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Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
volume 2
Institut pour la prévention de la criminalité
Institute for the Prevention of Crime

Volume 2 Revue de L’
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca IPC
© IPC 2008 R E V I E W
Vers des approches plus globales
de prévention et de sécurité
Towards More Comprehensive
Approaches to Prevention
and Safety
Sous la direction de/Edited by: Ross Hastings & Melanie Bania
Remerciements/Acknowledgements..........................................................iii
Introduction : vers des approches plus globales .
de prévention et de sécurité........................................................................1
Ross Hastings et Melanie Bania
Introduction: Towards More Comprehensive .
Approaches to Prevention and Safety.........................................................7
Ross Hastings & Melanie Bania
Factors Related to Successful Mobilization .
of Communities for Crime Prevention..................................................... 11
Wanda Jamieson
Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie : .
considérations théoriques et pratiques...................................................... 35
Pierre Maurice, Julie Laforest, Louise Marie Bouchard et Monique Rainville
Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée : .
le rôle crucial des agents de liaisons.......................................................... 57
Sylvie Hamel, Marie-Marthe Cousineau et Martine Vézina

Communities That Care: A Comprehensive .
System for Youth Prevention and Promotion, .
and Canadian Applications to Date......................................................... 83
Robert J. Flynn
Development, Evaluation and National Implementation .
of a School-Based Program to Reduce Violence and .
Related Risk Behaviours: Lessons from the Fourth R ............................ 109
Claire V. Crooks, David A. Wolfe, Ray Hughes,
Peter G. Jaffe & Debbie Chiodo
Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence............. 137
Mark A. Bellis & Karen Hughes
Remerciements
Nous tenons à exprimer nos remerciements à Sécurité publique Canada (SP)
dont le soutien financier a rendu possible la préparation, la publication et la
distribution de ce volume de la Revue de l’Institut pour la prévention de la
criminalité (RIPC). Toutes les opinions exprimées dans cette Revue sont celles
des auteurs et n’engagent aucunement SP ou ses représentants.
Acknowledgements
We wish to express our appreciation for the support of Public Safety Canada
(PS) in the preparation, publication and distribution of this volume of
the Institute for the Prevention of Crime Review (IPCR). The financial
contribution of PS has made this initiative possible. All the opinions expressed
herein are those of the authors of the articles and in no way reflect the positions
of PS or its representatives.

Volume 2: pages 1–5
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
Introduction : vers des
approches plus globales de
prévention et de sécurité
Par Ross Hastings et Mélanie Bania
Institut pour la prévention de la criminalité
et Département de criminologie
Université d’Ottawa
Les chercheurs et les praticiens en sont assez convaincus, pour parvenir à
réduire la criminalité et la victimisation de manière marquante et durable, il
faudra pouvoir compter sur des initiatives à long terme plus globales et mieux
financées que celles qui ont habituellement cours aujourd’hui.
La popularité de la notion de prévention et la dimension aguichante de la
mobilisation communautaire nous ont, semble-t-il, séduits et amenés à croire
qu’il serait possible de réaliser des progrès assez rapides : il suffirait de faire
preuve de bonne foi et d’aborder de manière rationnelle la cueillette et la
dissémination de données fiables relatives aux approches efficaces et aux
moyens de les mettre en œuvre. Il semblerait pourtant qu’on ait été plutôt
naïf. Les progrès réalisés l’ont été de manière hésitante et sporadique, et il a
été difficile de soutenir les réussites. Il semble en outre que, dans une certaine
mesure, le vent ait tourné et que des approches plus réactives et plus punitives
gagnent en popularité, à tout le moins dans la sphère politique et au sein de
la population.
Le présent volume se penche sur cette situation. Notre but comporte
trois volets :
1. nous espérons nourrir l’inspiration en présentant des exemples concrets
de réussites ;

R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Introduction : vers des approches plus globales de prévention et de sécurité
2. nous espérons informer en décrivant certains des processus et outils
utilisés dans le cadre des efforts de mobilisation des collectivités ayant
été couronnés de succès et en mettant en lumière certains effets des
programmes en question ; et
3. nous espérons orienter en tentant de dégager certains éléments clés de
réussite et certains des écueils et des obstacles que d’autres pourraient
avoir à contourner.
Ce volume présente d’entrée de jeu un article de Wanda Jamieson traitant
des possibilités et des limites de la mobilisation communautaire en matière
de prévention. Elle avance que, en regard de l’insuffisance de recherches
évaluatives de qualité dans ce domaine, nos actions sont en bonne partie
fonction de la foi que l’on a en la capacité des communautés. Il n’y a toujours
qu’un faible consensus relatif aux moyens de définir et d’opérationnaliser la
notion de communauté, notamment au chapitre des besoins, du potentiel et
des responsabilités. Il y a encore beaucoup à apprendre sur les détails de ce
que les communautés peuvent ou ne peuvent pas faire. Conséquemment, il
pourrait arriver que nos attentes en matière de politique soient irréalistes ou
même injustes à l’endroit des communautés mêmes que nous tentons d’aider
et de soutenir.
Les deux articles qui suivent présentent deux exemples du travail stimulant
entrepris dans le domaine de la mobilisation communautaire au Québec au cours
des dernières années. Le premier, celui de Pierre Maurice, Julie Laforest, Louise
Marie Bouchard et Monique Rainville, traite du travail de l’Institut national
de santé publique du Québec (INSPQ) et de ses efforts destinés à contribuer
au développement d’une approche holistique de la sécurité communautaire.
Son approche repose sur une prémisse fondamentale voulant que de nombreux
problèmes de santé et de sécurité soient attribuables à des facteurs de risque
communs et qu’une réponse globale s’impose si l’on veut que les communautés
puissent réussir. L’article décrit certains des outils mis au point par l’INSPQ
pour contribuer à une mobilisation efficace des communautés et présente en
outre trois exemples concrets de réussites et de défis observés à ce jour.
Suit un article de Sylvie Hamel, Marie-Marthe Cousineau et Martine Vézina ;
celui-ci s’intéresse à un cas particulier de mobilisation contre les gangs de rue
dans trois collectivités de la région de Montréal. Selon ces auteures, l’un des
principaux obstacles à la mobilisation des collectivités locales découle du doute
et de la méfiance des gens du milieu vis-à-vis des actions menées par des gens
de l’extérieur ou des questions que l’on se pose à savoir à qui une nouvelle
initiative profitera (ou nuira). L’article met l’accent sur le rôle clé joué par des
agents de liaison locaux dans ce processus. Ceux-ci sont essentiels pour établir
la crédibilité d’une initiative et de ses promoteurs, pour la prise en charge de la
gestion d’une initiative, pour assurer la résolution des conflits qui pourraient
surgir, pour établir des partenariats et pour soutenir la lancée amorcée. Ces
agents contribuent de manière cruciale à amener les collectivités au point où
elles sont disposées et capable de participer.
Les trois prochains articles font le point sur certains programmes ou initiatives
particuliers. Robert Flynn traite du modèle Communities that Care (CTC) et
des efforts qui en découlent en vue d’aider les collectivités à concevoir et à
mettre en œuvre des initiatives intégrées qui agissent sur les multiples facteurs
de risque et de protection chez les jeunes et qui contribuent à promouvoir leur
développement sain. Il se penche sur les bases théoriques de CTC, décrit son
processus de mise en œuvre en cinq étapes, et examine la recherche évaluative
disponible relative aux processus et aux résultats de CTC, en s’intéressant
plus particulièrement à ce qui se fait au Canada. Les résultats à ce jour sont
très prometteurs.
Dans un autre article, Claire Crooks, David Wolfe, Ray Hughes, Peter Jaffe et
Debbie Chiodo font le point sur le programme the Fourth R (l’expression the
Fourth R prend tout son sens en anglais lorsqu’on parle du principe des 3R :
reading, ‘riting et ‘rithmetic, le quatrième R correspondant alors à relationships).
Il s’agit d’un programme global offert en milieu scolaire et visant à contrer la
violence, l’abus d’alcool ou d’autres drogues et les relations sexuelles à risque
en aidant les jeunes à acquérir de meilleures habiletés d’adaptation. Cet article
met l’accent sur le développement de ce programme axé sur le curriculum et
sur les données probantes qui lui servent de fondement, de même que sur la
mise en œuvre du programme au Canada à ce jour. On y décrit certains des
résultats prometteurs atteints à ce jour, tant au chapitre de la mise en œuvre
que des impacts du programme ; on discute aussi des visées du programme
même ainsi que de la recherche conçue pour en permettre l’évaluation et lui
servir d’appui partout au Canada.
Le dernier article de Mark Bellis et Karen Hughes traite de l’approche de santé
publique destinée à contrer et à réduire la violence liée à la consommation
d’alcool dans les endroits publics au Royaume-Uni. Cette approche repose sur
la prémisse selon laquelle l’alcool et la violence sont interreliés et sont associés
à des facteurs de risque communs. Conséquemment, une réponse globale
s’impose, une approche qui s’inspire du parcours de vie et qui combine des
actions précoces et ciblées à des mesures situationnelles axées sur le milieu
environnant. Évidemment, pour qu’une telle approche puisse réussir, il faut

R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Introduction : vers des approches plus globales de prévention et de sécurité
faire une utilisation efficace de l’information et des partenariats. Les lecteurs
et lectrices seront particulièrement intéressés par certaines des innovations
mises en place au Royaume-Uni et qui pourraient être adaptées ailleurs,
de même que par le survol de littérature sur ce sujet et par les exemples de
programmes particuliers.
Malgré la diversité des buts et des approches, les articles contenus dans ce
volume se rejoignent autour de quelques enjeux clés. Le premier enjeu est
l’obligation de mieux cibler les interventions et d’attacher plus d’importance à
l’évaluation de leurs impacts – il nous faut parvenir à déterminer de manière
plus adéquate qui peut profiter de ces interventions, comment elles aideront,
de même que l’endroit et le moment où ces interventions auront les effets les
plus positifs. Pour cela, il faut que nous nous entendions sur les indicateurs
de réussite (ou d’échec) et sur la nature des données qui nous permettront
d’évaluer nos progrès dans différents champs d’activité. Il nous faut relever un
défi important à ce chapitre, celui de parvenir à un équilibre entre le droit à la
vie privée et notre désir d’obtenir l’information requise pour nous permettre
d’identifier les personnes ou les situations présentant un niveau de risque élevé
ainsi que pour optimiser l’efficacité des interventions et l’utilisation efficiente
des ressources.
dans bien des cas, peuvent accompagner le fait d’être identifié comme cible
d’intervention. Un fait demeure : il existe dans la plupart des collectivités une
certaine méfiance, voire réticence, à accepter des interventions de l’extérieur. Il
y a donc un certains nombre d’enjeux pratiques et éthiques à considérer.
Il n’existe qu’un rapport superficiel entre les enjeux décrits ci-dessus et les
articles contenus dans ce volume et nous sommes du reste convaincus que nos
lecteurs et lectrices sauront puiser dans ce volume beaucoup d’idées permettant
d’informer, d’inspirer et d’orienter leurs efforts futurs.
Parallèlement, le débat se poursuit de manière soutenue sur la valeur
relative d’interventions ciblées par rapport à des interventions universelles.
La répartition des facteurs de risque et de protection porte à croire que des
approches universelles pourraient s’imposer, surtout si l’on tient compte du fait
que la nature réactive du système de justice pénale et d’autres systèmes pourrait
entraîner que de nombreuses personnes à risque élevé ne soient pas dépistées
ou qu’elles le soient trop tard pour que les interventions actuelles leur soient
bénéfiques. La question du consentement constitue une préoccupation connexe : .
les initiatives ciblées requièrent un consentement plus manifeste de la part des
participants et pourraient faire l’objet d’une certaine résistance. Les initiatives
universelles pourraient pour leur part requérir un consentement plus passif,
mais elles pourraient par contre avoir pour résultat que les ressources soient
dirigées vers des gens qui n’ont pas nécessairement besoin de l’aide qu’elles
comportent. Il s’agit d’un enjeu politique d’une importance considérable qui
nécessite une discussion plus approfondie, tant dans les milieux universitaires
que dans la sphère politique.
Finalement, il nous faut aussi parvenir à un équilibre entre notre désir de
venir en aide aux collectivités (surtout celles qu’on a identifiées comme étant à
risque élevé) et notre préoccupation d’éviter l’opprobre et la stigmatisation qui,

Volume 2: pages 7–10
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
IPC
Revue de L’
R E V I E W
Towards More Comprehensive
Approaches to Prevention and Safety
Ross Hastings & Melanie Bania
Institute for the Prevention of Crime
& Department of Criminology
University of Ottawa
There is little doubt among either researchers or practitioners that significant
and sustainable reductions in crime and victimization will require more
comprehensive and better financed long term initiatives than is usually the
case now.
It seems that the popularity of the notion of prevention, and the siren call
of community mobilization, have seduced us into thinking that progress
would be relatively rapid: it only required good faith and a rational approach
to gathering and disseminating sound evidence on what works and how to
implement it. It appears we were somewhat naïve. Progress has been halting
and sporadic, and successes have been difficult to sustain. In addition, it seems
that, to some extent, the tide has turned and that more reactive and punitive
approaches are gaining new momentum, at least in the political sphere and
among the public.
The purpose of this volume is to begin addressing this situation. Our goal .
is threefold:
1. We hope to inspire, by providing some concrete examples of .
success stories;
2. We hope to inform, by describing some processes and tools used in
successful efforts to mobilize communities, and some evidence on the
impact of the programs in question; and
3. We hope to guide, by trying to identify some key ingredients of success
and some of the pitfalls and challenges that others may have to avoid.

I P C R e v i e w 2
Towards More Comprehensive Approaches to Prevention and Safety
This volume begins with an article by Wanda Jamieson on the potential and
the limits of community mobilization for prevention. Her argument is that,
given the shortage of good evaluation research in this area, we are still largely
working on the basis of faith in the idea of the power of communities. There
is still little agreement on how to define and operationalize the concept of
‘community’, especially in terms of needs, capacities and responsibilities. There
is also much to be learned about what exactly communities can and cannot do.
The result is that our policy expectations may be unrealistic and even unfair to
the very communities we are trying to assist and support.
The next two articles report on two examples of the exciting work on community
mobilization in Quebec in recent years. The first by Pierre Maurice, Julie
Laforest, Louise Marie Bouchard and Monique Rainville, reports on some of
the work by the Institut national de santé publique du Québec (INSPQ) and
their attempt to assist in developing a holistic approach to community safety.
The basic premise is that many health and safety problems share common risk
factors, and that a comprehensive response is required if communities are to
succeed. The article describes some of the tools developed by the INSPQ to
help communities mobilize effectively using a setting-oriented approach, and
provides three concrete illustrations of local successes and challenges to date.
The article by Sylvie Hamel, Marie-Marthe Cousineau and Martine Vézina
focuses on a specific case of mobilization against gang activities in three
communities in the Montreal area. Their argument is that a key challenge
in mobilizing local communities is to overcome the suspicion and mistrust of
locals about intervention from outside or about who will win (or lose) from a
new initiative. The article emphasizes the key role of local liaison officers in this
process. They are essential in establishing the credibility of an initiative and
its proponents, taking on the administration of an initiative, assuring conflict
resolution when necessary, building partnerships and sustaining momentum.
These agents are critical to bringing communities to a point where they are
willing and able to participate.
The next three articles report on specific programs or initiatives. Robert
Flynn’s work discusses Communities that Care (CTC), and their attempt to
help communities plan, implement and sustain multi-level initiatives that
address multiple risk and protective factors among youth in order to promote
their positive development. The article reviews the theoretical basis of CTC,
describes their five stage implementation process, and reviews the available
evaluation research on CTC processes and outcomes, with a particular focus
on work in Canada. The results to date are very promising.
The article by Claire Crooks, David Wolfe, Ray Hughes, Peter Jaffe and Debbie
Chiodo reviews the Fourth R (R for relationships), a comprehensive schoolbased
program aimed at addressing violence, substance abuse and sexual health
by helping young people develop better relationship and decision-making
skills. The focus of the article is on the development of the curriculum-based
program and the evidence-based principles upon which it rests, and on the
implementation of the program in Canada to date. It describes some of the
promising results so far regarding both the implementation of the program and
its impacts, and discusses future plans for the program itself and the research
designed to assess and support it throughout Canada.
The final article by Mark Bellis and Karen Hughes describes a public health
approach to addressing and reducing alcohol related violence in public places in
the United Kingdom. The premise of the approach is that alcohol and violence
are interconnected and share common risk factors. A comprehensive response
is therefore required, one that uses a “life course” approach and combines
targeted early interventions with environmentally-oriented situational
measures. Obviously, such an approach requires effective intelligence and
partnerships. Readers will be particularly interested in the innovations in
the UK that might be adapted elsewhere, and in the overviews of both the
literature in this area and of examples of specific programs.
In spite of the diversity of goals and approaches, the articles in this volume do
coalesce around a few key issues. The first is the imperative to better target
interventions and to pay more attention to assessing their impact – we need
to get better at knowing who can benefit, how they can be helped, and where
and when interventions will have the most impact. This requires agreement
on the indicators of success (or failure) and on the types of data that will allow
us to assess our progress in different areas. A key dimension in this area is the
challenge of balancing the right to privacy with the desire for the information
required to identify high risk situations or individuals, and to maximize the
effectiveness of interventions and the efficient use of resources.
At the same time, there is an ongoing debate about the relative value of
“targeted” as opposed to “universal” interventions that are offered more widely.
The nature of the distribution of risk and protective factors suggests that
universal approaches may be required, especially since the reactive nature of
the criminal justice and other systems can result in many high risk individuals
either being missed or being identified too late for current prevention efforts to
be effective. A related concern is the issue of consent: targeted initiatives require
more active consent from participants and may run into resistance at this level.

