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MOndAy, APRIL 12, 2021

5

People queue to receive a vaccine at Parirenyatwa Hospital on 31 March.

Photograph: Aaron Ufumeli/EPA

Zimbabwe’s senior citizen are

skeptic on Covid vaccine

nyASHA CHIngOnO

They may be old, frail, and vulnerable

but they are the foot soldiers at the

front of Zimbabwe's Covid vaccination

drive. Amid widespread scepticism

among the younger population, it is

elderly people who are coming out to

lead by example.

The queues at the vaccination

centres in the capital, Harare, are

dominated by older people. At Wilkins

Hospital, Felda Mupemhi, 85, grasps

her walking stick as she trudges

toward a white tent, where nurses are

administering the Sinopharm vaccine.

"We stand a chance of beating

Covid-19 if we take this vaccine. So, I

came here to make a statement to the

younger [generation] that they too can

get vaccinated, so that we save others,"

says Mupemhi. There were worries the

vaccine might cause her health

complications but after a short

assessment interview with a health

worker, she received her first dose of

the Sinopharm vaccine.

Mupemhi says initially she had been

sceptical: "I had already dismissed

prospects of getting this vaccine. I

feared it would trigger some health

issues, as I am not young. But after

seeing that my neighbour, who is my

age, was still OK a week after getting it,

that gave me the courage."

Peter Hadingham, 82, was initially

turned away when health officials cited

his age and asthma as possible risk

factors, but a few weeks later he was

thrilled to be accepted for his first

dose. "I have a bit of asthma and a bad

back, so I cannot walk straight, but

otherwise I am healthy. I have a flu

vaccine every year, there is no

difference. [People] should think of the

rest of the population - they should get

vaccinated, because there is nothing to

be afraid of," Hadingham says.

Health officials have recorded

growing numbers of senior citizens

getting the Sinopharm and the Sinovac

vaccine as Zimbabweans begin to

soften their attitudes towards the

Chinese jab. "The uptake from last

week is very encouraging. The elderly

are coming, and those with chronic

diseases have also been visiting our

centres in large numbers," Harare city

health department director Dr Prosper

Chonzi told the Guardian.

"Our older population appreciates

that they are vulnerable. Once you get

the infection, chances of severity are

high, so they are jumping at the

opportunity. If you are given the offer

of getting the vaccine, and it is free, it is

wise to take it," he says.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa

launched the second phase of the

country's vaccination rollout on 24

March, covering people with preexisting

conditions, the elderly and

those confined to settlements and

institutions, such as prisons and

refugee camps.

Zimbabwe's economy was

precarious before the pandemic, and

has been hit very hard by Covid

lockdowns; in March the World Food

Programme reported that food

insecurity, particularly among the

urban poor, is soaring. Food prices in

February were 35% higher than the

same month in 2020.

Parirenyatwa Hospital, one of the

biggest in the country, was

overwhelmed by Covid patients at the

peak of the pandemic, just after

Christmas. Now its stressed health

professionals are working their way

through the long vaccination queue, a

stark contrast to the low numbers who

showed up during the first phase of the

programme. By 29 March, about

69,751 Zimbabweans had been

vaccinated, up from 43,295 people the

week before.

The government plans to inoculate

60% of its population to achieve herd

immunity, about 10 million people,

and has received nearly two million

doses of vaccines from China, while

India donated 35,000 doses of the

Covaxin at the start of April.

Health officials say there was initial

scepticism about the efficacy of the

Sinopharm vaccine, said by the

government to be between 65% to 70%

effective. Low uptake was also

recorded among frontline health

workers during the first phase of the

rollout, despite efforts by doctors to

encourage uptake on social media.

At a Harare vaccination centre,

Malcom Michelle, 65, has been

queueing for an hour, and is not happy

about the lack of social distancing.

"There is need for more vaccination

centres to open. As you can see, there

is hardly any social distancing here.

Apart from that, we just must go with

the flow," Michelle says.

According to Harare city council,

which runs satellite clinics around the

city, 24 vaccination centres have been

set up, but people still prefer to go to

the major referral centres such as

Parirenyatwa, meaning longer

queues.

Hidden human rights crises threaten

post-Covid global security

KATE HOdAL

Neglected human rights crises around

the world have the potential to

undermine already precarious global

security as governments continue to use

Covid as a cover to push authoritarian

agendas, Amnesty International has

warned.

The organisation said ignoring

escalating hotspots for human rights

violations and allowing states to

perpetrate abuses with impunity could

jeopardise efforts to rebuild after the

pandemic.

"We've seen the development of new

legal tools to supposedly 'combat fake

news' but which in fact repress freedom

of expression, attacks against human

rights defenders - particularly

environmental defenders - the world

over, and further repression of

[minority] populations who have fallen

off the agenda altogether," said Agnès

Callamard, Amnesty's new secretary

general.

