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Intensional Transitive Verbs and Abstract Clausal Complementation

Intensional Transitive Verbs and Abstract Clausal Complementation

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<strong>Intensional</strong> <strong>Transitive</strong> <strong>Verbs</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Abstract</strong> <strong>Clausal</strong> <strong>Complementation</strong><br />

sentences are truth-conditionally equivalent, <strong>and</strong> that in general at most V...QNP is equivalent to V...at<br />

most-QNP. Our proposal is that at most-Q NPs, like negative NPs, consist of two syntactic parts - at-most<br />

<strong>and</strong> Q - <strong>and</strong> that the former takes scope independently of the latter at LF.<br />

(59) a. Max has at most five bananas<br />

b. Max at most has five bananas<br />

c. Max at most has [ t five ] bananas<br />

\______/<br />

Specifically, we assume that at most in (59a) raises at LF to the position occupied by at most in (59b).<br />

Ultimately, then, (59a) has a logical form analogous to (59b), namely, (59c).<br />

As in the case of negation, the equivalence between at most V...QNP <strong>and</strong> V...at most-QNP fails in<br />

clausal complement contexts. (60a) is equivalent to (60b), but not to (60c).<br />

(60) a. Max needs to have at most five bananas<br />

b. Max needs to at most have five bananas<br />

c. Max at most needs to have five bananas<br />

We assume this non equivalence reflects the same kind of scope limitation observed with negatives. That<br />

is, we assume that at most in (60a) must raise to the close position occupied by at most in (60b), <strong>and</strong> not<br />

to the more distant position occupied by at most in (60c):<br />

(60a’) Max needs [PRO to have [ at most five ] bananas<br />

X<br />

Our diagnosis of the situation with at most QNP in intensional transitives is likewise identical to that<br />

given for negation. Unlike (60a), (61a) can have a reading equivalent to (60b):<br />

(61) a. Max needs at most five bananas<br />

b. Max at most needs five bananas<br />

The greater scope possibilities for (61a) arise from the crucial fact that the latter undergoes restructuring,<br />

which raises the VP containing the at most-Q NP to Spec CP (62a-c). From this point, the closest<br />

appropriate position to which at most can raise is in the upstairs clause.<br />

3.4.1 A Scope Asymmetry<br />

The clausal complement + restructuring analysis appears to shed light on an interesting asymmetry in<br />

accessibility of upstairs versus downstairs scopes for need versus want. Consider the preferred scopes<br />

for at most <strong>and</strong> negation in the following pairs:<br />

(62) a. Max needs at most two visitors.<br />

b. Max wants at most two visitors.<br />

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