10 I P C R e v i e w 2
Universal initiatives, on the other hand, require only passive consent but may
result in resources being directed to people who do not necessarily need the
“help”. This is a political issue of considerable importance, and it requires a
great deal more debate in both the academic and the political sphere.
A related issue is the need to balance the desire to assist communities (especially
those identified as “high risk”) with the concern to avoid the negative stigma
that can often accompany being identified as a target of intervention efforts.
The reality is that most communities are suspicious and even resistant to
outside intervention, and there are a number of important issues to keep in
mind, including some ethical considerations.
These issues only scratch the surface of the articles in this volume, and .
we are confident that readers will find much to inform, inspire and guide
future efforts.
Factors Related to Successful
Mobilization of Communities
for Crime Prevention
Wanda Jamieson
JHG Consulting
R é s u m é
Volume 2: pages 11–33
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
Cet article examine certains facteurs liés à la réussite des efforts de
mobilisation des collectivités en vue de prévenir la criminalité. Il se penche
sur le concept de mobilisation communautaire et sur les attentes qui s’y
rattachent au chapitre des politiques relatives au rôle des collectivités
en prévention de la criminalité ; il met en lumière certains des enjeux
fondamentaux et des obstacles qui se sont dégagés d’expériences récentes
de mobilisation de collectivités pour prévenir la criminalité au Canada et
ailleurs ; il s’interroge sur ce que nous enseignent ces expériences au sujet de
la mobilisation communautaire à l’égard de la prévention de la criminalité. Il
prend fin sur une discussion des facteurs qui contribuent à une mobilisation
efficace et qui pourraient orienter les efforts de mobilisation futurs.
A b s t r a c t
This paper explores factors related to successful mobilization of
communities for crime prevention. It explores the concept of community
mobilization and the related policy expectations regarding the role of
communities in crime prevention; highlights key issues and challenges that
have emerged as a result of recent experiences in mobilizing communities
for crime prevention in Canada and elsewhere; and, reflects on what can
be learned about community mobilization for crime prevention from these
experiences. It concludes with a discussion of factors that contribute to
successful mobilization which could guide future mobilization efforts.

12 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 13
Introduction
It is largely taken for granted that communities have an important role to play
in preventing crime and fostering community safety. Crime control agendas in
most western democracies reflect this view and underscore the importance of
community engagement and participation and partnerships. This expectation
is based on the widely-held belief that many crime and community safety
issues emerge from local, specific contexts and thus are rightfully “owned” at
the community level. Locals experience crime problems first hand and thus
have valuable knowledge that may be critical to the success of an intervention.
Moreover, the long term success and sustainability of positive changes are seen
as inextricably linked to the level of community involvement and ownership
of strategies – particularly when institutional resources to address crime .
are scarce.
Over the years, various strategies have attempted to mobilize communities for
crime prevention. In Canada, interest in community mobilization for crime
prevention began to gather momentum in the 1980s, particularly in relation
to evolving community policing and community safety strategies. In 1994,
the federal government initiated the National Strategy on Community Safety
and Crime Prevention, explicitly promoting integrated action and assistance to
communities to help them develop and implement community-based solutions
to crime problems. In particular, the Strategy’s Community Mobilization
Program supported a range of activities to assist communities in addressing
local crime and victimization issues – particularly those communities deemed
to be ‘high risk/high needs.’ The current federal “Blueprint for Effective
Crime Prevention” (NCPC, 2007) continues to acknowledge the importance
of community-based crime prevention through the Crime Prevention Action
Fund (CPAF).
The purpose of this article is to reflect on efforts to mobilize communities.
It will specifically address the following questions:
• What is community mobilization for crime prevention?
• What are the policy expectations concerning community involvement .
in preventing crime?
• What are the issues and challenges in this area?
• What more do we need to learn about how to successfully mobilize
communities?
See “Blueprint for Effective Crime Prevention” at www.publicsafety.gc.ca/prg/cp/_fl/bp-en.pdf
This article builds on a study of community mobilization and crime
prevention commissioned by the National Crime Prevention Centre in .
2001 (Hastings & Jamieson, 2001). This study included a review of
published and grey literature on community mobilization and capacity
development, which was subsequently updated in August, 2007 with the
support of the Institute for the Prevention of Crime. The 2001 study also
included consultations with community mobilization experts, including
government officials, academics and practitioners, in a variety of sectors
and disciplines. The current article also incorporates insights from
Action for Neighbourhood Change (ANC), an action research initiative on
neighbourhood revitalization undertaken by the United Way of Canada –
Centraide Canada, The Caledon Institute of Social Policy, and Tamarack –
An Institute for Community Engagement from spring 2005 to spring
2007. The project took place in five Canadian neighbourhoods located
in the cities of Halifax, Toronto, Thunder Bay, Regina and Surrey. This
project has generated a wealth of knowledge about the theory, design
and implementation of integrated, collaborative policies and strategies to
revitalize “distressed” neighbourhoods and address a range of quality of life
issues. In this article, insights on community mobilization processes from
this project, as seen through the lens of crime prevention, are highlighted.
What is Community Mobilization for Crime Prevention?
“It’s not much different from community development – it refers to
communities that have got some support and resources to do something…”
“What you are trying to do is enable (empower) people and encourage and
inspire community members and leaders to work together…”
“It is the ‘how’ – bringing resources to bear on the goal.”
“It’s about community engagement.”
“Community mobilization involves breaking down barriers to connect
people so as to connect assets that you need to create a sturdy platform
for action…”
– Comments from consultation participants in Hastings & Jamieson (2001).
See www.anccommunity.ca for a full description of this project, including resources and tools produced.
The author conducted a summative evaluation of the ANC project and insights from that study are also
considered in this discussion on community mobilization for crime prevention.

14 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 15
There is a consensus, based on scientific evidence, that “communities matter”
in crime prevention (Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2006; Sherman, Farrington,
Welsh, & MacKenzie, 2002). Yet, despite a great deal of attention to the role of
community in crime prevention, the scholarship on community mobilization
for crime prevention is limited. Because of the lack of rigorous studies,
community mobilization for crime prevention remains largely of “unknown
effect” (Walsh & Hoshi, 2002). The literature reviewed for this article revealed
that this lack of focussed study on community mobilization is not unique to
the crime prevention world. Indeed, there is no single definition of the term
or theoretical framework for community mobilization, regardless of the field
of interest, be it health, education, social service, international development or
the environment (Hastings & Jamieson, 2001).
Turning to the broader literature on community development, common
definitions and theoretical concepts are still lacking in this multidisciplinary
field (Hustedde & Ganowicz, 2002; Poppel & Quinney, 2002). The term
“community mobilization” quickly blends and blurs with other terms and
related processes, such as community-building, capacity development, citizen
engagement and participation (Banks & Shenton, 2001). In practice, these
processes are relatively fluid parts of the dynamics of community development
and change. They frequently overlap in practice. As our consultation process
also revealed, policy makers and practitioners understand and apply the term
in many different ways, including as a strategy, technique and an outcome
(Hastings & Jamieson, 2001).
In practice, community mobilization in the crime prevention context has
focussed on efforts to muster community members to participate in carrying
out a largely pre-set agenda, or has been vaguely interpreted to mean the
assembling of local resources to address local problems through a range of
programs and strategies (Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2006). A few scholars have
begun to cast crime prevention in the community development frame (Lane
& Henry, 2001 and 2004). Although more work is required to develop a fully
integrated framework for understanding community mobilization, for the
purposes of this paper community mobilization is understood in broad terms
as a process of preparing a “community” for action and change (Hastings &
Jamieson, 2001). It is also important to acknowledge that much more work is
required to evaluate the role and effectiveness of community mobilization as a
tool in crime prevention.
Mobilizing Communities for Crime Prevention
Sifting through the literature and experience to date, it is possible to distinguish
three key, interrelated types of efforts to mobilize communities for crime
prevention, each of which is linked to a specific agenda:
• Mobilization in support of law enforcement to reduce and prevent crime
(typically initiated and led by police agencies);
• Mobilization to advance change within the criminal justice sector
(typically initiated and led by interest-specific community activists
or groups); and
• Mobilization to advance a broader vision of community safety and
well being (initiated in a variety of ways, and typically led by a broader
collective or coalition of institutional players and community members).
An overview of each of these types of mobilization efforts is provided below.
Community Mobilization in Support of Law Enforcement
Community mobilization emerged as an important policing tool in the late
1980s with the emergence of community policing (Rosenbaum, 2007). By
using tactics such as foot patrols and neighbourhood mini-stations, law
enforcement officials sought to increase access to local knowledge, improve
police-community relations and engage citizens as active participants in service
delivery. Community advisory committees, citizen patrols and neighbourhood,
street or rural watch programs are early examples of this type of mobilization
to reduce opportunities for crime, and increase community solidarity. Shifting
more responsibility on residents themselves to address problems of crime in
their own neighbourhoods was seen as a particularly attractive strategy for
reducing opportunities for crime in the face of diminished resources for
policing services.
Over time, community mobilization efforts initiated by law enforcement have
become more strategic in nature, concentrating on mobilizing residents in
troubled neighbourhoods and crime “hot spots.” (Rosenbaum, 2007; Shuck
& Rosenbaum, 2006). For example, the City Heights Neighborhood Alliance
project led by the San Diego Police Department aimed to “mobilize” resident
participation to address crime problems, train community members to address
neighborhood safety and quality of life issues, improve collaboration between
institutional players and the community and develop a sustainable approach
to neighbourhood organization and management (Stewart-Brown, 2001).

16 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 17
Similarly, the Toronto Police Services’ Community Mobilization Program seeks to
“identify shared community values, and to support and empower communities
to build the capacity necessary to resist and/or prevent crime and disorder”
(Toronto Police Service, 2007) through community-based workshops. In
the United Kingdom, the New Deal for Communities strategies aim to foster
community involvement by training local residents in problem-oriented policing
in an attempt to boost the community’s involvement and increase its capacity to
solve its own problems (Adamson, 2004; Crawford & Lister, 2004).
At the same time, research questions the effectiveness of these mobilizing
strategies in preventing crime, particularly in troubled neighbourhoods and
when police-community relations are strained (Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2007).
These efforts also require police officers to take time to acquire local knowledge
by getting to know residents and by building and sustaining relationships
within the community (Crawford & Lister, 2004). Yet doing this has proved
challenging, and police are often left wondering why citizens do not become
involved (Wells, Schafer, & Varano, 2006). One possible explanation is that
policing organizational culture views law enforcement as “real policing” and
undervalues or is resistant to community work (Adamson, 2004). Another
is the limited knowledge about what actually influences citizens to become
and stay involved, and the strategies that may effectively engage them (Wells
et al., 2006). Nevertheless, policing strategies infused with the philosophy
of community policing and the commitment to work together with residents
continue to offer “hope” (Comack & Silver, 2006).
Community Mobilization to Advance
Change Within the Criminal Justice Sector
Grass-roots movements have a history of employing community mobilization
tools to challenge the status quo and develop alternative strategies for action
within the criminal justice sector. For example, beginning in the 1960s,
women’s groups in many communities began to coalesce and mobilize to
raise public awareness about violence against women and to advocate for
the need for prevention and an improved criminal justice response to this
issue. Over time, activists and advocates have become increasingly involved in
collaborative attempts with the justice system to change policies and practices
so that institutional structures and processes are more responsive to the needs
of diverse populations. Efforts to make Canada’s criminal justice system more
sensitive and responsive to the social context, such as the circumstances of
Aboriginal Peoples and ethno-cultural groups, are other examples.
Community Mobilization to Advance
Community Safety and Well-being
“The purpose of community mobilization is to facilitate change within the
community to alter the basic patterns of social interaction, values, customs,
and institutions in ways that will significantly improve the quality of life
in a community. …[it] attempts to change the everyday environment in
communities in ways that will result in better outcomes for everyone living
within a designated geographic areas.”
– Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention,
Model Programs Guide (2007).
“It’s a better term than community development, but it depends on what
assumptions are used and where a community is starting. Real community
mobilization and change is a long-term process…e.g. 20 years.”
– Comment from consultation participant in Hastings & Jamieson (2001).
With the emergence of the concept of crime prevention through social
development (CPSD) in the mid 1980s, community mobilization for crime
prevention was integrated into the larger enterprise of addressing the “root
causes” of crime. CPSD linked community mobilization for crime prevention
to larger community development frameworks which focused on a broader
vision of community safety and well-being and engaged a wider range of
actors from both within and outside the community. Targeted interventions
to address individual risk factors, integrated social polices and programs to
reduce the structural inequalities that contribute to crime, and strategies
to mobilize and engage communities in the enterprise of developing
healthier and safer communities all came to the fore. In Canada, much of
the impetus for community mobilization can be attributed to the National
Crime Prevention Strategy which provided community-oriented project
funding to mobilize communities and to increase their capacity to prevent
crime problems. Unfortunately, there have been few systematic scientific
evaluations of these projects; much of the enthusiasm for community
mobilization around crime issues is still based on faith rather than on a
rigorous understanding of what works.
Projects aimed at quality of life improvements to communities, such as Action
for Neighbourhood Change, Vibrant Communities, and the Comprehensive
A national action-learning initiative including a range of communities across Canada, and focused on
reducing poverty through multisectoral and comprehensive efforts. See www.vibrantcommunities.ca.

