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themselves. The movement marked a turning point in the history<br />

of the capitalist society. It is an attempt to get rid of the risks inherent<br />

in business by planning and direction. Karl Pribram, in his<br />

study of collective monopolies in Europe for the Brookings Institution,<br />

points out that unlimited free competition was never accepted<br />

in Italy as the basis of the economic order as it was in America.<br />

Monopolies created by agreement were enforceable in the courts. 1<br />

And he agrees with another authority that the cartel was a<br />

revolution against risk, the central driving force in the capitalist<br />

system.<br />

Nothing seems to be more deeply ingrained in the human mind<br />

than the old guild idea that those who produce should be permitted<br />

to set up the laws under which production is carried on. However<br />

bitterly competitors may battle each other for business there is a<br />

common ground upon which they can and will always unite against<br />

the consumer and the rest of society. For years the liberal has fought<br />

the cartel movement—and the American equivalent, trade combinations—as<br />

the sinister fruit of sheer greed. But that attack has made<br />

little headway. The most serious aspect of this movement has nothing<br />

to do with morals. It comes down to a question whether the<br />

functions of distribution and production ought to be planned and<br />

directed and by whom. Singularly a powerful group of so-called<br />

liberals in this country, long the inveterate foes of this idea, has now<br />

become its most vehement advocates. Italian businessmen took the<br />

view that production and distribution ought to be planned and that<br />

they should perform that function. That idea spread among capitalists<br />

and, though freedom of trade along with the Rights of Man<br />

were guaranteed by the old constitution, as Dr. Pribram points out,<br />

this did not prevent eighty-four cartels from operating to limit<br />

freedom of enterprise.<br />

On the side of labor a similar drift was in the making. The General<br />

Confederation of Labor was in fact under the domination of<br />

the Socialist party. Thus the leaders of the labor movement in<br />

Italy adopted the socialist diagnosis of the capitalist system; namely,<br />

that it suffered from a group of basic flaws that made its indefinite<br />

*Cartel Problems, an Analysis of Collective Monopolies in Europe, by Karl Pribram><br />

Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C.<br />

29

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