"The voices and experiences of all these

people must be at the heart of our reboot

post Covid-19. If they are not, then the

crises will multiply and the [current]

system will perpetuate." A number of

under-reported crises were taking place

across the globe that warranted

immediate attention, said Callamard.

Amnesty's global report for 2020-

2021, published on Wednesday, found

The funeral of Jorge Enrique Oramas, 70, a social and environmental

leader killed on 16 May 2020 in Villacarmelo,

Colombia.

Photo: Luis Robayo

that "fake news" laws in the Gulf,

Hungary and Singapore were being used

to silence criticism of governments and

responses to the pandemic.

Singaporean authorities used the

Protection from Online Falsehoods and

Manipulation Act, which forces online

media platforms to carry corrections or

remove content the government

considers to be false - with penalties of up

to 10 years' imprisonment or fines of up

to S$1m (£540,000), throughout 2020

against government critics and political

opponents.

Activists in Western Sahara, which has

been locked in a decades-long struggle

for independence from Morocco, faced a

number of interrogations and trumpedup

charges for their human rights work,

according to the report.

"Western Sahara has been living under

oppression for many decades, but [the

decision by Donald Trump] to recognise

Morocco's sovereignty has simply

escalated the repression," said Sahrawi

activist Mohamed Elbaikam. "Activists

are seeing their salaries cut off or frozen;

they're being followed and targeted with

trumped-up charges, their family

members are threatened, their phones

and internet connections are hacked, and

some are being tortured and sent to

prison without trial."

The human rights situation in the

Philippines, already tenuous, worsened

dramatically in 2020. In July 2020, the

Philippines passed an anti-terrorism bill

and its broad and vague definition of

terrorism has since been used to target

rights campaigners. The island nation is

already the second deadliest country

behind Colombia for human rights

activists, according to the advocacy

group Front Line Defenders. The vast

majority of those killed in 2020 were

working on environmental, land and

indigenous rights, it said.

The demerits of aid agencies

SARAH JOHnSOn

Aid agencies are hindering

development and undermining efforts

to attract investment in Somaliland,

according to a former World Bank and

UN official turned entrepreneur.

Ismail Ahmed, founder of the

money-transfer

company

WorldRemit, claims Somaliland, his

birthplace, has had to battle "negative

PR" from aid agencies exaggerating

their role to protect their interests.

Somaliland declared itself a sovereign

state independent of Somalia in 1991,

but it is not recognised internationally.

The British-based Ahmed has

launched the Sahamiye Foundation,

with a 10-year plan to give away more

than half of his wealth, amounting to

$500m (£365m), to help Somaliland,

primarily in health and education.

"Aid agencies exaggerate what they do

in markets like this. A tiny fraction of

what they raise reaches intended

beneficiaries," he said.

"What they fail to understand is

investment carried out by businesses.

Somaliland's GDP is dominated not by

the state but by the private sector," he

added. "That negative PR, where they

exaggerate issues, is really

protectionist … and often leads to

businesses cutting investment."

His foundation, based in London

and Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa,

aims to double literacy rates in two

years, increase access to health

information and help people gain new

technical skills. Ahmed is frank about

what he sees as the failings of aid, to

which Somaliland has had little access.

Though it has 4.4 million inhabitants

and its own currency, army and

parliament, it remains an

unrecognised country and so does not

receive funds from the World Bank or

International Monetary Fund.

In the early days of the pandemic,

Ahmed said, the World Bank

predicted that remittances - money

transferred back to their country by

migrant workers - to sub-Saharan

Africa would drop by 23%. The Somali

government forecast that transfers

would fall by up to 40%. Aid agencies

claimed remittances would "more or

less collapse", said Ahmed, adding that

as the media reported this, food prices

went up and businesses cut

investment.

"This did more harm than good in

Africa. They had no basis to say this,"

he said. "I've been involved in

remittances for 40 years. We have

hard data to show what was

happening. They never bothered to

check the facts. "Remittances are

counter-cyclical and so during an

economic downturn we expect to see

an increase in transaction numbers.

That is exactly what happened in

2020." Somaliland's central bank

reported that remittances increased

from $1.1bn to $1.3bn last year.

Ahmed came to the UK as a refugee

from the war that broke out in

Somaliland in 1988. Arriving with $60

to his name, he spent his summers

picking strawberries in Kent to send

money back to his family, then in an

east African refugee camp.

He returned to Somaliland in 1992

for his PhD research into remittances.

He said: "I saw the scale of remittances

was far bigger than anything. The UN

was exaggerating the bit of aid they

delivered."

His early career saw him working for

the World Bank and the UN, where he

thought he "could make a difference".

Instead, he witnessed corruption while

working in Nairobi and became a

whistleblower, which lost him his job.

