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DEVELOPMENT TueSDay,<br />
May <strong>22</strong>, <strong>2018</strong><br />
9<br />
Colombian success story of uniting young people<br />
Steven Grattan<br />
A rat skitters through the prison cell<br />
where Harold Cuesta sits handcuffed,<br />
beads of sweat dripping down his<br />
brow. He says his imprisonment<br />
means the delicate peace pact that his<br />
gang and others negotiated with the<br />
mayor of Quibdó is now dead.<br />
Since April, Cuesta, a key figure in<br />
the peace talks, has languished in the<br />
deprived Colombian city's<br />
overpopulated Anayancy prison,<br />
alongside a dozen other ex-gang<br />
leaders. Cuesta's list of convictions<br />
over the years is exhaustive, a<br />
catalogue of time in and out of prison<br />
for offences including extortion and,<br />
this time around, the alleged murder<br />
of his former lawyer.<br />
Yet it wasn't always this way. Cuesta<br />
was once on track to realising his<br />
dream of becoming a professional<br />
footballer, until life took a turn for the<br />
worse and he resorted to criminal<br />
activity to make a living. "The peace<br />
process has no future here," reflects<br />
the 29-year-old, under the watchful<br />
gaze of the guards. The problem is not<br />
unusual in Colombia, where the<br />
Bogotá government has struggled to<br />
enforce a national peace accord in<br />
parts of the country where it holds<br />
little sway. Quibdó, however, has<br />
previously bucked that trend.<br />
The city, where the authorities<br />
struggle to provide basic services, has<br />
long felt abandoned by the state. Its<br />
predominantly black population<br />
sought to deal with their own safety.<br />
The pact over Quibdó's street warfare<br />
once distinguished it from other<br />
Colombian cities, riddled with violence<br />
and poverty. Now they find their<br />
reconciliation process threatened by<br />
the same question rocking Colombia<br />
as a whole: how should gang members<br />
who agree to turn in their arms<br />
account for their crimes?<br />
The Quibdó pact, signed in<br />
September, was an attempt to lower<br />
the crime rate before Chocó's famous<br />
San Pacho festival. The gangs agreed<br />
Quibdó's Reposo 3 barrio, built to provide temporary accommodation for people forced to flee their<br />
homes, has become a permanent installation.<br />
to lay down their weapons in exchange<br />
for the promise of access to education<br />
and work opportunities. Murder rates<br />
and vandalism dropped dramatically.<br />
"There is one simple problem," says<br />
Quibdó's mayor, Isaias Chalá. "These<br />
kinds of processes usually start from<br />
the top and work their way down …<br />
from the presidency down. But we<br />
started it the other way round."<br />
In April, the Colombian vice<br />
president, Óscar Naranjo, travelled to<br />
the region, applauding the pact for its<br />
success. Three days later, without<br />
warning, came the arrests. Chalá<br />
claims the order to jail Cuesta and the<br />
A former slave-trading hub on the<br />
Pacific coast, Chocó remains one of<br />
Colombia's most impoverished and<br />
marginalised regions. "Chocó is a<br />
region that has been marginalised,<br />
stigmatised and abandoned by the<br />
government, since the time of postcolonisation,"<br />
says Edwar Calderón, a<br />
Colombian academic at the University<br />
of Edinburgh.<br />
Since the signing of Colombia's<br />
peace accord with the Revolutionary<br />
Armed Forces of Colombia in late<br />
2016, a power vacuum has been<br />
created in areas where the guerillas<br />
demobilised, allowing criminal armed<br />
other gang leaders came from the groups to expand. "What has<br />
national police, "as a restorative justice<br />
process needs to be carried out".<br />
happened with the Farc leaving these<br />
areas are territories without control.<br />
Photo: Nadege Mazars<br />
What we are seeing now is the same<br />
violence as before, sometimes even<br />
worse, but without control," says<br />
Calderón. Amid the renewed violence,<br />
he wanted to try find a way to stop<br />
young people from joining gangs.<br />
Calderón hit upon the idea of using<br />
funds from an academic project to<br />
create a workshop involving<br />
Colombian artists and musicians.<br />
With the help of Mr Klaje, a<br />
Colombian music group who create<br />
instruments from recycled materials,<br />
and a group of artists from Fundación<br />
Casa Tres Patios in Medellín, a weeklong<br />
workshop was held in late April.<br />
Tatiana Gamboa, a 29-year-old<br />
mother from the impoverished Obrero<br />
neighbourhood, took part. "It's<br />
important, because all of the people<br />
who are here have had some kind of<br />