18 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 19
Community Initiatives movement, have begun to tease out principles to guide
effective mobilization and community-building work. Since these approaches
are horizontally and vertically complex, involve a multiplicity of factors, and
encompass diverse and dynamic interventions, it should be of no surprise
that the knowledge base is taking time to develop. The need to further
advance a common language and theoretical understanding of community
change and improve capacity to qualitatively and quantitatively evaluate a
broad range of outcomes (issues identified well over a decade ago by Kubisch,
Weiss, Schorr, & Connell, 1995) is still pressing, and requires our further
attention and investment.
Mobilization Techniques and Processes
No two communities are alike, and as a result, mobilization efforts across
communities are context sensitive and tend to differ in orientation and
approach. Community mobilization draws on a range of techniques and
processes to organize and assemble a community’s resources for action.
Assessing the local context and motivation and readiness for action and
change through listening, learning and information gathering is a key starting
point (Gorman, 2007; Hastings & Jamieson, 2001; Levitan-Reid, 2006).
Community mobilization is a dynamic process, and there is frequently a great
deal of overlap and interplay between the stages within community change
processes. Who “leads” the mobilization effort, the style of leadership, and
the relationship of the community to that leadership are also very important
factors (Torjman, 2007a).
One of the common features of community mobilization efforts is a focus
on communication, engagement and outreach. The Action for Neighbourhood
Change project provides various examples of commonly used mobilization
techniques. For example, door-to-door outreach to explore issues and identify
resident concerns helped to engage residents in several of the Action for
Neighbourhood Change project neighbourhoods. Community meetings and
events to encourage dialogue and discussion (ranging from kitchen table
meetings to community hall events) were a starting point for residents to think
about and share their views on problems of local concern (Levitan-Reid, 2006).
Creating interagency dialogue and linkages early on in the mobilization process
also helped pave the way for developing future relationships and partnerships
among and across institutions and services. These early efforts also helped to
strengthen the broader “systems of support” necessary for community work to
flourish (Gorman, 2007).
In the ANC example, mobilization efforts were also closely linked with capacity
strengthening efforts. Skills training for community residents in problem
solving, strategic planning, conflict management, and community organization
were particularly helpful in empowering residents and opened the door for them
to become fully involved in project tasks such as planning and organization,
animation and facilitation, and research (Gorman, 2007; Levitan-Reid, 2006).
Much attention has been paid to assessing the formal and informal capacities
of a community. Asset mapping exercises have become a core methodology
for community work in this area (Torjman, 2007a). This includes identifying
formal and informal community leadership capacities and networks for
change. Efforts to rebuild, revitalize and strengthen communities so that they
are safer and healthier places to live have also spawned a virtual industry of
“how to” tools and resources on community-building. These include a range
of ideas that can inform and help shape community mobilization processes
(see Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993; Kretzmann, McKnight, Dobrowolski,
& Puntenney, 2005).
In practice, community development practitioners typically refine and adapt
a range of tools and techniques to specific community contexts and through
“dialogue and observation they seek to uncover what works and what does not”
(Levitan-Reid, 2006). Systematic study and evaluation of how community
engagement, mobilization, and capacity development tools and techniques are
actually used, and of their effectiveness within community change processes,
would still be beneficial.
Expectations for Involving Communities
for Crime Prevention
Expectations for community involvement in crime prevention are expressed
in various ways. Community residents may be called upon to help officials
identify community safety priorities and work with institutions and agencies
to ensure that these priorities are addressed. Among other things, they may be
asked to volunteer on municipal crime prevention councils and citizen advisory
committees, participate in neighbourhood safety audits and patrols and join
in on clean ups of public spaces and playgrounds. Community meetings are
convened to solicit their views on what is wrong – and what can be changed – in
their communities.
Also see the University of Kansas Community Tool Box at http://ctb.ku.edu/en/. In Canada, projects
such as Vibrant Communities (www.tamarackcommunity.ca) and Action for Neighbourhood Change
(www.anccommunity.ca) have developed resources and tools to facilitate community engagement and
community-building, based on experiences and learnings from Canadian communities.

20 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 21
Governments, for their part, foster the “working in partnership” enterprise,
encouraging interagency coordination and collaboration, and offering project
funding, tools and resources to support communities in tackling specific crime
problems. Local institutions and service providers are given incentives to link,
partner and work together and may take on ‘intermediary’ or bridging roles
between various players and residents.
Meaning of “Community” in the Crime Prevention Context
While there has been a lot of enthusiasm about the role of the community in
crime prevention, the use and benefits of “community” as a policy instrument
in preventing and controlling crime have also been criticized (Crawford,
1995; Hastings, 2005). Many of the basic issues surrounding community
mobilization for crime prevention relate to more fundamental questions and
tensions about the role of community and its use as a policy instrument. It
is worthwhile to briefly reflect on the meaning of community in the crime
prevention context.
Historically, the “community” has always been an important theme in crime
prevention and social control. Community has been identified as both a cause
of, and a solution to, crime problems. These problems are frequently associated
with the notion of loss of community and its attendant problems of social
disruption, disorganization and isolation.
Paradoxically, during the same period of lament over the loss of community,
decentralization, diversion, de-institutionalization and decarceration strategies
have been put in place, shifting much of the burden of responsibility for
addressing crime problems to the community (Cohen, 1985; Crawford, 1995;
Rochefort, Rosenberg, & White, 1998). The notion that “community” is a
resource that can be tapped, or to which the responsibility for crime and social
control can be devolved, is very attractive to authorities (Crawford, 1995). The
claim that community-based responses are more efficient and cost-effective
than institutional ones is compelling to the state and individual taxpayers
alike. It is also a claim that shifts the responsibility to the local community
and, by so doing, directs attention away from the limited successes of state
institutions in controlling crime and reducing victimization.
In a general way, the focus on community has also been seen as a way of
rekindling civic engagement, with the expectation that it will result in
outcomes such as a more vibrant and civil society, better policy making, and
stronger communities (Philips & Orsini, 2002). At the same time, a growing
body of scholarship identifies an alternative motivation behind the state’s
focus on community involvement and engagement on issues of community
safety and crime prevention. For example, to Crawford (1995), the move
signals a shirking of responsibility on the part of governments to address and
respond to local concerns related to crime and crime prevention. Moreover,
implicating citizens in the process can lead to a wider penetration of social
control (Crawford, 1995).
Why, from a policy perspective, has the shift to community been so appealing?
As Rochefort et al. (1998) note, community functions as a policy instrument
on several levels. By appealing to the “community,” policy makers have a
“legitimate” means of bypassing established power structures and institutional
arrangements, including those put in place by other orders of government.
Community can also be used as a means of identifying or selecting sites for
intervention and service. Alternatively, the community itself can be defined
as the target of intervention or it can serve as a setting for service delivery.
Perhaps most compelling, the concept of community can provide an ideological
framework for legitimizing diverse systems changes.
The ambiguity of the concept of community is another reason for its appeal.
This ambiguity makes the concept amenable to numerous interpretations,
thereby rendering it instrumental to a variety of interests. Thus, policy makers
and practitioners of various stripes can appropriate the concept and recast it
to suit their own needs. At the same time, its use evokes positive images and
remains virtually risk free:
The rhetoric of empowerment and partnership permeates communitybased
policies, implying that these policies reflect the values, interests
and concerns of ordinary citizens and neglected groups. (Rochefort et
al., 1998)
In sum, “community” represents an ideal policy vehicle since it has broad
appeal, generates positive associations, permits multiple interpretations and
allows representatives of different constituencies to claim it as their own.
Issues and Challenges
Community involvement in crime prevention is based on the assumption that
communities can be readied to participate in crime prevention and that when
given the opportunity, they are willing to do so. Yet there are some underlying
tensions concerning the role of “community”.

22 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 23
From the community development perspective, self-government, participatory
democracy, bottom-up decision-making and empowerment at the local level
are desirable and have the potential to contribute to crime prevention (Lane &
Henry, 2004). Yet in practical terms, developing democratic, inclusive processes
and finding ways to equitably share power are enormous challenges. It takes
time and adequate support to residents to allow them to participate effectively
and develop confidence in their capacity (Arthurson, 2003). Establishing the
right structures and processes to enable community residents to be meaningful
partners and equitably participate alongside services and agencies has proven
challenging in many neighbourhood regeneration efforts (Torjman, 2007a).
Problems concerning participation are quickly amplified when “hot button”
issues like neighbourhood crime problems are involved. Community policing
and community-based crime prevention schemes in Canada and elsewhere (e.g.
Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States) have long struggled
with the issues of getting residents to volunteer their time and energy, and of
creating the conditions for meaningful participation.
From a “governmentality” lens, empowerment of the local can be disconcerting
when communities take actions that are not aligned with government priorities,
funding criteria and accountability requirements. Communities may identify
immediate crime and safety concerns in their neighbourhood that they expect
the police to address. But, as the Action for Neighbourhood Change project
revealed, often their priorities require investments that relate to broader quality
of life improvements such as improved garbage pick up, cleaner streets, better
lighting, greener spaces, better housing, improved social services, better policecommunity
relations, employment opportunities, or recreational opportunities
for youth. Many of these issues relate to neglect or erosion in community
infrastructure. Aside from volunteer neighbourhood clean-ups, graffiti paintouts
and potlucks (which may have value in their immediate effect and can
also help to bring residents together), these issues are difficult for institutional
authorities and services to respond to quickly.
In addition, government funding policies, structures and processes are not
well-equipped to support, or necessarily aligned with, community priorities.
Indeed, it is widely acknowledged that efforts to horizontally manage issues
which cut across government mandates, streamline funding approaches, and
effectively measure results, require greater improvement (Auditor General of
Canada, 2005 and 2006). As the Blue Ribbon Panel on Federal Grants and
Contribution Programs noted, this includes addressing the “morass of rules
and red tape that undermines accountability and hampers sensible reporting
and evaluation” (Lankin & Clark, 2006). Neighbourhood revitalization
projects like ANC and initiatives in other jurisdictions have struggled with
the inherent contradiction between the rhetoric of local empowerment and
control and the imperative that projects meet centrally determined funding
criteria and be evaluated against fixed outcome objectives (Diamond, 2004;
Gorman, 2007).
What really needs to be addressed is the mismatch between the rhetoric of the
value of community involvement and the failure to provide policy support and
the resources and tools needed to make it happen. As the External Advisory
Committee on Cities and Communities noted in its 2006 report, fundamental
change in the relationship among all orders of government, as well as new
approaches to partnerships, governance and innovative strategies is what is
needed to truly strengthen community capacity and resiliency. Given the
social, economic and environmental challenges facing many communities
and neighbourhoods, the bigger picture is all about community building and
resiliency. Involving “community” in crime prevention is only a very minor
piece of the community change puzzle.
There are also tensions within the community mobilization process itself.
A prerequisite of mobilization efforts is that a community be ready, willing
and able to act. The experiences of approaches such as Operation Weed and
Seed, an American initiative to “weed out” criminal activity in targeted highcrime
areas and then “seed” the area with social and economic interventions
to stabilize and revitalize the neighbourhood, revealed how challenging it can
be to overcome the lack of trust of institutional services such as the police
and welfare authorities. Creating appropriate structures and processes for
meaningful and equitable involvement, and sustaining community interest
and momentum are complex and frequently underestimated tasks (Bridenell
& Jesilow, 2005). Fear of retaliation by other community members, and
culture and language barriers are other factors that may contribute to isolation
and hamper participation. Negative perceptions and stereotyping of residents
living in troubled neighbourhoods may also influence the way that institutional
services relate and interact with residents. In turn, residents may resent the
spotlight on their neighbourhood’s negative characteristics and shy away from
participation to avoid the stigmatization that is often part and parcel of such
initiatives (Miller, 2000; Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2006).
It should not be all that surprising that mobilization efforts go off course or fade
away. Some research has begun to focus on individual, neighbourhood, and
other contextual factors that influence citizen involvement and participation in

24 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 25
crime prevention (see, for example, Pattavina, Byrne, & Garcia, 2006; Wells,
Schafer, & Varano, 2006). This research suggests that predictors of citizen
involvement are complex and methodologically difficult to disentangle: they
vary depending on neighbourhood risk levels, local crime prevention intents
and approaches, and a host of individual and neighbourhood social control
factors. We are thus still a long way from understanding the interplay between
these factors and participation, and what actually works.
Factors in “Successful” Mobilization
for Crime Prevention
“Taking a community from ‘zero to mobilization’ takes an incredible
investment, it is not just an experiment.”
– Key informant, Action for Neighbourhood Change Summative Evaluation.
Our understanding of the dynamics of community change and effective crime
prevention practice needs to grow considerably. However, based on experience
to date, there are some key points to consider in guiding future efforts to
mobilize communities for crime prevention.
Mobilization is Not an End in Itself
If mobilization efforts are to be effective, it is important that communities .
focus energy and resources on what is contextually relevant given their
particular circumstances. As Sherman et al. (1997) note, access to accurate
information about their community, and knowledge and information about
what works – or at least what is promising – is also needed. Practitioners must
work with the community to carefully consider the context and nature of
the crime issue being addressed. They should also assure that the particular
prevention method will have the desired results, and specify how the results will
be measured. For example, neighbourhood watch and citizen patrols are among
the most common forms of community mobilization for crime prevention, yet
evaluation evidence suggests that such programs have a negligible effect on
neighbourhood crime, resident fear of crime, and social cohesion (Rosenbaum,
2007; Shuck & Rosenbaum, 2006). Mobilization efforts linked to a broader
vision of community safety and well-being require comprehensive planning
and resources to implement. As well, patience is needed as the desired impacts
on crime will likely be incremental – and possibly elusive – for some time.
Have Reasonable Expectations of What Can Be Achieved
It also flows that the short and long-term results that can be reasonably expected
from any given mobilization effort should be clearly stated. This should take
into account the nature of the issues being addressed, the local community
context, the time and resources available, and how and when results will be
practically measured. This is particularly important in broader community
initiatives where crime may be one of myriad problems to be addressed, and
results – in terms of quality of life changes – may require fundamental changes
that take a long time to take effect and are challenging to sustain.
Assess Local Conditions, Community
Capacities and Readiness to Change
Close attention to local conditions and community “readiness” to change
is a fundamental requirement for mobilization. In the initial stages of
mobilization, strategies to assess local conditions, capacities and readiness to
change should focus on engaging in formal and informal conversations and
building connections with community residents and institutional players.
As noted previously, door-to-door surveys, as well as small and large group
forums are ways of learning more about local conditions and fostering local
leadership. They are also often effective ways of engaging community residents
and institutional players in dialogue on their issues and priorities.
Establishing trust among institutional players and with residents is also key
in the early stages of mobilization and throughout the process. It is important
that efforts be made to engage, listen to, and learn from all parts of the
community. This may require specialized skills and tools, and a concerted
effort to gather the perspectives of marginal populations who reside within
the community. Using culturally-appropriate outreach strategies and tools
in diverse neighbourhoods is very important. Hiring some staff from within
the community who speak the languages and know the cultures can help to
facilitate access to residents and foster engagement. At the same time, neutral
yet attentive and skilled outside “facilitators” may help people to exchange
views in open and constructive ways, and to build common ground (Gorman,
2007; Lane & Henry, 2004; Levitan-Reid, 2006).
Opportunities to integrate and align with the existing community
infrastructure, as well as areas where new infrastructure is required to move
forward should also be identified. Strategies to engage and mobilize the
community’s “systems of support” – the organizations and agencies mandated