Four years later, he won

compensation from the UN, using the

money to launch WorldRemit in 2010.

It has gone on to become one of the

world's largest digital cross-border

payment companies.

Now Ahmed's focus is on his

foundation, starting with a Somali

language app. "During Covid, we saw

difficulties reaching people who can't

read," said Ahmed. "Thanks to

technology, we can now do something

that was unthinkable in the past. With

our app, someone can reach functional

literacy in 50 to 100 hours."

He added: "Somaliland could

become an example of where things

have been built from the ground up,

where people have owned what they

are doing, where people are

accountable. In Africa, the media

focuses on what goes wrong, but

Somaliland is one of the success

stories."

Ismail Ahmed, founder of WorldRemit, plans to give away $500m to fund health and education

through his Sahamiye Foundation.

Photo: Tolga Akmen

Croatian border police accused of

sexually assaulting Afghan migrant

LOREnzO TOndO

A woman from Afghanistan was

allegedly sexually abused, held at

knifepoint and forced to strip naked by

a Croatian border police officer, during

a search of a group of migrants on the

border with Bosnia. The European

commission described it as a "serious

alleged criminal action'' and urged the

Croatian authorities "to thoroughly

investigate all allegations, and follow

up with relevant actions".

According to a dossier from the

Danish Refugee Council (DRC), the

incident occurred on the night of 15

February, in Croatian territory, a few

kilometres from the Bosnian city of

Velika Kladuša.

In the report, seen by the Guardian,

the woman said she tried to cross the

border with a group of four others,

including two children, but they were

stopped by an officer who allegedly

pointed a rifle at them. The Afghans

asked for asylum. However, according

to the witnesses, one of the officers tore

the papers apart and laughed.

"He insulted us, slapped the elderly

man who was with us and the children,

and told us to empty our pockets and

show them our bags," said the woman.

"Then he took me aside and started to

search me," she said. "I insisted that he

should not be touching me. He asked

me why. I told him because I am a

woman and a Muslim and it's haram.

The officer slapped me over the head

and told me: 'If you are Muslim, why

did you come to Croatia, why didn't you

stay in Bosnia with Muslims?'"

The officer allegedly removed the

woman's headscarf and jacket. "After

he removed my jacket, he started to

touch my breasts, and I started to cry,"

said the woman. "I gave the police

officer 50 euros that I had in my pocket,

hoping that he would stop touching me.

The officer ordered me to remove all

my shirts and I refused. He continued

A blocked-off crossing on the

border of Bosnia and Croatia,

in the northern Bosnian village

of Bosanska Bojna.

Photo: Elvis Barukcic

to touch me on my breasts and behind,

and I cried a lot. The officer told me to

stop crying while gesticulating that he

would strangle me if I continued. I was

scared but I stopped crying."

Minutes later a police van arrived and

the migrants were ordered to get inside

and driven for about 20 minutes before

being told to get out.

An officer again asked the woman to

strip naked. "I objected and I was

slapped hard in the face and told: 'strip

naked,'" she said. "I had six T-shirts and

three pairs of pants on me. I removed

all but one shirt and trousers and I

covered myself with a blanket. An

officer approached me and started to

touch me over the blanket. He felt my

clothes and slapped me, saying I

needed to remove everything, even

underwear. The officer started to

search and touch me, while I was

naked. He then asked me if I loved him.

He told me: 'I love you, do you love me?

Do you want me to take you

somewhere to be with me?'.

"I was scared and in tears. He asked

to take me to the forest and asked me if

I understood what he meant. I gestured

to him that I didn't understand. I did.

The officer then grabbed my shoulder

and pushed me in the direction of

another officer. They both had

flashlights on the forehead and I

couldn't see well. The officer that had

touched me pulled out a knife and put it

on my throat. He told me that, if I ever

said anything to anyone, he would kill

me, and, if I ever came back to Croatia,

I would meet my end, in the forest,

under him."

The officer allegedly hit the woman

again and the other members of the

group on their faces, heads and legs.

Then the officers reportedly ordered

them to walk to Bosnia. "The testimony

is truly shocking," said Charlotte Slente,

DRC secretary general. "Despite the

lower number of pushbacks recorded

by the DRC in 2021, the patterns of

reported violence and abuse at the

Croatia-BiH [Bosnia-Herzegovina]

border remain unchanged."

"Once again, this underscores the

urgent need for systematic investigations

of these reports," Slente added. "Despite

the European commission's engagement

with Croatian authorities in recent

months, we have seen virtually no

progress, neither on investigations of the

actual reports, nor on the development of

independent border monitoring

mechanisms, to prevent violence at the

EU's external borders. It really is time to

turn rhetoric into reality - and ensure that

truly independent border monitoring is

put in place to prevent these abuses and

ensure that credible and transparent

investigations can effectively hold

perpetrators of violence and abuse to

account."

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