issue with one another," she says.<br />
Another participant, Luis Romaña,<br />
26, talks about displacement in his<br />
hometown. "Quibdó has seen a big<br />
increase in population over the last<br />
decade, a lot of it due to the arrival of<br />
displaced people as a result of the<br />
armed conflict. The population began<br />
to grow, there was no control over this,<br />
and we lost security in the city.<br />
"There are some neighbourhoods<br />
that are like colonies of other<br />
municipalities. For example, there are<br />
neighbourhoods here filled with<br />
people solely from Bojayá, where the<br />
massacre took place in 2002 [about<br />
100 people were killed when a rebel<br />
mortar aimed at paramilitaries fell on<br />
a church full of refugees]. There are<br />
also people from Bayudo, where a big<br />
indigenous population was displaced,"<br />
he says.<br />
On the final day of the workshop,<br />
young people from a variety of<br />
backgrounds, and from rival<br />
neighbourhoods, took part in a parade.<br />
Old buckets and paint tins were<br />
transformed into drums and carnival<br />
costumes crafted from sequins and<br />
feathers as the participants called for<br />
an end to violence in the city.<br />
Yeiner Belalcázar Paz, 40, better<br />
known as Candyman, is a teacher and<br />
the frontman of Mr Klaje. He comes<br />
from a neighbourhood in the<br />
Colombian city of Cali, where he grew<br />
up surrounded by gang crime.<br />
"We believe that art has a power that<br />
can help with the kind of processes that<br />
are happening like the one in Quibdó.<br />
It is like a magic tool. The young people<br />
here like to dance and sing. They live<br />
through art. When they hear a drum it<br />
runs through their veins."<br />
Among those taking part was a<br />
group of about 15 young people from<br />
Reposo 3, a neighbourhood taxi<br />
drivers wont go near. One was Baeron<br />
Palomeque. "We don't have a football<br />
pitch, a community centre or<br />
anywhere to carry out recreational<br />
activities, so the dance group is the<br />
only thing we have," he says. "It is<br />
helping to keep a lot of these kids off<br />
the street and has brought young<br />
people from rival neighbourhoods<br />
together. The government must do<br />
more though.<br />
"If there is no investment in youth, it<br />
is going to be very difficult [to end<br />
violence] because the solution is not<br />
just to arrest people or put more<br />
armed forces on the streets, but to<br />
create opportunity." Many of the<br />
workshop attendees told of their<br />
childhood in the Chocó region.<br />
Rosney Mosquera, 29, has just<br />
finished her high school diploma. "I've<br />
been a victim throughout my life. A<br />
victim of displacement, moving from<br />
neighbourhood to neighbourhood all<br />
my life. I'm a victim of rape and of<br />
armed conflict.<br />
"There is a lot of violence in the<br />
neighbourhood where I live. People<br />
have always been fighting and killing<br />
one another." The organisers were<br />
pleased with the outcome of the event.<br />
"When the young people realised that<br />
they could work together, they started<br />
to integrate, and when this happened<br />
they said that they didn't know why<br />
they thought about people from other<br />
neighbourhoods the way they did<br />
before," says Candyman.<br />
"There were a few young indigenous<br />
people there, and the black population<br />
of Quibdó. Both usually kept to their<br />
own groups. But when we started to do<br />
the activities, they started to come<br />
together."<br />
On the final day, as the parade made<br />
its way through the puddle-laden<br />
streets of the city, onlookers peered<br />
from balconies, tapping their feet to<br />
the infectious rhythms and listening to<br />
the young people as they chanted:<br />
"Our neighbourhood is your<br />
neighbourhood, our street is your<br />
street. No more violence, Quibdó." At<br />
one point they went past the prison<br />
where Cuesta is being held, reflecting<br />
on the ruined pact he built.<br />
Why development needs<br />
social science<br />
Less meat consumption linked<br />
to cutting drug resistance<br />
David Bennett<br />
Different media sources<br />
and commentators provide<br />
very good coverage on a wide<br />
range of development issues -<br />
but it is striking how little<br />
attention they give to the<br />
social sciences. A recent<br />
editorial, for example,<br />
appears to mean the natural<br />
sciences when setting out<br />
arguments for focusing aid<br />
on science funding based on<br />
the UN's Financing for<br />
Development conference in<br />
Ethiopia in 2015.<br />
Yet the social and political<br />
sciences have much to offer in<br />
providing powerful insights<br />
