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(International Library of Sociology) Celia Lury - Brands_ The Logos of the Global Economy-Routledge (2004)

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(quoted in Manovich, 2001:105).

There is a further point to be made in relation to the role of the law,

though. This is that while the associations that are protected in trade

mark are held in law to be made in the minds of consumers, the

consumption activities in which such associations might reasonably be

assumed to be produced—at least in part—are not generally held to be

objectifying. In other words, trade mark law does more than protect the

mark owner from unfair forms of competition. It makes it possible for

trade mark owners to establish and lay claim to property rights in new

forms of object-ivity while only minimally acknowledging the

implicatedness of the activities of consumers in this objectivity. The

law’s role in the development of the sign thus contributes not only to

the asymmetrical nature of the communication that informs the

objectivity of the brand, but also to its production of inequality, and to

its abstraction from everyday life.

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Page 15

Just do what?

What, then, does the account of the brand outlined here raise for a

sociological understanding of objects? The first point to have been made

in this introduction is that there are multiple knowledges implicated in

the brand’s framing of the market—not simply the economic, but also

those of marketing, design and the law. More radically, the suggestion is

that the brand must also be seen in terms of the knowledge practices of

images, information and the media. A second is that the objectivity of

the brand is not independent of or external to these knowledge

practices; they enter into the object itself. A third is that the brand is an

object in movement—that is, its objectivity is not fixed, but rather is

dynamic; the brand is in and of movement. A fourth point is that this

dynamism can be seen as ‘mixed, layered and heterogeneous images

unfolding in time’ (Rodowick, 1994). The fifth is that this unfolding is

organised in terms of an interactivity in which the recursive, looping use

of information about the consumer plays a pivotal role, and sixth,

contributes to the multiple logics of global flows. The seventh point is

that the interactivity in which this objectivity emerges is currently

organised in law so as to be not just asymmetrical but unequal.

Taken together, these points suggest that a sociology of objects should

be—perhaps cannot avoid being—concerned not simply with

descriptive knowledge (with how things are), but also with the

imperative (with how things should be) (Simon, [1969] 1981). In

conventional sociological terms, one might say the brand’s organisation

of exchange is a total and complete social fact (Mauss, 1976), but

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