26 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 27
to serve residents, as well as the businesses, volunteer organizations, faith
communities, and service clubs that can play a part – should also be considered.
These organizations and their staff may also require training and ongoing
mentorship to acquire the appropriate knowledge and skills to support and
foster community mobilization efforts.
Capacity Development Investment
Community capacity has been defined in this article as the community’s
relative ability to undertake collective action (Hastings & Jamieson, 2001).
Capacity includes many assets or dimensions, such as (but not limited to): a
shared sense of community; individual and collective knowledge, skills and
ability; infrastructure; and enabling policies and systems. Without doubt,
some level of capacity is necessary for effective community mobilization.
Moreover, it is widely acknowledged that it is always possible to find and
strengthen capacity even in the most troubled communities. An ongoing
challenge is to find ways to identify and build on both formal and informal
community capacity. Investment in capacity development requires careful
consideration, and it is important to view community diversity as a strength. As
has been the case in other neighbourhood revitalization efforts, the Action for
Neighbourhood Change project reinforced the lesson that capacity is necessary
for productive neighbourhood revitalization efforts. This capacity can take
time to nurture and develop (Levitan-Reid, 2006). It also demonstrated
that skills training and mentorship opportunities for community residents
are a valuable way to equip and empower them to participate in efforts to
address local concerns (Gorman, 2007). Residents may also be enabled to
take a fuller part in crime prevention activities if education and training on
effective approaches is also available (Adamson, 2004).
Resources
Community mobilization takes time, resources and patience. It is important
to fully plan how much time and what type of resources will be required to
achieve measurable results in the community. Time-limited project funding
may play a pivotal role in getting certain things done, but broader investments
in community infrastructure and partnerships are usually required to sustain
activities over the long term.
Concluding Thoughts
On the surface, community mobilization for crime prevention seems like a
good idea, but we need to be more critical at the outset and ask:
• To what end are communities being mobilized, and to whose agenda .
and interests?
• What results can be expected?
• Is the mobilization effort meaningful, realistic and a good use of
community energy, resources and time?
• What strategies can best be employed to reach out to residents?
• Who should be involved? Why and how?
Many of the issues and challenges concerning community mobilization for
crime prevention relate to broader questions concerning the role of community
as a policy instrument. At the public policy level, issues concerning healthy,
safe and sustainable communities are becoming more pressing.
It is crucial that all orders of governments heed calls to work together to
pursue better integrated and forward-looking approaches to quality of life
issues in the communities and the neighbourhoods that are being targeted
for intervention. Consideration of the importance of “place” and greater
harmonization of policies and programs to support community efforts to
pursue their future vision, as recommended by the Expert Advisory Committee
on Cities and Communities (2006), is a possible starting point for integrated
action. In addition to crafting achievable goals and objectives, this should
involve support for local strategies and networks that can move communities
beyond reliance on pilot and demonstration projects.
Meanwhile, on the ground, crime prevention practitioners could learn
more about the process of mobilization from neighbourhood revitalization
experiences to date. Especially important is the lesson that crime and safety
issues are likely only one of a myriad of issues of concern to the community.
Although a crime event may be a catalyst for action – it is not necessarily
the driver for change or the most important community priority for change.
Conversely, community development and mobilization should not be seen as a
panacea for crime prevention (Lane & Henry, 2004).
Experience shows that successful mobilization processes need to be contextually
relevant, sensitive to the vision and priorities of the community (as it emerges
or evolves), inclusive and welcoming to all and relevant to areas where the

28 I P C R e v i e w 2 Factors Related to Successful Mobilization of Communities for Crime Prevention 29
community or neighbourhood collectively points its energy. It is important to
build in flexibility and capacity to assess, respond and adapt to the evolving
nature of community interests and change. Careful and continual assessment
of local conditions, motivations and capacities, and achievable results is
required. A style of leadership that moves away from traditional “lead and
follow” approaches towards one that builds trust and fosters relationship
building within the community, and in relation to existing systems of support,
is necessary (Torjman, 2007a).
Another lesson for crime prevention practitioners is the need for better
understanding of the complexity of community change and the concepts,
processes and techniques that can situate and guide mobilization.
Organizational training and mentorship on theories of change, community
development, community mobilization and capacity development could help
to better equip crime prevention practitioners with the knowledge, expertise
and skills needed to play an effective and appropriate role in community
mobilization efforts. The human dynamics involved in community change
efforts are paramount; learning how to reach out and communicate in
ongoing, inclusive ways is key (Chaskin, 2003).
It is reasonable to believe that community mobilization for crime prevention –
particularly in the broader frame of community development – has merit, despite
current gaps in knowledge and limitations to the evidence base. In practice,
greater recognition of the time and resources it takes to meaningfully engage
and mobilize communities is needed. Support for capacity development needs
to go hand in hand with these efforts. If the ultimate goal of crime prevention
is truly about community safety and well being, then adequate support for
community mobilization and capacity development should also be reflected in
public funding schemes and factored into the timelines for the work.
Further application and study of the concept of mobilization as it applies to the
crime prevention field, as well as systematic study of the mobilization processes
and techniques in practice, would be helpful. Policy and practice-relevant
evaluations, which use qualitative and quantitative methods to assess the intent,
process, outputs and effects of mobilization through the crime prevention
lens would shed light onto what works, why and how. Since the boundaries
between community development, mobilization and capacity building are so
permeable, such studies will likely spill into the broader territory of community
change. This will help the crime prevention field to better discern and refine
the factors, conditions and processes that will contribute to the prevention of
crime, and to community safety and well-being.
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Volume 2: pages 35–56
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
Promotion de la sécurité et son
approche par milieu de vie :
considérations théoriques
et pratiques
Pierre Maurice, Julie Laforest, Louise Marie Bouchard
et Monique Rainville
Institut national de santé publique du Québec (INSPQ)
A b s t r a c t
This article deals with the development and use of the setting-oriented
approach in the promotion of safety. The first part focuses on the concepts
relative to safety and the promotion of safety, and provides a definition
of the setting-oriented approach. The four fundamental components of
this approach are outlined: (1) a holistic vision of safety; (2) intersectoral
partnerships; (3) a structured planning process; and (4) community
engagement. The advantages stemming from the use of this approach for
communities engaging in a process to improve their safety are highlighted.
The second part presents the tools developed by the public health
network in the province of Quebec in support of the setting-oriented
approach to promoting safety. The article also features three examples of
local initiatives to improve safety, illustrating a number of successes and
challenges. A discussion of theoretical and practical considerations follows,
and recommendations are put forth arising from the findings.
R é s u m é
Le présent article rend compte du développement et de l’utilisation
de l’approche par milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité. La première
The English version of this article is available at www.crpspc.qc.ca in the section titled “Taking Informed
Action: Approaches Applied”.

36 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 37
partie met l’accent sur les concepts de sécurité, de promotion de la sécurité
et définit l’approche par milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité. Les
quatre composantes sur lesquelles elle s’appuie sont présentées, soit :
1) une vision holistique de la sécurité, 2) le partenariat intersectoriel,
3) une démarche structurée de planification et 4) l’implication de la
population. Elle fait également ressortir les avantages de son utilisation
pour les milieux qui s’engagent dans un processus d’amélioration de
leur sécurité. La seconde partie fait état des outils développés par le
réseau de la santé publique québécois pour soutenir l’approche par
milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité. Trois exemples d’initiatives
locales d’amélioration de la sécurité sont également présentés. Les
dimensions théoriques et pratiques sont ensuite discutées et quelques
recommandations issues des constats sont proposées.
Introduction
La sécurité est un besoin fondamental de l’être humain (Maslow, 1968). C’est
une préoccupation omniprésente de la vie de tous les jours. Dans son rapport
pour le développement humain de 1994, l’Organisation des Nations Unies
considérait la sécurité comme un droit fondamental et une condition essentielle
de tout développement durable des sociétés (PNUD, 1994). C’est également
un enjeu auquel sont confrontés les acteurs de nombreux secteurs de notre
société. Que ce soit un maire de municipalité, un directeur d’usine ou d’école,
un responsable du service de police ou de pompier, tous ont des responsabilités
à l’égard de la sécurité de la population.
Une question se pose alors : comment offrir une réponse adéquate aux besoins
des collectivités locales ?
Fort d’une expertise dans le domaine de la promotion de la santé, le réseau de la
santé publique du Québec s’est investi au cours des deux dernières décennies dans
des activités visant à améliorer la sécurité de la population. Tout d’abord engagé
dans la prévention des traumatismes survenant sur la route, à domicile ou au
cours d’activités de loisirs, il s’est par la suite intéressé à d’autres enjeux touchant
la sécurité de la population tel que la prévention de la violence. Ses actions
dans ces domaines ont d’abord ciblé des enjeux précis (ex. : les dispositifs de
protection des conducteurs, l’alcool au volant, les armes à feu), puis il est apparu
de plus en plus opportun de développer à l’intention des collectivités locales une
méthodologie permettant non seulement de cibler des problèmes ou facteurs de
risque précis, mais également de considérer un enjeu plus global et plus près des
préoccupations de la population, celui de la sécurité en tant que telle. On parle
alors de promotion de la sécurité. Cette méthode intègre donc deux perspectives ; .
soit celle où l’on a comme point de départ un problème ou un enjeu spécifique à
solutionner (approche par problème), et celle où le point de départ est le milieu
de vie dont on veut améliorer la sécurité (approche par milieu de vie). Dans le
présent article, c’est de cette deuxième perspective qu’il sera question.
En prenant appui sur l’expérience québécoise, nous désirons faire ressortir les
avantages de l’utilisation du cadre conceptuel pour l’action en promotion de
la sécurité et faire connaître les leçons tirées de son utilisation, notamment
dans le domaine de la prévention de la criminalité. L’article débute par une
présentation de ce cadre et de son approche par milieu de vie. Il sera ensuite
question des applications de l’approche, en particulier des outils développés et
de trois exemples d’initiatives locales d’amélioration de la sécurité. Finalement,
les dimensions théoriques et pratiques de l’approche seront discutées. Bien que
le cadre de référence ait au point de départ été influencé par la perspective de
la santé publique, il s’est enrichi au cours des années par d’autres visions grâce
à l’expérimentation sur le terrain qui a nécessité l’implication de nombreux
acteurs intersectoriels.
Cadre théorique pour l’action en
promotion de la sécurité
Le développement du cadre théorique remonte à plus de dix ans. À cette époque,
l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) soutenait différentes initiatives en
promotion de la sécurité, principalement le mouvement des Safe Communities .
Il est alors devenu de plus en plus pertinent que les organisations adoptent
un langage commun et définissent un cadre théorique permettant de soutenir
l’action locale en matière de sécurité. C’est ainsi que le Centre collaborateur
OMS du Québec pour la promotion de la sécurité et la prévention des traumatismes,
a reçu, vers la fin des années 1990, le mandat d’animer une réflexion sur ce sujet
avec des experts internationaux dans le but de proposer un cadre théorique
Le concept de Safe Communities est apparu lors de la Première conférence mondiale en prévention des .
accidents et des blessures à Stockholm en 1989. Pour être accréditées, les communautés doivent répondre à
six conditions : 1) avoir une infrastructure basée sur le partenariat et la collaboration, sous la responsabilité
d’un comité intersectoriel responsable de la promotion de la sécurité dans leur communauté ; 2) avoir
implanté des programmes durables et à long terme adaptés aux besoins de la population, quelque soit son
sexe ou son âge, et visant différents milieux de vie ainsi qu’une variété de situations ; 3) avoir implanté des
programmes qui ciblent des groupes et environnements à risque et des programmes de promotion de la
sécurité auprès de groupes vulnérables ; 4) avoir implanté des programmes de surveillance sur la fréquence
et les causes des blessures ; 5) avoir développé des indicateurs permettant d’évaluer le processus et les effets
des programmes et 6) s’engager à participer de façon continue au réseau Safe communities tant au niveau
national qu’international. Traduction libre des indicateurs présentés sur le site du Karolinska Institute :
http://www.phs.ki.se/csp/who_safe_communities_indicators_en.htm.

38 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 39
sur la sécurité et la promotion de la sécurité. Ce dernier devait inclure une
définition opérationnelle de la sécurité, les conditions essentielles pour une
communauté sécuritaire, une définition de la promotion de la sécurité et le
processus à mettre en place pour promouvoir la sécurité dans une communauté.
À cette fin, deux séminaires internationaux ont été organisés.
Le cadre théorique issu de ces discussions contient les bases du travail réalisé
par la suite en promotion de la sécurité. Il est présenté dans la monographie
intitulée Sécurité et promotion de la sécurité : aspects conceptuels et opérationnels
(Maurice et al., 1998). On y trouve la définition suivante de la sécurité :
La sécurité est un état où les dangers et les conditions pouvant provoquer
des dommages d’ordre physique, psychologique ou matériel sont contrôlés
de manière à préserver la santé et le bien-être des individus et de la
communauté. C’est une ressource indispensable à la vie quotidienne qui
permet à l’individu et à la communauté de réaliser ses aspirations. (p.8)
Ce cadre détermine également quatre conditions nécessaires pour une
communauté en sécurité, soit :
• un climat de cohésion, de paix sociale et d’équité protégeant les droits et
les libertés des personnes ;
• la prévention et le contrôle des blessures et des autres conséquences causées
par les accidents ;
• le respect des valeurs et de l’intégrité physique, matérielle ou psychologique
des personnes ; et
• l’accès à des moyens efficaces de prévention, de contrôle et de
réhabilitation (Maurice et al., 1998, p. 11).
Dans ce contexte, la promotion de la sécurité est considérée comme un processus
qui permet de développer et de maintenir ces conditions dans les milieux par
des actions sur l’environnement et les comportements des individus. Ce cadre
de référence reconnaît également une dimension objective et subjective à la
sécurité. Ces deux dimensions sont ainsi décrites par Maurice et al. (1997) :
(…)d’une part, un état réel apprécié en fonction de paramètres
comportementaux et environnementaux objectifs, appelé ici sécurité
réelle et d’autre part un état perceptuel apprécié en fonction du
sentiment de sécurité de la population (paramètre subjectif), appelé
ici sécurité perçue. (p.182)
Québec, février 1998 et Stockholm, mai 1998.
Pour promouvoir la sécurité, deux approches sont suggérées, l’approche par
problème et l’approche par milieu de vie. La première, plus traditionnelle, consiste
à identifier, pour un problème ciblé, les individus à risque, à en rechercher les
causes et à élaborer des solutions spécifiques. La seconde approche consiste à
examiner la sécurité globalement. Elle est fort utile lorsqu’on veut considérer un
ensemble d’enjeux de sécurité présents dans un milieu de vie donné . Le choix de
l’approche privilégiée dépend alors d’une évaluation des avantages en fonction
du contexte dans lequel elle sera appliquée et de l’objectif poursuivi. Lorsqu‘un
problème en particulier constitue la cible de l’action, l’approche par problème
représente une option intéressante. Par contre, si l’objectif est l’amélioration
globale de la sécurité, l’approche par milieu de vie est mieux adaptée.
L’approche par milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité
Dans cette approche, on reconnaît que la sécurité de ce dernier résulte de
l’interaction entre les multiples composantes d’un système organisé (population,
aménagement physique, infrastructures matérielles, économiques, techniques,
etc.), elles-mêmes ayant une ou plusieurs finalités (Maurice et al., 1998). Le
milieu de vie constitue alors le lieu d’intervention privilégié. Il peut s’agir tout
aussi bien d’une rue, d’un parc, d’une école, d’un quartier, d’un village ou
d’une ville. Les ressources mobilisées pour développer cette approche sont
fonction des caractéristiques du milieu dans lequel on désire intervenir. Pour
se réaliser, cette approche s’appuie sur quatre composantes essentielles : 1) elle
est basée sur une vision holistique de la sécurité, 2) elle est appliquée par un
groupe de partenaires intersectoriels, 3) elle propose une démarche structurée
de planification et 4) elle doit impliquer la population.
Vision holistique de la sécurité
Cette vision est justifiée par la complexité du phénomène étudié. Une multitude
d’enjeux sont à considérer. Ces derniers sont en interrelation et ils partagent
souvent des facteurs d’influence communs. Dès lors, il devient nécessaire
d’aborder la question de la sécurité dans une perspective globale afin d’assurer
une cohérence dans les solutions à appliquer. C’est, par exemple, avec ce souci
de cohérence que l’OMS, dans son Rapport mondial sur la violence et la santé,
recommande d’exploiter les liens qui existent entre les différents types de violence,
et ce, afin de maximiser l’effet des mesures proposées (Krug et al., 2002).
Espace physiquement ou socialement organisé ayant une ou plusieurs finalités. Chaque milieu de vie
est formé de plusieurs composantes (population, aménagement physique, infrastructures matérielles,
économiques, techniques, etc.) qui remplissent chacune une fonction déterminée. Ces composantes
s’influencent mutuellement selon certaines règles qui ne sont pas toujours connues (définition inspirée de
Green et al., 2000 et Maurice et al., 1997).