for promoting development.<br />
And in fact, the division<br />
between the natural and<br />
social sciences only emerged<br />
in the mid-19th century.<br />
My own career straddles<br />
the divide and most recently<br />
has focused on<br />
biotechnology's increasing<br />
role in developing countries,<br />
particularly in Africa, where -<br />
like in other economically<br />
emerging and increasingly<br />
influential regions - the social<br />
sciences are the poor relation.<br />
This neglect of the social<br />
sciences is part of a larger<br />
challenge: that of producing<br />
research that addresses<br />
development priorities such<br />
as food, health and energy<br />
security, rather than simply<br />
meeting academic objectives<br />
such as conference<br />
presentations and<br />
publication in peer-reviewed<br />
journals.<br />
Thabo Mbeki, the former<br />
South African president,<br />
criticised the African<br />
education system for its<br />
"limited relevance" to the<br />
continent's social and<br />
economic challenges when<br />
delivering a keynote address<br />
at the start of the inaugural<br />
Africa Universities Summit in<br />
Johannesburg in July.<br />
This has roots in the<br />
history of African education.<br />
There are some 620 African<br />
universities now, yet until the<br />
1970s, many were extensions<br />
of British and French<br />
universities. Their curricula<br />
and research were dominated<br />
by Western paradigms,<br />
concepts and theories.<br />
As Mbeki said in his<br />
speech, this dominance still<br />
continues in the social<br />
sciences. Marxist, neoliberal<br />
and gender studies derived<br />
from Western thinking and<br />
research prevail over local<br />
thinking and research. So<br />
social scientists generally<br />
avoid topics deemed<br />
unfashionable, politically<br />
incorrect or too sensitive in<br />
the local context. Those<br />
topics include large rural<br />
populations, widespread<br />
relative poverty, massive<br />
young population growth and<br />
governance involving<br />
extremist violence, tribalism<br />
and corruption - but there are<br />
many others.<br />
The result is that African<br />
social sciences are of<br />
questionable relevance to<br />
local conditions. And this is<br />
part of a wider problem in the<br />
higher education system. As<br />
Mbeki said, the relationship<br />
between universities and<br />
political leaders has been<br />
"weakened and destroyed in<br />
many instances" since<br />
colonial times, partly because<br />
universities are perceived to<br />
be part of the political<br />
opposition.<br />
This has led to African<br />
universities becoming<br />
"impoverished", "weakened"<br />
Social and political science can offer powerful insights for regional<br />
development.<br />
Photo: Tom Pilston<br />
and "marginalised", in the<br />
words of Mbeki again. This<br />
means they are starved of<br />
funds, being regarded as a<br />
drain on public finances<br />
rather than potential<br />
contributors to countries'<br />
economies, and their findings<br />
and recommendations are<br />
frequently ignored, rejected<br />
or even opposed.<br />
So when they are able to,<br />
bright students go abroad for<br />
their postgraduate training,<br />
as they used to, but no longer<br />
return enthusiastically to<br />
contribute their knowledge -<br />
depriving the continent of a<br />
new generation of natural<br />
and social scientists. Instead,<br />
many join an ever-growing<br />
diaspora. If they do return,<br />
they frequently face poorly<br />
resourced and managed<br />
facilities with little<br />
opportunity to participate in<br />
the work of their<br />
international academic<br />
communities, or to advance<br />
their careers.<br />
This resource deficit feeds<br />
into the disconnect between<br />
social science research and<br />
African development, which<br />
has to be rectified if that<br />
research is to have local<br />
relevance, be accepted and<br />
supported by political<br />
leaders, and therefore play its<br />
full part in informing<br />
development.<br />
The reason is self-evident.<br />
African history and its<br />
societies, like those of other<br />
non-Western regions, differ<br />
radically from those of the<br />
West - and so must the social<br />
sciences, which are<br />
concerned with societies and<br />
the relationships among<br />
individuals within societies.<br />
There are organisations<br />
working towards this goal.<br />
The Council for the<br />
Development of Social<br />
Science Research in Africa<br />
(CODESRIA),<br />
an<br />
independent organisation set<br />
up in 1973, aims to bring<br />
together and promote the<br />
social science community on<br />
