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The Life and Times of James Connolly

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an occupation most necessary in our city life, but nevertheless universally despised<br />

by the public opinion <strong>of</strong> aristocratic Edinburgh.”<br />

Had there been no Unionist, <strong>and</strong> had the advanced working-class voters been left<br />

free to choose between the revolutionary Social-Democrat <strong>and</strong> the orthodox Liberal,<br />

<strong>Connolly</strong> thought, the result would have been highly satisfactory for socialism. But<br />

hundreds <strong>of</strong> men had cast their votes for Mitchell as the c<strong>and</strong>idate most likely to defeat<br />

the Tory.<br />

He concluded: “<strong>The</strong>y will now have twelve months in which to meditate on the<br />

difference between the Liberal Tweedledee <strong>and</strong> the Tory Tweedledum, <strong>and</strong> after having<br />

so meditated they are invited to record the result <strong>of</strong> their studies at the polling booth on<br />

the first Tuesday <strong>of</strong> November 1895, if not before.”<br />

<strong>Connolly</strong> made little <strong>of</strong> his victory over Gardiner, though it could, in the light <strong>of</strong><br />

subsequent history, show that neither in alliance with the Liberals, nor in attempted<br />

isolation, could the Irish nationalists ever again exert influence in Britain. <strong>The</strong> Labour<br />

alliance had become a necessity. He did, however, explain his insistence on st<strong>and</strong>ing as<br />

“Socialist” c<strong>and</strong>idate. He wrote:<br />

“<strong>The</strong> return <strong>of</strong> a Socialist c<strong>and</strong>idate does not mean the immediate realisation <strong>of</strong> even<br />

the programme <strong>of</strong> palliatives commonly set before the electors. Nay, such<br />

programmes are in themselves a mere secondary consideration <strong>of</strong> little weight,<br />

indeed, apart from the spirit in which they will be interpreted. <strong>The</strong> election <strong>of</strong> a<br />

Socialist to any public body is only valuable in so far as it is the return <strong>of</strong> a disturber<br />

<strong>of</strong> the political peace.”<br />

He regarded reforms <strong>and</strong> the struggle for reform as subordinate to the larger aims <strong>of</strong><br />

socialism. But such a struggle was an essential part <strong>of</strong> achieving socialism, <strong>and</strong> with this<br />

in view he announced a further electoral effort in the newly instituted Poor Law elections<br />

next year.<br />

<strong>Connolly</strong>’s circumstances now changed abruptly. Throughout November there was<br />

much organising activity among the labourers. <strong>The</strong> women’s branch <strong>of</strong> the S.S.F.<br />

continued to flourish <strong>and</strong> the Clarion Scouts were founded at the Moulders Hall. But<br />

unemployment increased sharply once again with the opening <strong>of</strong> what proved one <strong>of</strong> the<br />

hardest winters <strong>of</strong> the century. It was customary for the City Cleansing Department to<br />

hire extra men <strong>and</strong> horses from contractors each year. Inspector McKay decided this<br />

winter to meet the increased work by means <strong>of</strong> overtime. He engaged no extra men <strong>and</strong>,<br />

despite the fair wage clause adopted by the Council, he compelled his regular carters to<br />

work ten <strong>and</strong> eleven hours a day without receiving the statutory overtime rate.<br />

38 | <strong>The</strong> <strong>Life</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Times</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>James</strong> <strong>Connolly</strong>

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