17.12.2012 Views

Understanding Weber

Understanding Weber

Understanding Weber

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

<strong>Weber</strong> before <strong>Weber</strong>ian sociology, revisited 19<br />

kets represent objective factors, for <strong>Weber</strong>, the subjective, motivational or<br />

psychological factors have to be given equal attention if one is to assess the<br />

future direction of developments.<br />

<strong>Weber</strong>’s report was immediately recognized as authoritative and insightful<br />

as well as breaking new ground in research on the agrarian question.<br />

<strong>Weber</strong> used his empirical study and analysis to great effect in the political<br />

and policy debates which followed on the publication of the report at the<br />

end of 1892. <strong>Weber</strong>’s own political position, which has been expounded in<br />

detail elsewhere, 26 argued for maintaining a German agricultural workforce<br />

on the grounds that the eastern borders would only be secure with a settled<br />

German workforce and not a Polish migratory one. Given that the psychological<br />

and motivational grounds for the joint community of ‘Instleute’ and<br />

Junker were no longer viable, farmland should be made available by the<br />

government for small German farmers. For a bourgeois academic, <strong>Weber</strong>’s<br />

political position was somewhat eccentric and hardly progressive. In terms<br />

of agrarian development, sounder arguments could have been made to allow<br />

the inevitable migration to the west – both of German farmers to the towns<br />

and of farmworkers from central Europe to Prussia. This would have optimized<br />

the development of central Europe, which was then very backward,<br />

and have been in the interests of both landowners and dissatisfied German<br />

farmworkers.<br />

The national-economist<br />

It is still not generally understood just how immersed <strong>Weber</strong> was in national-economy.<br />

Overall, there has been a tendency to regard the <strong>Weber</strong> of<br />

the 1890s as an emergent sociologist who was informed about economics<br />

rather than an economist in his own right who later developed sociological<br />

interests. His professorial post was in national-economy, first at Freiburg and<br />

then at Heidelberg, and that is what he principally lectured on. His work on<br />

the agrarian conditions in the east of Germany was done as an economist,<br />

even though we can see the signs of social researcher in those studies. In<br />

addition, he became an expert on the stock exchanges, or bourses as they<br />

were called. An impression has been formed that, because <strong>Weber</strong> trained as a<br />

legal historian, his ‘switch’ into national-economy, when he took up a chair<br />

in that subject at Freiburg in 1894 at the age of 30, was artificial. Also, his<br />

immense reputation as a sociologist has provided the lazy assumption that he<br />

was never properly an economist.<br />

But even in his postdoctoral work at Berlin, prior to his appointment at<br />

Freiburg, law, economy and capitalism in the ancient world had become<br />

the focus of his interests. His habilitation thesis, published in 1891, was<br />

entitled ‘Roman Agrarian History and its Significance for Public and Private<br />

Law’. 27 Wolfgang Mommsen comments that, while the thesis was intended<br />

as an analysis of the Roman legal system and its impact upon the agrarian<br />

economy, it soon escaped this narrow framework. What <strong>Weber</strong> discovered

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!