the continent. CODESRIA<br />
cohosted the World Social<br />
Science Forum a few years<br />
ago in South Africa. Its title<br />
was "Transforming global<br />
relations for a just world", yet<br />
it focused on tackling global<br />
inequalities - a theme that's<br />
in line with dominating<br />
Western paradigms - rather<br />
than Africa's development<br />
needs.<br />
Mike van Graan, executive<br />
director of the African Arts<br />
Institute, said of his focus at<br />
the forum: "We are trying to<br />
understand the cultural<br />
dimensions of development.<br />
How do you pursue<br />
development and how do you<br />
understand development,<br />
both itself as a cultural<br />
construct, but also in the<br />
context of societies where<br />
culture is an important<br />
player?" This is precisely the<br />
question that needs<br />
answering. But it was asked<br />
in relation to solving<br />
inequality, not addressing the<br />
many components of<br />
development.<br />
Dyna Rochmyaningsih<br />
Cutting<br />
meat<br />
consumption is one of three<br />
strategies that an<br />
international team of<br />
scientists recommends to<br />
tackle the rising problem of<br />
antibiotic resistance<br />
stemming from abundant<br />
use in animal farming.<br />
In a study published in the<br />
journal Science in<br />
September, the scientists<br />
also recommend caps on<br />
antibiotic use and levying<br />
user fees on buyers of farm<br />
antibiotics which would<br />
effectively make it more<br />
expensive and discourage<br />
excessive use.<br />
About 80 per cent of all<br />
antibiotics are consumed by<br />
farm animals. Farmers<br />
resort to antibiotics,<br />
generally administered<br />
through animal feed or lowdose<br />
injections, to improve<br />
nutrition and hygiene for<br />
their livestock. However, the<br />
drugs turn farm animals into<br />
major sources of antibiotic<br />
resistance, according to the<br />
study.<br />
In September 2016, the<br />
UN General Assembly<br />
highlighted the urgency of<br />
limiting antibiotic use in<br />
animal farms which is the<br />
leading cause of drug<br />
resistance. The global<br />
consumption of antibiotics<br />
by food animals, estimated<br />
at 131,109 tonnes in 2013, is<br />
projected to reach 200,235<br />
tonnes by 2030.<br />
According to Ramanan<br />
Laxminarayan, an author of<br />
the study and director of the<br />
Centre for Disease<br />
Dynamics, Economics, and<br />
Policy, Washington, while<br />
some countries are already<br />
making efforts to decrease<br />
the use of antibiotics on<br />
animal farms, the results are<br />
yet to be assessed.<br />
China, the largest<br />
consumer of farm<br />
antibiotics, has advised its<br />
citizens to cut meat<br />
consumption to 40 - 70<br />
grams per person per day or<br />
about half of the current<br />
consumption. For<br />
comparison, the United<br />
States consume a very high<br />
260 grams of meat per<br />
person per day. Europe has<br />
enforced capping<br />
regulations and the World<br />
Bank has proposed a 'user<br />
fee' to be imposed on those<br />
buying antibiotics for farm<br />
Cutting intake of farmed meats could help reduce antibiotic resistance.<br />
animals.<br />
According to the study,<br />
limiting per capita meat<br />
intake to 40<br />
grams/person/day could<br />
result in reduction of<br />
antimicrobial use in animal<br />
farms by 66 per cent, while<br />
enforcing caps on antibiotic<br />
usage could result in a 64 per<br />
cent reduction. The user-fee<br />
strategy could also decrease<br />
antibiotic use by 30 per cent.<br />
"We find that a<br />
combination of these three<br />
strategies could decrease the<br />
use of antimicrobials in<br />
animal farms by 80 per<br />
cent," says Laxminarayan. "I<br />
think that inertia is our<br />
biggest challenge - maybe<br />
people will adopt these<br />
strategies when things get<br />
really worse."<br />
Riana Arief, director,<br />
Centre for Indonesian<br />
Veterinary Analytical<br />
Studies, points to the<br />
Indonesian agriculture<br />
ministry's recent regulation<br />
prohibiting the use of<br />
Photo: NDTV<br />
antibiotics as feed additives.<br />
"Controlling antibiotic use is<br />
possible through regulation,<br />
strong enforcement and<br />
good surveillance," she says.<br />
Arief, however, thinks that<br />
limiting meat consumption<br />
and user-fee strategies may<br />
not work in countries with<br />
very low per capita meat<br />
consumption like Indonesia.<br />
Meat consumption in the<br />
country is still far below<br />
global standards and<br />
government policy is to<br />
boost meat production. Also,<br />
smallholders who rely on<br />
costly imported feed will be<br />
hit if a user fee is imposed,<br />
she says.