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Totalitarian

Liberalism

by Liliana Limpidă

Whereas most experienced the 1970s as a decade of chaos,

crime, and confusion, for a small and devoted study

group of economists, academics, and businesspeople,

it was a golden opportunity. For almost 15 years, they had been

developing a return to classical liberalism without the pitfalls that

had led to its demise, and finally, with the collapse of the Keynesian

consensus, they saw their opportunity to enact it. Every text

written about neoliberalism has to define it and redefine it into

oblivion. It is constantly changing; as many versions of it exist as

there are countries on earth. It is the global market system, where

everything and everyone is a commodity to be bought and sold

and discarded and destroyed.

The original neoliberals saw the world in simple terms:

If it cannot survive in a market environment, then it shouldn’t exist

-- people and public institutions alike. The state would retain

only two major functions: Protecting the market from threats to

its existence and expanding the market as far into our everyday

lives as possible. The state would retain the economic powers it

endowed itself with under Keynesianism in order to prop up key

industries whose failure could trigger a total economic collapse.

This also necessitated a massive military-industrial complex, both

to protect against domestic civil unrest as well as to destabilize

and conquer nations refusing to integrate into the global market.

Competing economic systems pose a problem for the market. In

order for capitalism to sustain itself, the market economy must

grow infinitely, which is functionally impossible. Once hard limits

to growth are reached and economic stability is threatened, the

only way to keep expanding is to ruthlessly destroy all existing

reservoirs of capital to provide a justification for generating more.

War is not only highly efficient to this end, it serves the additional

function of battering 20th century nationalist holdouts into complete

submission to the new world order, eliminating the market’s

ideological opponents and pushing the hard limits to growth

slightly into the future.

Neoliberalism has a unique quirk that allows it to

lay deep mycelial roots in all of us, a quirk not found in other

totalitarian systems. Fascists and communists relied on people’s

devotion to the collective, to the party, to the state; neoliberals

prefer individualism. We have a paralyzing abundance of personal

choice in areas of life that don’t matter in order to mask the

fact that we have no say in the big decisions that do. An absurd

amount of individual responsibility is laid at our feet, especially

when it comes to problems that have social origins and require an

organized collective response, such as poverty or climate change.

In projecting this ideological framework, neoliberalism is able

to slip just below the radar of consciousness. It cloaks itself in

a billion brands, a billion diversions, a billion smiling faces. It

rarely makes itself known directly. Its propaganda is aerosolized

through a dizzying multitude of advertisements, content creation,

and worryingly, individuals themselves. It is so pernicious, so

insidious, that some of the most radical neoliberals alive today

don’t realize they’re neoliberals. They may believe themselves to

be progressives, nationalists, leftists, traditionalists, even communists!

They see the ever-multiplying crises caused by market

activity and can only think to respond with extreme solutions to

protect the market from its own excesses, wrapped in the utopian

rhetoric of long-dead political forces to mask the existing ones

they actually serve.

We are prisoners in Plato’s Cave, constantly inhaling the

spores of neoliberal ideology, convinced that the hallucinatory

shadows they conjure are reality, never knowing the true nature

of the world behind them. The possibility of freedom under any

form of liberalism has been disproven. Rest assured, there are

solutions to be found, but they can only be discovered through

careful, cautious analysis of our current conditions. Immediate,

decentralized, disorganized action produces no answers, only

more prisoners. Leaving the cave and breathing the clean air of a

new and unfamiliar world is a fraught, jarring, alien experience.

It’s only natural, but most will be content watching the shadows,

and may even fight for their right to stay in the cave. Unfortunately,

the only way to break everyone out is to do so forcefully,

through vigor and discipline and without regret or remorse. There

is no freedom in merely recognizing our bondage, nor in loudly

but impotently thrashing ourselves against our chains. A detailed

map still needs drawing before anyone can even dream of leaving.

Skip that step, and escape is just another shadow the spores have

convinced you is real.

For those interested in acquainting themselves further

with neoliberal theory, I recommend Road to Serfdom by Friedrich

Hayek and The End of History and the Last Man by Francis

Fukuyama. For those interested in a more critical perspective, A

Brief History of Neoliberalism by David Harvey and Capitalist

Realism by Mark Fisher. For the inner workings of capitalism

overall, I recommend The Marx-Engels Reader edited by Robert

C. Tucker (though I strongly recommend the full texts from which

this primer is compiled), as well as Imperialism, the Highest

Stage of Capitalism by Vladimir Lenin. I must stress that each of

these readings should be approached critically and scientifically,

not passively or dogmatically. Read carefully and at your own

risk.

16

Liliana Limpidă “Totalitarian Liberalism “

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