40 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 41
Pour les gens du terrain, privilégier une vision holistique optimise les chances de
faire une lecture plus juste des enjeux de sécurité pour l’ensemble d’un milieu.
Le choix des interventions repose alors sur une considération des interactions
entre les enjeux retenus de même qu’entre les actions proposées. Par exemple,
augmenter l’achalandage dans un parc et aux alentours pour contribuer à une
augmentation du sentiment de sécurité devrait amener les autorités à aussi
considérer les enjeux de sécurité routière qui pourraient en découler.
Partenariat intersectoriel
Aborder une réalité complexe qui concerne de nombreux acteurs nécessite la
création d’un partenariat intersectoriel, notamment parce qu’un seul secteur ou
un seul organisme ne détient pas les compétences et les leviers pour véritablement
comprendre et agir sur l’ensemble des dimensions de la sécurité. Si l’on désire
améliorer la sécurité d’un milieu, il faut être en mesure de miser sur ses forces
et les maximiser. Le partenariat intersectoriel est fort utile à cette fin. En effet,
bien qu’un tel exercice soit exigeant, il a le potentiel d’augmenter les ressources
disponibles et d’obtenir un effet synergique (Nilsen, 2006 ; Rosenbaum, 2002).
Aussi, les perspectives diverses des partenaires permettent une compréhension
plus globale des enjeux soulevés et favorisent le développement d’une vision
commune de la situation dans un milieu de vie donné (Nilsen, 2006). Bien
que peu évaluée, une approche partenariale en prévention de la criminalité est
fortement recommandée car elle aide à avoir une vision holistique du crime et
décloisonne les interventions (Crawford, 1998). Dans son Rapport mondial
sur la violence et la santé, l’OMS reconnaît d’ailleurs l’apport des partenariats
dans le dossier de la prévention de la violence. Le partenariat a la possibilité
d’augmenter l’efficacité des interventions, de mieux les organiser et multiplie
les ressources disponibles (Krug et al., 2002). Le partenariat est également l’un
des principes fondamentaux à la base du mouvement des Safe Communities
(Turner et al., 2007) et de la prévention de la criminalité (Paquin, 2005 ;
Rosenbaum, 2002).
La réalisation d’un partenariat réel et effectif n’est pas facile, d’où l’importance
de partager un langage commun susceptible d’intéresser toutes les parties
pouvant contribuer au processus d’amélioration de la sécurité et d’avoir recours
à une démarche structurée.
Démarche structurée
Sans aucune forme de balises, une vision holistique de la sécurité, ajoutée au
caractère intersectoriel de l’approche, peut devenir déroutant. Qu’est-ce qui doit
être mis en place en premier, qu’elles devraient être les priorités d’action ? Afin
de soutenir le cheminement jusqu’à la mise en œuvre d’actions cohérentes avec
les besoins et problèmes pressentis dans un milieu de vie donné, une démarche
structurée de planification des interventions est suggérée (figure 1). Celle-ci
propose des étapes logiques à franchir pour déterminer les actions préventives
à appliquer dans un milieu. De même, une planification structurée permet
de rationaliser la prise de décisions, d’atteindre plus facilement des consensus
entre partenaires et de s’orienter vers des solutions plus efficaces et adaptées au
milieu (Hawkins et al., 2002 ; Loos et al., 2001 ; Pineault et Daveluy, 1990).
Le fait que l’approche par milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité propose
un cheminement logique permet aux partenaires de planifier leur contribution
aux différentes étapes du processus (Loos et al., 2001).
Figure 1. Démarche structurée de l’approche par milieu de vie
Dresser la carte des acteurs
Mobilisation Diagnostic Action
S’assurer de l’existence d’un
mécanisme de concertation
Établir le portrait
du milieu de vie
Établir le portrait des
problèmes de sécurité et de
criminalité du milieu de vie
Établir le bilan de sécurité
du milieu de vie
Évaluation
Effectuer la sélection et la
validation des problèmes de
sécurité du milieu de vie
Plus concrètement, la démarche comporte quatre phases :
1) Mobilisation
Il s’agit d’abord de mobiliser les partenaires intéressés afin de les sensibiliser
à l’importance de la sécurité comme déterminant de la qualité de vie d’un
milieu et de les amener à travailler ensemble pour franchir les différentes
étapes subséquentes. Il pourra s’agir de créer une nouvelle structure dans la
communauté (groupe de travail ou comité) axée spécifiquement sur cet enjeu
ou d’utiliser une structure existante à qui on confiera entre autres mandats
celui d’améliorer la sécurité de la population.
2) Diagnostic
On complète ensuite un diagnostic de sécurité du milieu. Celui-ci consiste
en une analyse rigoureuse du milieu, basée sur des informations au regard de
déterminants socioéconomiques, des ressources disponibles et des problèmes
de sécurité éprouvés par la population (criminalité, incivilités, sentiment
Élaborer le plan d’action
Mettre en œuvre les mesures
préventives du plan d’action

42 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 43
d’insécurité, peur du crime, etc.). L’analyse de ces données doit être transversale
de manière à établir un portrait global qui met en lumière des interactions
entre les différents facteurs, et elle classe les différents problèmes du milieu
par ordre d’importance. Ce portrait de la situation est par la suite validé par la
population concernée.
3) Action
La troisième phase est centrée sur l’action. Elle doit être planifiée en fonction
des résultats du diagnostic. Pour ce faire, les problèmes prioritaires sont
analysés à fond pour mieux en comprendre les causes, les interactions et points
de convergence conduisant ainsi à l’élaboration d’un plan d’action. Ce dernier
proposera à la communauté un ensemble cohérent de solutions basées sur des
interventions efficaces et tenant compte des différents éléments de faisabilité.
Finalement, ce plan d’action devra être mis en œuvre en tenant compte des
particularités du milieu.
4) Évaluation
Une évaluation continue accompagne toutes les étapes de la démarche. Bien
que le type d’évaluation requis soit susceptible de varier en fonction de la
phase évaluée, les trois phases nécessitent une évaluation du processus. Cela
permet d’abord de vérifier si, pour chacune d’elles, les conditions stratégiques
et techniques prévalentes sont propices à l’atteinte des objectifs visés. Par
exemple, dans la première phase, on se questionnera sur l’origine et la nature
des résistances qui pourraient faire obstacle à la mobilisation. L’évaluation du
processus permet aussi de porter un jugement sur le déroulement des activités
réalisées par rapport aux activités planifiées. On s’interrogera alors notamment
sur l’adéquation entre les résultats observés et les objectifs visés, les difficultés
rencontrées, le respect des échéanciers et des coûts prévus, ce qui oriente la prise
de décision quant aux correctifs à apporter. Ce type d’évaluation permettra
également de juger de la cohérence entre le diagnostic de sécurité posé et le
plan d’action élaboré.
Lorsque les interventions inscrites au plan d’action ont été réalisées, l’évaluation
des effets devient appropriée. Il s’agit de regarder si les actions entreprises ont
porté fruit, si elles ont eu un impact sur la sécurité des citoyens. On se penchera
alors sur l’atteinte des objectifs, les améliorations en matière de sentiment de
sécurité et de sécurité effective ainsi que sur les autres effets observés. Dans tous
les cas, l’évaluation permet de tirer des leçons et d’enrichir les connaissances
pour le bénéfice des futurs utilisateurs de la démarche.
Implication de la population
Tel que suggéré dans la Charte d’Ottawa pour la promotion de la santé ,
l’implication de la population provient d’une reconnaissance que cette dernière
doit participer à fixer les priorités pour les enjeux qui la concernent directement,
prendre part aux décisions et faire partie des stratégies élaborées pour y répondre
(Organisation mondiale de la santé et al., 1986). À l’instar du mouvement
des Safe Communities, l’approche par milieu de vie considère les citoyens
comme des acteurs à part entière de leur sécurité et reconnaît par le fait même
l’importance de leur participation au processus d’amélioration de la sécurité
(Maurice et al., 1998). Bien qu’elle soit désirée à toutes les étapes de la démarche
structurée, l’approche par milieu de vie requiert l’implication de la population
en particulier au moment de l’élaboration du diagnostic et de la validation des
priorités définies. Cette contribution comporte plusieurs avantages, même si
elle présente des défis importants (Loos et al., 2001). Elle permet en effet de
réaliser un diagnostic ajusté aux préoccupations des citoyens. Ces dernières
sont le résultat d’un ensemble de facteurs : structure démographique du milieu,
expérience de victimation dans le milieu, intérêts privés, influence des médias,
etc. La prise en compte de ces préoccupations représente donc un défi de taille
puisqu’elle nécessite une analyse rigoureuse pour arriver à identifier ce qui relève
de l’intérêt commun et proposer des solutions acceptables pour l’ensemble de
la communauté. Finalement, l’implication directe de la population dans le
processus contribue à développer un sentiment d’appartenance à la démarche,
ce qui permettra de mieux l’ancrer dans le milieu et d’en assurer la pérennité
(Hawkins et al., 2002 ; Nilsen, 2006).
En somme, l’approche par milieu de vie est fort utile pour aider un décideur à
identifier des enjeux de sécurité prioritaires dans un milieu de vie donné. Elle
permet plus particulièrement :
• de mobiliser la communauté autour de l’enjeu positif qu’est la sécurité ;
• de mieux comprendre l’interaction entre différents phénomènes
concomitants (ex : le lien entre la peur du crime, l’acquisition d’une arme .
à feu et le risque de blessures que cette arme représente pour les membres
de la maisonnée et leur entourage, etc.) ;
La Charte d’Ottawa pour la promotion de la santé a été adoptée en novembre 1986 à l’occasion de la .
première Conférence internationale pour la promotion de la santé. Il s’agit d’un document fondamental
qui conditionne l’action de santé publique depuis plus de deux décennies. La Charte définit ce qu’est la
promotion de la santé et identifie cinq types d’interventions pour promouvoir la santé des populations soit : .
l’élaboration de politiques publiques saines, la création de milieux favorables, le renforcement de l’action
communautaire, l’acquisition d’aptitudes individuelles et la réorientation des services de santé.

44 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 45
• d’intégrer les divers efforts consentis dans la collectivité en vue de
l’amélioration de la sécurité (ex : les activités de loisirs pour les jeunes .
et la prévention du vandalisme, etc.) ; et
• de proposer des solutions globales qui s’adressent à un ensemble de
problèmes de sécurité dans un milieu donné (ex : améliorer l’éclairage et
la signalisation pour réduire le risque de chutes dans un parc, améliorer le
sentiment de sécurité des usagers et réduire les risques d’agressions, etc.).
Application de l’approche par milieu de vie en
promotion de la sécurité au Québec
Le cadre théorique développé ainsi que l’approche décrite précédemment ont
donné lieu à un bon nombre de documents et de projets. Les sections suivantes
rendent compte des outils développés et présentent des exemples d’initiatives
locales d’amélioration de la sécurité.
Les outils développés pour soutenir les initiatives locales
Le développement du cadre conceptuel a permis à la santé publique québécoise
d’apporter son expertise dans un champ traditionnellement occupé par d’autres
secteurs de la société intéressés par la sécurité des collectivités locales, favorisant
ainsi la création de liens avec ces derniers. Les réalisations décrites dans le tableau
1 en témoignent. Elles incluent un guide destiné aux acteurs municipaux, deux
projets de transfert de connaissances (le centre de ressources et la formation),
une méthodologie d’enquête et une trousse diagnostique. Tous les outils sont
rendus accessibles dans le centre de ressources dès qu’ils sont complétés.
À la suite de la publication du cadre conceptuel déjà décrit, le guide Sécurité dans
les milieux de vie (Levaque, 2001) a été produit à l’intention des municipalités.
Dans les faits, ce guide constituait le premier outil de référence sur l’approche
par milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité, et ce, de manière à la rendre
opérationnelle. Par la suite, il est devenu impératif d’approfondir davantage
la réflexion sur le processus et, surtout, de soutenir plus substantiellement les
milieux prêts à implanter la démarche structurée à l’aide d’une formation. Cette
formation comportant quatre modules présente les différentes composantes de
l’approche par milieu de vie (voir Levaque, Le Hénaff, et Maurice, 2006).
Au cours de la même période, le ministère de la Sécurité publique (MSP)
lançait, en 2001, sa Politique ministérielle en prévention de la criminalité. Pour
des milieux de vie plus sécuritaires. Les principes directeurs de la Politique
positionnent la prévention de la criminalité comme une nécessité, soulignent
Tableau 1. Principaux outils développés pour soutenir les activités de promotion
de la sécurité à l’échelle locale
Titre
Sécurité et promotion de la sécurité : aspects
conceptuels et opérationnels (1998)
Sécurité dans les milieux de vie. Guide à l’intention des
municipalités (1999)
Vivre en sécurité, se donner les moyens – Formation
pour l’amélioration de la sécurité et la prévention de la
criminalité à l’intention des collectivités locales (2006)
Questionnaire d’enquête sur la sécurité des personnes et
la victimation dans les milieux de vie (2007)
Trousse diagnostique à l’intention des collectivités
locales (en développement)
Centre québécois de ressources en promotion de la
sécurité et en prévention de la criminalité (2004)
Collaborateur
• Centre collaborateur OMS du Québec, Réseau santé
publique et MSSQ
• WHO Collaborating Center on Community Safety
Promotion, Karolinska Institutet, Sweden
• Organisation mondiale de la santé
• Réseau québécois des villes et des villages en santé
• Réseau québécois des villes et des villages en santé
• Réseau québécois des villes et des villages en santé
• Ministère de la Sécurité publique
• Ministère de la Sécurité publique
• Ministère de la Sécurité publique
• Réseau québécois des villes et des villages en santé
l’intérêt d’adopter des stratégies diversifiées et proposent une approche intégrée.
Les liens entre la santé publique et le Ministère prennent forme particulièrement
dans la valorisation d’une démarche globale et structurée en prévention de la
criminalité. Depuis 2004, le Ministère mise sur un processus territorial qui
s’apparente à l’approche par milieu de vie proposée dans les documents décrits
ci-dessus. L’une des orientations de la Politique prévoit le développement de
stratégies locales en prévention de la criminalité sous la responsabilité des
municipalités ou des municipalités régionales de comté (MRC). La Politique
rappelle également la nécessité de miser sur le partenariat et impose une
démarche structurée de planification des interventions préventives.
Après le lancement de la Politique, deux projets pilotes, sous la coordination du
Réseau québécois des villes et villages en santé (RQVVS), ont été mis en place.
Ces deux projets visaient à expérimenter la démarche proposée. Cinq autres se
sont ajoutés au cours de la phase restreinte d’implantation des stratégies locales
de prévention de la criminalité de la Politique.
Dans l’optique d’accompagner les différents milieux mobilisés, et en accord
avec la Politique ministérielle en prévention de la criminalité, l’INSPQ a reçu le
mandat de mettre au point trois outils pour soutenir la démarche structurée de
planification des interventions préventives :

