which<br />

has to be rectified if that<br />

research is to have local<br />

relevance, be accepted and<br />

supported by political<br />

leaders, and therefore play its<br />

full part in informing<br />

development.<br />

The reason is self-evident.<br />

African history and its<br />

societies, like those of other<br />

non-Western regions, differ<br />

radically from those of the<br />

West - and so must the social<br />

sciences, which are<br />

concerned with societies and<br />

the relationships among<br />

individuals within societies.<br />

There are organisations<br />

working towards this goal.<br />

The Council for the<br />

Development of Social<br />

Science Research in Africa<br />

(CODESRIA),<br />

an<br />

independent organisation set<br />

up in 1973, aims to bring<br />

together and promote the<br />

social science community on<br />

the continent. CODESRIA<br />

cohosted the World Social<br />

Science Forum a few years<br />

ago in South Africa. Its title<br />

was "Transforming global<br />

relations for a just world", yet<br />

it focused on tackling global<br />

inequalities - a theme that's<br />

in line with dominating<br />

Western paradigms - rather<br />

than Africa's development<br />

needs.<br />

Mike van Graan, executive<br />

director of the African Arts<br />

Institute, said of his focus at<br />

the forum: "We are trying to<br />

understand the cultural<br />

dimensions of development.<br />

How do you pursue<br />

development and how do you<br />

understand development,<br />

both itself as a cultural<br />

construct, but also in the<br />

context of societies where<br />

culture is an important<br />

player?" This is precisely the<br />

question that needs<br />

answering. But it was asked<br />

in relation to solving<br />

inequality, not addressing the<br />

many components of<br />

development.<br />

Dyna Rochmyaningsih<br />

Cutting<br />

meat<br />

consumption is one of three<br />

strategies that an<br />

international team of<br />

scientists recommends to<br />

tackle the rising problem of<br />

antibiotic resistance<br />

stemming from abundant<br />

use in animal farming.<br />

In a study published in the<br />

journal Science in<br />

September, the scientists<br />

also recommend caps on<br />

antibiotic use and levying<br />

user fees on buyers of farm<br />

antibiotics which would<br />

effectively make it more<br />

expensive and discourage<br />

excessive use.<br />

About 80 per cent of all<br />

antibiotics are consumed by<br />

farm animals. Farmers<br />

resort to antibiotics,<br />

generally administered<br />

through animal feed or lowdose<br />

injections, to improve<br />

nutrition and hygiene for<br />

their livestock. However, the<br />

drugs turn farm animals into<br />

major sources of antibiotic<br />

resistance, according to the<br />

study.<br />

In September 2016, the<br />

UN General Assembly<br />

highlighted the urgency of<br />

limiting antibiotic use in<br />

animal farms which is the<br />

leading cause of drug<br />

resistance. The global<br />

consumption of antibiotics<br />

by food animals, estimated<br />

at 131,109 tonnes in 2013, is<br />

projected to reach 200,235<br />

tonnes by 2030.<br />

According to Ramanan<br />

Laxminarayan, an author of<br />

the study and director of the<br />

Centre for Disease<br />

Dynamics, Economics, and<br />

Policy, Washington, while<br />

some countries are already<br />

making efforts to decrease<br />

the use of antibiotics on<br />

animal farms, the results are<br />

yet to be assessed.<br />

China, the largest<br />

consumer of farm<br />

antibiotics, has advised its<br />

citizens to cut meat<br />

consumption to 40 - 70<br />

grams per person per day or<br />

about half of the current<br />

consumption. For<br />

comparison, the United<br />

States consume a very high<br />

260 grams of meat per<br />

person per day. Europe has<br />

enforced capping<br />

regulations and the World<br />

Bank has proposed a 'user<br />

fee' to be imposed on those<br />

buying antibiotics for farm<br />

Cutting intake of farmed meats could help reduce antibiotic resistance.<br />

animals.<br />

According to the study,<br />

limiting per capita meat<br />

intake to 40<br />

grams/person/day could<br />

result in reduction of<br />

antimicrobial use in animal<br />

farms by 66 per cent, while<br />

enforcing caps on antibiotic<br />

usage could result in a 64 per<br />

cent reduction. The user-fee<br />

strategy could also decrease<br />

antibiotic use by 30 per cent.<br />

"We find that a<br />

combination of these three<br />

strategies could decrease the<br />

use of antimicrobials in<br />

animal farms by 80 per<br />

cent," says Laxminarayan. "I<br />

think that inertia is our<br />

biggest challenge - maybe<br />

people will adopt these<br />

strategies when things get<br />

really worse."<br />

Riana Arief, director,<br />

Centre for Indonesian<br />

Veterinary Analytical<br />

Studies, points to the<br />

Indonesian agriculture<br />

ministry's recent regulation<br />

prohibiting the use of<br />

Photo: NDTV<br />

antibiotics as feed additives.<br />

"Controlling antibiotic use is<br />

possible through regulation,<br />

strong enforcement and<br />

good surveillance," she says.<br />

Arief, however, thinks that<br />

limiting meat consumption<br />

and user-fee strategies may<br />

not work in countries with<br />

very low per capita meat<br />

consumption like Indonesia.<br />

Meat consumption in the<br />

country is still far below<br />

global standards and<br />

government policy is to<br />

boost meat production. Also,<br />

smallholders who rely on<br />

costly imported feed will be<br />

hit if a user fee is imposed,<br />

she says.

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