46 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 47
• Questionnaire d’enquête sur la sécurité des personnes et la victimation
dans les milieux de vie. Le questionnaire a été élaboré afin de combler
l’absence d’outils permettant d’apprécier l’ensemble des dimensions
couvertes par le cadre de référence en promotion de la sécurité. Les thèmes
abordés (victimation, cohésion sociale, sentiment de sécurité, appréciation
des services, etc.) sont orientés vers les enjeux de sécurité susceptibles d’être
abordés à un niveau local, par exemple une MRC, une municipalité ou
un arrondissement. Pour répondre à une diversité de besoins ou de réalités
territoriales, trois versions du questionnaire ont été rédigées : une version
téléphonique et deux versions auto-administrées dont l’une est adaptée à un
contexte d’habitation à loyer modique (HLM) et l’autre à celui d’un quartier.
Chacune des adaptations a été validée et utilisée en situation réelle.
• Trousse diagnostique à l’intention des collectivités locales. Cette trousse
suggère des thèmes à aborder et les étapes à suivre pour réaliser un diagnostic
dans un milieu de vie donné. Elle propose les guides et les outils de collecte
nécessaires pour rassembler les données à chacune des étapes et donne des
pistes pour faciliter l’analyse et la compréhension des données recueillies et
leur transformation en un diagnostic qui reflète la réalité du milieu.
• Centre québécois de ressources en promotion de la sécurité et en
prévention de la criminalité (CRPSPC) . Lancé en 2004, ce site Web
est un outil de soutien à l’élaboration de stratégies locales d’amélioration
de la sécurité et de prévention de la criminalité. Il réunit un ensemble de
documents et d’outils (recueils de meilleures pratiques, outils de formation,
de diagnostic, d’intervention et d’évaluation, documents d’orientation, etc.)
choisis pour leur potentiel de soutien aux collectivités désirant promouvoir
la sécurité et prévenir la criminalité.
Des exemples d’initiatives locales
La production des guides et des outils décrits précédemment s’est accompagnée
d’une validation auprès de certaines collectivités locales. Trois exemples
illustrent la mise en place de l’approche par milieu de vie appliquée à des
contextes différents et dans des circonstances variées (voir tableaux 2, 3
et 4). Chaque exemple précise la localisation et le type de milieu dans lequel
le projet a pris place ainsi que sa durée. Les origines du projet, la structure
mise en place pour sa réalisation, les résultats atteints et les constats sont
également détaillés.
Tableau 2. Une station de métro à Montréal
Localisation
Année 1999-2000
Responsable
du projet
Origine du projet
Type de milieu
Structure
et leadership
Réalisation
Constats
Région métropolitaine
Un organisme communautaire a été subventionné pour parrainer le projet.
Sous le leadership de la municipalité, un comité de sécurité a été créé et une subvention
a été remise à un organisme du milieu pour mener à terme un projet pilote visant à
tester et évaluer l’approche proposée dans le document Sécurité dans les milieux de vie.
Guide à l’intention des municipalités. Le thème du projet était « Les jeunes et les places
publiques ».
Le projet pilote a été limité à la gare intermodale et au métro, entre autres parce que
plusieurs jeunes s’y rassemblaient.
À la suite de l’engagement de la Ville et du Service de police, différents secteurs
interpelés par la problématique ciblée ou par la sécurité se sont engagés dans la
démarche. Des acteurs du transport en commun, de la santé publique, des organismes
communautaires et des résidants se sont regroupés au sein d’un comité.
Ce comité s’est réuni sur une base mensuelle pendant environ un an et a réalisé un
diagnostic de sécurité, proposé des solutions et construit un plan d’action. Alors qu’au
début du projet les attroupements de jeunes et de gangs criminels apparaissaient
comme le principal enjeu de sécurité du milieu, le travail du comité (notamment le
diagnostic) a permis de circonscrire d’autres problèmes tout aussi compromettants
pour la sécurité. Ainsi, la phase diagnostique a permis au comité de passer d’une vision
restreinte du problème dans la station de métro à une conception beaucoup plus large,
considérant différents aspects de la sécurité. Les attroupements de jeunes, le sentiment
d’insécurité, la violence et les risques de collision sont les problèmes qui ont été mis en
évidence par le diagnostic et pour lesquels le comité a cherché des solutions et proposer
un plan d’action. Après avoir recensé les activités en place dans le milieu, le comité a
défini un ensemble de mesures passives (aménagement physique) et actives (patrouille,
réglementation, surveillance, participation des résidants, etc.), chacune ciblant plus
d’un problème. Plusieurs des solutions préconisées avaient déjà été mises en place dans
les plans d’aménagement du nouveau terminal. Le comité n’ayant qu’un pouvoir de
recommandation, il a remis son plan d’action à la Ville. L’évaluation du projet a porté sur
l’implantation du Guide sur la sécurité en milieu de vie.
• Le cadre conceptuel inclus dans le guide a permis au comité de considérer la sécurité
dans l’ensemble du milieu de vie plutôt que de se limiter à sa manifestation la plus
flagrante. De ce fait, les solutions recommandées couvrent davantage que le problème
d’attroupement de jeunes.
• Le projet a démontré la possibilité d’appliquer une approche par milieu de vie et
d’impliquer différents partenaires aussi variés qu’un organisme de transport et
des résidants.
• Le seul pouvoir de recommandation n’a toutefois pas permis au comité de mettre
en œuvre les mesures proposées.
www.crpspc.qc.ca

48 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 49
Tableau 3. Une municipalité régionale de comté (MRC) au Québec
Localisation
Année 2004-2007
Responsable
du projet
Origine du projet
Type de milieu
Structure
et leadership
Réalisation
Constats
Municipalité régionale de comté (MRC), regroupant 20 municipalités
La municipalité régionale de comté (MRC).
Le projet de cette MRC fait partie de cinq projets pilotes d’une phase restreinte
d’implantation de stratégies locales tel que préconisé par la Politique en prévention de la
criminalité du ministère de la Sécurité publique 7 . À l’initiative du ministère de la Sécurité
publique (MSP) (proposition aux territoires), un protocole d’entente a été signé entre la
MRC et le MSP. Selon la planification, une mobilisation des intervenants et la création
d’un comité devaient se faire la première année. Au cours de la deuxième, le diagnostic
local, les priorités d’action et le plan d’action devaient être établis. La dernière année
devait être consacrée à la mise en œuvre des actions et à l’évaluation de la démarche.
Le territoire de cette MRC est caractérisé par un milieu rural et semi-urbain. La
population des vingt municipalités qui la compose ne dépasse pas 10 000 personnes.
Le projet s’est déroulé à l’échelle de la MRC.
Une coordonnatrice locale a été engagée et un comité en prévention de la criminalité a
été formé, regroupant des intervenants des secteurs municipal, économique, associatif,
communautaire, sociosanitaire, de la sécurité publique et de l’éducation. Le préfet de
cette MRC assume le leadership du projet.
Bien que ce projet ait été parmi les premiers projets pilotes à compléter son diagnostic
de sécurité, l’ensemble du processus s’est étalé sur 18 mois, soit plus que la période
prévue. Le travail a été accompli à l’aide de certains outils de la trousse diagnostique
(en cours d’élaboration) et de forums de discussion dans trois secteurs de la MRC auprès
de trois sous-groupes de la population. Quatre priorités d’action ont été retenues à la
suite du diagnostic : l’intimidation liée à la culture de cannabis vécue par la population,
la violence conjugale, la violence et l’intimidation chez les jeunes, et le sentiment
d’insécurité des aînés face aux jeunes. Il a été décidé de créer un comité pour chaque
priorité retenue, leur mandat étant d’approfondir la problématique et d’élaborer un plan
d’action préliminaire. Une évaluation de l’expérience des projets pilotes est actuellement
en cours.
• Ce projet pilote s’est caractérisé dès le départ par une mobilisation très réussie et une
forte implication des autorités politiques et administratives de la MRC.
• Effectuer un diagnostic s’est avéré une activité complexe requérant un soutien
méthodologique. La trousse diagnostique a été développée à cette fin.
• À ce jour, la prise en compte des enjeux de sécurité et de criminalité dans les dossiers
de la MRC est une des retombées du projet.
7 Ce projet est une illustration de l’approche territoriale qui constitue une déclinaison géographique de
l’approche par milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité. Dans cette approche, la démarche est assumée par
une gouvernance locale, responsable d’un territoire donné.
Tableau 4. Habitations à loyer modique (HLM)
Localisation
Année 2004-2006
Responsable
du projet
Origine du projet
Type de milieu
Structure
et leadership
Réalisation
Constats
Municipalité de taille moyenne du Québec
Un organisme communautaire dont la mission consiste à établir ou à rétablir des
rapports harmonieux entre les citoyens en proposant des activités éducatives et des
mécanismes conviviaux de règlements des conflits.
Après plusieurs années d’intervention à la pièce auprès de certains locataires des HLM
appartenant à la Ville, l’Office municipal d’habitation a mandaté un organisme du milieu
afin de développer une approche globale et concertée. C’est ainsi qu’a pris forme ce
projet dont l’objectif est d’améliorer la sécurité et le sentiment de sécurité dans les HLM.
Les 30 secteurs (1 429 unités de logement) de l’Office municipal d’habitation de la Ville.
Un coordonnateur de projet et une travailleuse de milieu en partenariat avec l’Office
municipal d’habitation.
En plus du travail de mobilisation des résidants des 30 secteurs de HLM et des
intervenants du milieu, la première année du projet visait à identifier les problèmes de
sécurité vécus par les résidants et à leur trouver des solutions. Pour ce faire, l’organisme
a recueilli un ensemble d’information à l’aide d’entretien auprès d‘informateurs clés, de
forum de discussion et d’un questionnaire d’enquête adressé à tous les résidants de plus
de 18 ans. Pour l’enquête, l’organisme responsable a sollicité la collaboration de l’INSPQ
et du MSP pour obtenir un questionnaire et un soutien méthodologique pour la collecte
et de l’Université du Québec pour l’analyse. Pour sa part, l’organisme a mobilisé
82 bénévoles répartis dans chacun des secteurs et les a formés pour faciliter la collecte
de données auprès des résidants des HLM, ce qui a permis l’obtention d’un taux de
réponse de 71,4 %. Une analyse sommaire des résultats a conduit à la sélection de
cinq secteurs pour l’élaboration d’un plan d’action. Malheureusement, le soutien
méthodologique a été cessé faute de ressources. Conséquemment, les données de
l’enquête ont été peu utilisées. Le projet est actuellement en attente de financement
pour la mise en œuvre de son plan d’action.
• Le partenariat entre l’organisme communautaire, les organismes publics et le milieu
universitaire a permis d’éviter les difficultés méthodologiques inhérentes à la collecte
et à l’analyse de ce type de données.
• Le questionnaire d’enquête s’est avéré un bon outil de mobilisation des résidants
des HLM de l’Office municipal d’habitation. Ces derniers ont été impliqués dès le
départ et ont grandement favorisé un fort taux de réponse dans un contexte où le
questionnaire était auto-administré et que les résidants de ces unités d’habitation sont
généralement très méfiants envers toute figure d’autorité. Cependant, le questionnaire
est peu convivial et relativement difficile à utiliser sans connaissances techniques et
méthodologiques appropriées.
• Le soutien méthodologique ne doit pas s’arrêter au soutien à la collecte, à la saisie à la
validation et à la transmission de la base de données, elle doit également accompagner
l’analyse des résultats et leur interprétation.

50 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 51
Discussion
Les assises théoriques des approches globales appliquées en promotion de la
sécurité proviennent non seulement du champ de la santé publique, et plus
spécifiquement de la promotion de la santé, mais également des principes
valorisés en prévention de la criminalité. Bien que de plus en plus utilisées
dans différents domaines, les preuves scientifiques permettant de conclure à
l’efficacité de ce type d’approches sont généralement accompagnées de mises
en garde. Lorsque des résultats concluants sont mis en lumière, il n’est pas
possible de discriminer quels éléments spécifiques de l’approche contribuent à
son efficacité (Guldbrandsson et Bremberg, 2004 ; Nilsen, 2006 ; Turner et
al., 2007).
Par exemple, une évaluation des résultats obtenus par le mouvement des
Safe Communities démontre des résultats prometteurs pour la prévention des
accidents de toute nature. La recension des évaluations effectuée par le groupe
Cochrane conclut en effet à l’existence de preuves que l’implantation de cette
approche réduit les risques de blessures dans l’ensemble de la population, tout
en précisant être dans l’incapacité de déterminer quels éléments spécifiques de
l’approche sont liés à l’obtention de résultats positifs (Turner et al., 2007). Il
faut dire que peu d’évaluations se sont intéressées explicitement au processus
de mise en œuvre de l’approche des Safe Communities. Pour leur part, Towner
et Dowswell (2002) ont examiné dix études en prévention des traumatismes
chez les enfants et les adolescents, dont seulement deux incluaient des données
sur le processus.
Par ailleurs, la nature même des approches globales et intégrées, adaptées à la
réalité des collectivités locales, complexifie la démonstration de leur efficacité
(Towner et Dowswell, 2002). Il est difficile d’évaluer des programmes ayant
recours à des interventions multimodales, agissant sur plusieurs cibles, auprès
de diverses clientèles. En s’adaptant aux particularités d’un lieu, l’approche
par milieu de vie rend difficile la duplication des interventions puisqu’elles
subissent des ajustements visant à mieux s’adapter à la réalité du milieu (Green
et al., 2000).
Malgré la rareté des preuves scientifiques et les difficultés associées à l’évaluation
de programmes de prévention complexes, certains principes caractérisant
l’approche par milieu de vie font consensus auprès des experts travaillant en
prévention des traumatismes et en promotion de la santé et de la sécurité.
Une lecture des revues systématiques d’études permet en effet de dégager
des éléments communs aux programmes obtenant des résultats positifs. Tout
d’abord, les interventions qui se déploient dans diverses sphères, auprès de
différentes clientèles et qui utilisent une combinaison de stratégies obtiennent
de meilleurs résultats, surtout si elles s’étendent sur une période assez longue
(Klassen et al., 2000 ; Nation et al., 2003 ; Towner et Dowswell, 2002). Aussi,
la mobilisation des organismes du milieu et la collaboration intersectorielle
autour de la prévention des traumatismes ou de la sécurité apparaissent comme
une voie plus prometteuse qu’un partenariat ponctuel au regard d’un problème
précis (Towner et Dowswell, 2002). La participation active des partenaires dans
le développement des stratégies ressort également comme un facteur de succès
(Klassen et al., 2000 ; Wright et Cheng, 1998). Parallèlement, la nécessité
d’avoir recours à des données locales, de façon à sélectionner des interventions
qui tiennent compte du profil de la communauté ou du milieu, constitue une
autre caractéristique des programmes efficaces (Klassen et al., 2000 ; Loos
et al., 2001 ; Towner et Dowswell, 2002). Finalement, afin d’interpréter
adéquatement les préoccupations des collectivités et de trouver des réponses
adaptées aux milieux, la participation de la population est recommandée
(Hawkins et al., 2002 ; Loos et al., 2001).
D’un point de vue plus opérationnel, les différents projets démarrés au Québec
nous permettent de tirer certaines leçons et d’apporter des nuances quant à
l’utilisation de l’approche par milieu de vie en promotion de la sécurité. Tout
d’abord, comme l’illustrent les projets du métro, de la MRC et des HLM,
l’approche peut être utilisée dans des milieux fort différents, et ce, avec des
avantages certains.
L’expérience du métro a fait ressortir la plus-value d’un regard holistique sur la
sécurité. Alors que les manifestations les plus visibles associaient les problèmes
de sécurité aux jeunes, l’analyse de la situation à partir du diagnostic de
sécurité a permis de mettre en lumière une diversité d’enjeux de sécurité. Elle
a resitué le problème des jeunes à l’intérieur de la problématique plus large
de la sécurité, facilitant ainsi la proposition de solutions intégrées et adaptées
(Sergerie et Fortier, 2000). De même, l’approche par milieu de vie a offert à
l’organisme œuvrant dans les HLM une réponse à son besoin de mieux cibler
ses interventions, et ce, de façon plus globale et intégrée. De plus, les trois
projets sont arrivés à définir des priorités d’action englobant plus d’un aspect
de la sécurité.
Parallèlement, il faut reconnaître que la vision holistique de la sécurité ouvre la
porte à une quantité d’informations parfois difficiles à colliger et à organiser
pour les milieux. L’importance d’être systématique devient alors fondamentale,
d’où le recours à une démarche structurée. Bien que plus longue et plus

52 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 53
complexe, cette dernière est plus susceptible de mener à un ensemble cohérent
de mesures préventives.
L’expérience amène cependant à préciser certains aspects. Malgré la pertinence
de l’approche par milieu de vie, force est d’admettre que sa mise en œuvre
représente un défi de taille pour les communautés. Le temps consacré par la
MRC à la réalisation du diagnostic a permis en effet de constater l’importance
de soutenir les milieux de diverses façons. Une formation sur mesure, un
monitorat et des outils adaptés sont nécessaires afin de guider le processus et
le systématiser. Les bénéfices que l’organisme œuvrant dans les HLM a retirés
en s’associant à divers organismes publics pour le soutien méthodologique
en témoignent. Ce soutien a ainsi permis de libérer les promoteurs du projet
afin qu’ils puissent se consacrer à des activités mieux adaptées à leur mission,
soit le recrutement et la formation de bénévoles, ainsi que la mobilisation des
résidants des HLM.
L’exemple du métro et celui des HLM démontrent que l’exercice du diagnostic
et même la mobilisation sont plus facilement réalisables dans un milieu
petit et bien circonscrit. La complexité de la mobilisation, du partenariat
et de la réalisation d’un diagnostic visant l’élaboration d’un plan d’action
sur un territoire tel que celui d’une MRC a nécessité davantage de travail
et de négociations entre les différentes parties en présence. C’est pourquoi
il est essentiel que l’énergie et les ressources consacrées au processus soient
proportionnelles à l’envergure du milieu et à la complexité de la situation, tant
en ce qui concerne les enjeux de sécurité du milieu que les structures et intérêts
différents en place. Il est également très important de mobiliser le milieu et
de réunir au sein d’un groupe de travail des acteurs susceptibles d’influencer
la mise en place des mesures proposées. L’exemple du métro démontre bien
la nécessité de la concertation entre les acteurs présents dans le milieu de
vie. Bien que la gare intermodale ne soit pas un milieu de l’envergure d’une
ville, les responsabilités sont réparties entre différents acteurs de plus d’un
secteur. Par ailleurs, pour réussir le processus d’amélioration de la sécurité,
les acteurs détenant le pouvoir de mettre des mesures en place doivent être
présents, d’où la nécessité d’obtenir la participation de décideurs au sein du
groupe. Ainsi, la participation de représentants des municipalités ou des MRC
est nécessaire, compte tenu du pouvoir décisionnel de ces instances en matière
de sécurité. L’engagement des autorités municipales dans le projet de la MRC
en témoigne.
Conclusion
L’approche de promotion de la sécurité préconisée au Québec permet de
considérer globalement et d’une manière intégrée un large éventail de problèmes : .
criminalité, sentiment de sécurité, sécurité routière, violence conjugale, taxage,
etc. Tous ces enjeux sont au centre des préoccupations de la population. Cette
approche permet de concevoir des interventions qui tiennent compte des
relations dynamiques s’opérant entre les différents phénomènes. Par ailleurs,
elle conduit à la réalisation d’économies parce qu’elle permet de proposer des
solutions cohérentes et globales à un ensemble de problèmes. Enfin, elle permet
aussi de mieux adapter l’action aux réalités des milieux et de coopter les leaders
et les organismes locaux ainsi que la population en leur donnant un rôle de
premier plan dans le processus.
Au Québec, de nombreux projets s’inspirant d’une telle approche ont été mis
sur pied et ces derniers ont connu un succès variable. Il est clair que même
si elle présente de nombreux avantages, la réalisation d’un tel processus de
planification s’est avérée longue et complexe pour les milieux. C’est pourquoi
certaines conditions devraient être présentes.
Tout d’abord, il faut s’assurer de la présence d’un soutien méthodologique
adéquat. En effet, la portée des résultats obtenus dépend largement de la
rigueur appliquée à toutes les étapes de la démarche structurée. Il est donc
indispensable que les milieux puissent compter sur des experts en méthode
pour les aider dans leur cheminement (coaching). Ce soutien peut également
prendre la forme d’outils pratiques afin de guider les promoteurs d’un projet
dans la réalisation des activités (outils de collecte d’information, outils
d’analyse, outils pour aider à établir un consensus, etc.).
La stabilité des ressources financières et humaines constitue également une
condition importante. Compte tenu de la complexité de la démarche et
du temps nécessaire pour la compléter, il est indispensable d’assurer un
financement suffisant et sur un horizon temporel de quelques années. Cette
garantie permettra d’assurer un soutien logistique à long terme et sera propice
à stabiliser l’équipe responsable du projet. Une telle stabilité constitue un
gage de succès compte tenu de la nécessité de bien connaître le milieu, les
organismes qui y opèrent, la dynamique locale, etc. Cette condition permet
enfin de s’assurer de la présence à long terme d’un coordonnateur responsable
de la mise en œuvre de la démarche. Ce dernier est essentiel car il joue un
rôle de fil conducteur de l’ensemble du processus et constitue bien souvent la
mémoire collective du groupe mobilisé autour d’un projet de sécurité.

54 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Promotion de la sécurité et son approche par milieu de vie 55
Enfin, une telle approche de promotion de la sécurité nécessite un
investissement de ressources considérable des organismes du milieu tant à
l’étape de la planification qu’au moment de la mise en œuvre du plan d’action
qui en découle. Il est par conséquent essentiel de s’assurer de la participation
au sein d’un groupe de travail de décideurs représentant les principaux
secteurs impliqués.
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Volume 2: pages 57–81
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
Prévenir les gangs avec une
approche globale et intégrée :
le rôle crucial des agents de liaison
Sylvie Hamel, Ph.D.
Professeure
Département de psychoéducation
Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières
Marie-Marthe Cousineau, Ph.D.
Professeure
École de criminologie
Université de Montréal
Martine Vézina, M.Sc.
Professionnelle de recherche
Institut de recherche pour le développement social des jeunes
A b s t r a c t
In the spring of 2000, recognizing that traditional approaches to dealing
with street gangs were largely ineffective, the Jeunesse et gangs de rue
project began working on alternative solutions incorporating the principles
of community social development. With funding from the Department
of Justice and the Department of the Solicitor General of Canada under
the National Strategy on Community Safety and Crime Prevention, this
initiative was conducted in collaboration with three City of Montreal areas,
which served as pilot sites. The research team responsible for the initiative
joined forces with action committees already in place in these areas, which
brought together representatives from various fields of intervention. The
team opted for an action research strategy and a participatory approach,
which, among other things, would facilitate evaluating the process related
to the various actions undertaken. It further established linkages with liaison

58 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 59
officers whose role proved to be essential not only to the functioning and
consolidation of the multisectoral action networks, but also to ensuring the
sustainability and influence they enjoy today.
R é s u m é
Devant l’insuccès des moyens traditionnellement utilisés pour faire face
aux gangs de rue, le projet Jeunesse et gangs de rue amorce, au printemps
2000, la création de solutions de rechange s’appuyant sur les principes
du développement social communautaire. Avec l’appui financier des
ministères de la Justice et du Solliciteur général du Canada dans le cadre
de la Stratégie nationale sur la sécurité communautaire et la prévention
du crime, cette construction se fait aussi avec la collaboration de trois
localités de la région montréalaise qui font office de sites pilotes. L’équipe
de recherche à l’origine du projet se lie à des comités d’action déjà en place
dans ces milieux, regroupant chacun des représentants de divers champs
d’intervention. Elle opte pour une stratégie de recherche-action et une
approche participative dans l’intérêt notamment d’évaluer les processus
se rattachant aux opérations qu’elle suscite. Dans cette foulée, l’équipe de
recherche se lie à des agents de liaison dont le rôle s’avère indispensable
non seulement au fonctionnement et à la consolidation des réseaux
d’action multisectorielle, mais aussi à leur pérennité et au rayonnement
qu’ils connaissent aujourd’hui.
État de situation à Montréal
L’Enquête policière canadienne sur les gangs de jeunes réalisée en 2002 révèle
que, sur l’ensemble du territoire canadien, sept provinces reconnaissent avoir
un problème de gangs (Chettleburgh, 2002). Le Québec fait partie de ces
provinces et Montréal est l’une des villes les plus affectées. Cette enquête révèle
également que le Canada compte 434 gangs de jeunes sur son territoire, de
même que 7 000 membres de gangs. Plus récemment, le Service canadien de
renseignements criminels (2006) estimait la présence de 300 gangs de rue à
travers le pays comptant environ 11 000 membres.
Plus précisément, la Division du renseignement du Service de police de la ville
de Montréal (SPVM) évalue la présence d’une vingtaine de gangs majeurs
(groupes bien établis avec des activités criminelles organisées) et encore
davantage de gangs émergents (nouveaux regroupements violents qui tentent
de s’imposer) sur l’ensemble de son territoire (SPVM, 2005). Le SPVM estime
aussi que, depuis 1989, sept homicides par année sont attribuables aux gangs
sans compter que, depuis 2002, 397 tentatives de meurtre ont également été
reliées à ces groupes (Barbeau, 2005).
Ces chiffres doivent cependant être interprétés avec prudence (Petersen,
2004 ; Soullière, 1998) puisqu’ils tentent de cerner un phénomène changeant
auquel est attribué des définitions différentes. En effet, aucune définition du
phénomène ne fait encore consensus et celles qui ont été formulées ont évolué
avec le temps (Ball & Curry, 1995 ; Covey, Menard, & Franzese, 1997 ; Curry
& Decker, 2003 ; Decker & Van Winkle, 1996 ; Esbensen, Winfree, He,
& Taylor, 2001 ; Sheldon, Tracy, & Brown, 2001). On convient néanmoins
que le phénomène englobe une diversité de groupes qui ne s’adonnent pas
tous à la violence et à la criminalité avec la même intensité (Hébert, Hamel,
& Savoie, 1997). Au premier pôle du continuum se situent les groupes de
jeunes qui tendent à imiter les gangs tandis qu’à l’autre extrémité se placent les
organisations criminelles résolument tournées vers la violence et la criminalité.
Entre ces deux limites, se trouvent une quantité de groupes, dont les gangs de
rue. Ceux-ci renvoient à la notion de gangstérisme, évoquant la présence d’un
phénomène organisé et criminalisé, qui entraîne, du même coup, une réaction
sociale fortement antagoniste.
Jeunesse et gangs de rue
Le Service de police de la ville de Montréal initia en 1996 le projet Jeunesse et
gangs de rue. Il souhaitait ainsi faire le point sur la question des gangs de rue
et que de nouvelles solutions soient expérimentées, constatant que les moyens
mis en œuvre, soit la répression appliquée de manière unilatérale, ne donnait
aucun résultat. Ce projet fut placé sous la responsabilité conjointe de l’Institut
de recherche pour le développement social des jeunes et du Centre jeunesse
de Montréal – Institut universitaire. Pour ce faire, trois sources d’information
différentes ont été considérées, soit les écrits, des jeunes ayant fait l’expérience
des gangs ainsi que des informateurs clés. Au terme de ses travaux, l’équipe de
recherche arriva à deux conclusions importantes :
1. Au-delà de la violence et de la criminalité qu’il génère, le phénomène
des gangs est lié à un autre problème tout aussi important : celui voulant
que des jeunes découvrent dans les gangs le moyen de combler leurs
besoins les plus fondamentaux (protection, appartenance, reconnaissance
et valorisation), besoins qu’ils ne trouvent à combler nulle part ailleurs
dans leur environnement (famille, école et communauté).
2. En conséquence, la prévention des gangs demande que des conditions
soient mises en place pour que « les jeunes s’attachent et s’intègrent

60 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 61
à leur communauté comme ils s’attachent et s’intègrent aux gangs »
(Hamel, Cousineau, Vézina, & Léveillé, 2006, p. 7).
C’est pourquoi l’équipe de recherche préconisa le développement d’une
approche communautaire, globale et intégrée.
Les approches communautaires …
puis globales et intégrées
Les premiers projets de type communautaire visant à faire face aux gangs
remontent aux années 1930, notamment dans la région Chicago, avec le Chicago
Area Project qui accordait un pouvoir social et politique à des communautés
locales pour l’amélioration des quartiers. Klein (1995) explique que l’action de
ce programme était guidée par les principes suivants :
• la délinquance vient de l’effet du groupe plutôt que de l’individu ;
• les structures de la communauté doivent surtout être mises en cause ; et
• le développement et l’organisation communautaire, donnant aux résidents
le pouvoir d’identifier leurs problèmes et de déterminer leurs solutions,
peuvent contribuer à sa réduction.
En l’absence de résultats d’évaluation, Klein (1995) estime qu’il est tout
à fait probable que ce programme ait contribué à faire diminuer le taux
de délinquance dans ces quartiers. Une retombée non négligeable de ce
programme est aussi d’avoir favorisé le développement de plusieurs services
dans la communauté et de donner la preuve que des résidents de quartiers
peuvent s’organiser pour affronter le problème des gangs. Ainsi, Klein (1995)
estime que ces approches sont valables parce que les gangs ne représentent,
selon lui, que le produit d’une communauté qui entraîne l’inadaptation. Si les
structures de cette communauté ne sont pas modifiées, les gangs persisteront,
peu importe les transformations des valeurs, la répression ou les autres efforts
pouvant être consentis.
D’autres soulignent par contre que la mobilisation des citoyens comporte
ses limites. Par exemple, plusieurs groupes de citoyens et de parents se sont
soulevés déjà pour se protéger et pour défendre leur communauté. Mais ces
opérations de surveillance se sont avérées périlleuses dans certains cas, pour
des résidents devenus ainsi délateurs (Spergel, 1995). Il est très difficile
pour ces gens de maintenir leurs efforts pour faire face à un tel problème.
Bien souvent leurs projets dévient de leur trajectoire avec le temps, pour
s’adresser finalement à des problématiques moins menaçantes touchant la
communauté en général (loisirs, tutorat, aide sociale). Plus tard, ceux qu’on
appelle les detached workers se sont aussi rebutés à quelques difficultés. Ces
intervenants ont quitté leur bureau et sont descendu dans la rue dans le but de
se rapprocher des jeunes (Howell, 1996). Quelques-uns seulement ont réussi à
s’intégrer convenablement à la communauté. Les autres ont semé plus souvent
le doute autour d’eux ; des gangs ont vu dans leur approche, une stratégie
d’infiltration et de démantèlement. Craignant pour leur survie et pour leur
image, certains groupes se sont en conséquence endurcis. Des stratégies de
médiation ont également été critiquées. Ces rencontres de trêves (rencontres
entre leaders de gangs) organisées notamment dans des quartiers chauds de la
ville de Philadelphie ont été considérées comme des activités pouvant légitimer
le leadership des chefs, contribuer à exagérer les rivalités et à répandre les
rumeurs de conflits entre les gangs (Klein, 1995).
Ceci montre évidemment que la prévention du phénomène des gangs par une
approche communautaire demande une solide organisation. De plus, parmi
tous les projets qui prétendent adopter une telle approche, il est souvent difficile
de dire quel statut est accordé à la communauté (Hastings, 1998). Est-elle une
cible de l’intervention en soi ou plutôt un outil servant à atteindre d’autres
cibles, dont les gangs et les jeunes qui en font partie ? Ainsi, bien des projets
s’inscrivant dans ce créneau, ayant été mal définis et mal planifiés au départ,
n’ont pas donné lieu à des résultats probants.
Mais plus tard, viendront d’autres projets axés sur une meilleure organisation
entre les intervenants. Ceci est le cas notamment que du Crisis Intervention
Network (CIN) développé dans le milieu des années 1970 à Philadelphie
(Spergel & Grossman, 1998). Des travailleurs de rue contribuaient alors
à la surveillance des gangs en avertissant les policiers dans les cas de
situations d’urgence. De manière plus globale, ce projet aurait donné lieu à
d’autres formes de collaborations, impliquant notamment des intervenants
œuvrant dans le milieu scolaire, des agents de probation ainsi que de
petites organisations locales indépendantes. Cette nouvelle dimension, la
coopération et la collaboration entre acteurs provenant de différents secteurs
d’intervention, attire d’ailleurs l’attention des experts. Spergel pour sa part
choisira de s’en inspirer pour conduire un projet appelé Little Village Gang
Violence Reduction Project (1987-1991) qui s’inscrit également dans la suite
d’une vaste opération nationale visant à expérimenter une approche, globale
et intégrée, dans 10 villes américaines (Spergel & Grossman, 1998).

62 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 63
Plus précisément, Spergel (1995) fait la promotion d’une approche dont les
composantes sont :
1. la mobilisation communautaire ;
2. l’accès aux opportunités ;
3. l’intervention sociale ;
4. la répression ; et
5. le changement et le développement organisationnel.
Pour ce faire, des intervenants (représentants des forces de l’ordre, agents de
probation, intervenants sociaux œuvrant dans les milieux communautaires et
scolaires) doivent d’abord s’entendre par consensus sur le choix de certaines
cibles (certains jeunes, certains gangs ou certains contextes en particulier). Puis
ils doivent développer des liens de confiance et d’interdépendance pour que
les stratégies qu’ils mettront en opération, soient bien organisées et intégrées,
s’adressant à un problème dont ils connaissent bien la nature sur un territoire
local et circonscrit.
Les chercheurs ayant accompagné la démarche d’implantation de ce modèle
d’action observent plusieurs choses intéressantes. Ils constatent notamment
que des liens novateurs se sont développés entre les policiers et les intervenants
communautaires, des travailleurs de rue dont la plupart avaient grandi dans ou
près de l’univers des gangs. Ces acteurs très différents, étaient tous préoccupés
par la violence des jeunes et souhaitaient contribuer à sa diminution. Dans
cette foulée, les officiers de police ont développé une meilleure approche avec
les jeunes membres de gangs et dans certains cas les travailleurs de rue les ont
même guidés afin d’éviter qu’ils n’arrêtent les mauvaises personnes. De leur
côté, les travailleurs de rue ont réussi à garder le respect des jeunes, tout en
poursuivant leur travail de référence et d’accompagnement mais en ayant des
liens plus étroits avec les institutions légales (Spergel & Grossman, 1998). Par
contre, il aurait été plus difficile de créer des alliances avec la communauté ellemême.
Un comité conseil formé de citoyens et de divers représentants du milieu
se serait rapidement dissolu (Spergel, Wa, & Sosa, 2006). Apparemment, ses
membres n’ont pas tous adhéré pleinement au principe d’une coordination
entre les services, sans compter que de nombreux antagonismes entre groupes
locaux, agences sociales, représentants de l’église et du système de justice ont
eu pour effet d’embrouiller la communication entre ces diverses instances.
En contrepartie, les résultats d’une recherche évaluative indépendante font
ressortir une certaine réduction de la criminalité des gangs. Les jeunes les
plus concernés sont ceux qui particulièrement présentent de lourdes histoires
accompagnées de nombreuses arrestations pour crimes violents (durant la
période ayant précédé le programme). Il s’agit de jeunes ayant plus de 19 ans qui
avec le temps, soit durant les trois premières années de mesure du programme,
ont été moins souvent arrêtés (Spergel & Grossman, 1998). Toutefois, un
processus inverse s’observe chez les plus jeunes qui pour leur part n’ont pas
été souvent arrêtés avant que le programme ne soit implanté, mais l’ont été
plus souvent durant le déroulement du programme (Spergel, Wa, & Sosa,
2006). Cependant, le taux d’arrestations reliés à des actes de violence graves
ou encore au commerce de la drogue aurait diminué de façon significative chez
toutes les catégories de jeunes. Mais cette tendance n’aurait été maintenue que
pendant les trois premières années de ce projet qui s’étala sur cinq ans. Il fut
démontré que cette réussite du programme dépend directement du degré de
coordination et d’interpénétration des diverses stratégies déployées notamment
par les agents de services sociaux, les policiers, les agents de probation et
les travailleurs de rue. Et cette cohésion dépendrait pour sa part des efforts
soutenus d’un comité d’orientation et de développement. Après tant d’efforts,
les auteurs estiment qu’encore trop peu d’attention n’a été consacrée au défi des
relations inter-organisationnelles.
Le premier objectif des approches globales et intégrées consiste donc à
augmenter le potentiel des services et des stratégies qui sont déjà en place,
en les unissant et en développant des procédés plus systématiques. Pour ce
faire, ces approches doivent s’appuyer sur une bonne connaissance des milieux,
de leurs besoins et de leurs ressources, une bonne communication entre les
organisations, une coordination des programmes qui déjà sont en cours, le
développement de nouveaux programmes servant à couvrir l’ensemble d’un
continuum de l’intervention (prévention, intervention, répression, réinsertion)
pouvant viser à la fois des populations générales, des populations de jeunes
à risque, puis des populations indiquées, constituées de jeunes criminalisés
(Coolbaugh & Hansel, 2000). Ces approches, mieux définies et mieux
organisées que les premières initiatives communautaires, induisent cependant
d’autres difficultés, reliées particulièrement à l’implantation de programmes,
de structures et de mécanismes au sein d’environnements complexes. Les
travaux de Spergel, Wa et Sosa (2006) montrent en effet qu’elles sont d’une
grande complexité à implanter et qu’elles sont bien difficiles à pérenniser.
Le développement social communautaire
Dans le cadre du projet Jeunesse et gangs de rue, l’équipe de recherche a
choisi une approche qui répond à la définition du « développement social
communautaire ». Cette stratégie n’est pas centrée sur les situations et les

64 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 65
faits criminels, mais sur les causes et sur l’amélioration du tissu social comme
moyen de freiner la propagation de gangs et de la délinquance qu’ils génèrent.
Dans cette perspective préventive, les jeunes formant une population indiquée
(les membres des noyaux durs les plus violents et les plus criminalisés) ne
sont pas nécessairement visés en priorité. Cette approche veut aussi toucher
des populations à risque ainsi que d’autres jeunes de la population générale,
ou encore la communauté en soi (ses dynamiques, son fonctionnement et .
sa structure).
En fait, un principe important veut que le développement social s’appuie sur
la population elle-même. Non seulement il contribue à son épanouissement,
mais il le fait par l’activation de son propre potentiel. Plus précisément, Chavis
(2000) définit le développement social communautaire comme un processus
de coopération volontaire, d’entraide et de construction de liens sociaux
entre les résidents et les institutions d’un milieu local, visant l’amélioration
des conditions de vie tant individuelles que collectives, sur les plans physique,
social et économique.
Dans les faits, l’équipe de recherche visait à faire alliance avec des communautés
locales dans l’intérêt qu’elles deviennent plus attrayantes et plus signifiantes
afin que les jeunes y reconnaissent les opportunités qu’elles leur offrent de
satisfaire leurs besoins d’apprendre, de se construire et de changer les choses.
Dans un tel environnement, la délinquance aurait tendance à perdre de sa
vitalité (Hawkins & Catalano, 1992). À cet effet, des groupes d’acteurs
ont été approchés, chacun associé à l’une de trois localités de la région de
Montréal et des environs faisant office de projets pilotes. Ces localités étaient
Villeray-La Petite Patrie, Montréal-Nord et Vieux-Longueuil. Ces dernières
ont été choisies en fonction de deux critères : d’abord parce qu’on les savait
préoccupées, de différentes façons, par le phénomène des gangs, et aussi
parce qu’elles étaient reconnues pour leur expérience de concertation. Ainsi,
des groupes d’acteurs étaient appelés à unir leurs forces et leurs compétences
au profit de leur communauté et des jeunes qui en font partie, autour d’une
lecture renouvelée et partagée du phénomène des gangs et de l’élaboration de
plans d’actions communs visant à y faire face. Dans cette foulée, ces groupes
feraient en quelque sorte office de coalitions dans leur communauté respective.
C’est-à-dire que ces groupes d’intérêt viendraient, par leur engagement et
leur participation, mobiliser d’autres forces dans la communauté pour qu’en
définitive des acteurs de tous les niveaux, intervenants, citoyens, des jeunes,
des parents, et des décideurs, joignent leurs efforts et contribuent ensemble à
alimenter la démarche.
Une évaluation de ce projet fut conduite entre 2000 et 2005, celle-ci ayant
été attentive aux retombées du projet, mais encore davantage à ses processus
dans l’intérêt de développer une compréhension profonde des mécanismes
soutenant le développement des plans d’action par les communautés, de même
qu’une conscience aiguisée des enjeux et des caractéristiques des milieux. Pour
ce faire, l’équipe de recherche choisit de prendre une approche participative,
qui par certains est considérée comme un moyen de remettre le pouvoir de la
recherche aux mains des milieux chez qui la connaissance n’est ordinairement
pas reconnue (Soghn, 1995).
Les premiers pas
Pour former des réseaux capables de faire face au phénomène des gangs, ce
sont les tables de concertation jeunesse de chacun des quartiers visés qui
ont été approchées en premier lieu. Ces regroupements rejoignent déjà une
diversité d’acteurs susceptibles d’être préoccupés par la problématique. Puis
avec ces tables, des assemblées de milieu ont été organisées donnant à tous
l’opportunité de choisir de se joindre ou non à des comités d’action (un par
localité) qui allaient élaborer des plans d’action. Ces comités n’ont donc pas
été formés en fonction de critères précis, voulant par exemple que tous les
secteurs d’intervention pertinents (sécurité, social, communautaire, scolaire,
municipal) soient représentés dès le départ.
L’expérience de Jeunesse et gangs de rue montre d’ailleurs qu’il n’est pas réaliste
de miser sur une représentativité exhaustive dès le début. La plupart des acteurs
manquant à l’appel au commencement du projet se sont finalement joints aux
réseaux d’action, au moment opportun, dans certains cas avec une contribution
encore plus solide que ne l’aurait espéré le réseau de départ. En d’autres mots,
l’équipe de recherche ne voulait pas forcer la participation des membres, et
risquer de bloquer de cette façon le processus pouvant mener à la convergence.
L’équipe de recherche savait aussi que l’arrivée d’un nouveau projet demandant
la mobilisation d’un grand nombre d’acteurs peut constituer un enjeu majeur
pour la concertation locale. S’il s’installe trop rapidement, en créant une
nouvelle structure, il risque de ne pas pouvoir maintenir la mobilisation des
acteurs qui se trouveront tiraillés par leurs multiples affiliations, ou encore il
risque de vider les autres comités en place de leurs effectifs et de se mettre à
dos une bonne partie de la communauté. C’est pourquoi, tout bien considéré,
il apparaissait plus pertinent à l’équipe de recherche de se laisser guider par la
communauté elle-même pour la constitution des réseaux.

66 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 67
Dans cette foulée, les membres de ces comités nouvellement formés ont décrété,
malgré leur intérêt à se joindre à la démarche, qu’il leur était impossible de la
prendre en charge sans que de nouvelles ressources ne leur soient attribuées. Ils
ont donc demandé à recevoir une compensation financière pour le temps qu’ils
allaient consacrer à se réunir et à s’organiser. Après discussion, il fut convenu
plutôt d’embaucher des agents de liaison (un par localité). Ceux-ci devaient
être issus des localités (comme résidents, intervenants ou bénévoles) et choisis
par les membres des comités, puis rémunérés par l’équipe de recherche.
L’embauche des agents de liaison
Les agents de liaison sont donc tous issus de leur localité respective et choisis
par leurs partenaires en raison de leur expérience de la concertation locale. Ils
ne connaissent que très peu la problématique des gangs mais tous sont centrés
sur la défense des intérêts de leur quartier. Maintenant que le projet est terminé,
un de ces agents est encore en poste, œuvrant désormais pour des projets qui
découlent directement de Jeunesse et gangs de rue et qui sont financés par la
municipalité. Cette situation est un indicateur important de la pérennisation
du projet dans cette localité, nommée localité B pour les besoins de cet article.
Celle-ci lui demande d’occuper sensiblement les mêmes fonctions que l’équipe
de recherche lui demandait à l’origine. Il s’agit d’assister les milieux en s’occupant
de l’organisation de rencontres et de la coordination d’activités, et de s’adonner
à toute autre fonction visant à faciliter la formation et la consolidation des
réseaux. De plus, l’équipe de recherche leur attribuait le rôle d’intermédiaire
pour qu’ils lui facilitent la communication avec les milieux.
En définitive, les résultats de l’analyse des processus montrent que la contribution
des agents de liaison s’est avérée beaucoup plus significative que l’équipe de
recherche ne l’avait prévu. Ces derniers n’ont pas seulement soutenu les réseaux
mais les ont influencé par des procédés qu’ils ont utilisés de manière tout à fait
naturelle et qu’il fut possible d’observer et de documenter parce que l’équipe
de recherche eut une approche participative. Ces informations donnent à voir
plus en profondeur les enjeux entourant le développement d’une approche
globale et intégrée pour la prévention du phénomène des gangs. Cette dernière,
bien qu’elle soit fortement recommandée, n’est pas tellement connue dans son
intimité. Aucun ouvrage ne traite apparemment des difficultés spécifiques
et des enjeux que pose l’action multisectorielle pour prévenir le phénomène
des gangs, des frontières qui habituellement s’installent entre les différentes
cultures d’intervention et des négociations qu’impose l’élaboration de plans
d’action forçant une redistribution des pouvoirs d’action. Ces zones sont celles
qui précisément intéressait l’équipe de recherche pour mieux comprendre
comment peut s’installer et s’articuler une telle approche, mieux juger des
résultats qui peuvent en émerger et mieux figurer également les mécanismes
pouvant avoir une influence sur sa pérennité.
C’est donc un regard neuf qui est posé ici sur l’approche globale et intégrée
comme moyen de prévenir les gangs, en explorant spécifiquement l’importance
et la complexité du rôle des agents de liaison, illustrée notamment par des
propos qu’ils ont tenus en entrevue, puis analysée de manière complémentaire
à la lumière d’informations venant des champs du développement social et
de la sociologie des organisations. Ce croisement entre différentes disciplines
permet d’aller un peu plus loin dans l’analyse et la réflexion portant sur le défi
de former des réseaux d’action multidisciplinaires, efficaces et solidaires. Il y a
pourtant là un élément de solution important, puisque les plus grands experts
dans le domaine de la prévention du phénomène des gangs recommandent de
prendre des approches globales et intégrées.
Quelques éléments méthodologiques
L’étude de cas est la stratégie méthodologique qui fut employée (Grawitz, 1993).
L’analyse, qui est inductive, possède aussi une visée explicative (grounded theory)
puisqu’elle cherche non seulement à déterminer quelles sont les conditions
favorisant la réussite des changements de pratiques d’intervention en matière
de gangs de rue, mais s’efforce aussi de comprendre comment ces conditions
agissent (liens fonctionnels) sur cette réussite. Cet examen s’exécute de manière
itérative en développant progressivement l’explication à partir d’une série
d’opérations interreliées auxquelles se greffent progressivement de nouvelles
propositions théoriques de plus en plus précises, jusqu’à l’obtention d’un modèle
théorique d’évaluation ajusté à la réalité observée (Yin, 1989 et 1993).
Il s’agit là aussi d’une approche globale et intégrée. Les principales composantes
de la théorie du problème et de l’action dont l’équipe de recherche a fait la
promotion sont les suivants :
1. Théorie du problème : Les jeunes découvrent dans les gangs le moyen
de combler leurs besoins les plus fondamentaux (protection, appartenance,
reconnaissance et valorisation), moyen qu’ils ne trouvent nulle part ailleurs
dans leur environnement (famille, école et communauté).
2. Philosophie guidant l’action : La prévention des gangs tient à la mise
en place des conditions nécessaires pour que les jeunes s’attachent et
s’intègrent à leur communauté comme ils s’attachent et s’intègrent aux gangs.

68 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 69
3. Principes directeurs de l’action :
• perspective multistratégique (sensibilisation, opportunités, intervention,
mobilisation, répression ; sur un continuum d’intervention) ;
• approche globale ciblant jeunes, écoles, familles, communauté ;
• reconnaissance des forces et de l’autonomie des individus et des
collectivités ; et
• développement social.
Les données recueillies pour procéder à cette analyse, toutes qualitatives,
proviennent de sources variées :
• procès-verbaux des réunions de travail des comités d’action locale ;
• entrevues semi-dirigées réalisées à chaque année avec des acteurs clés
de chacun des groupes : 33 intervenants des milieux institutionnels et
communautaires ont participé à ces entrevues à la fin de l’an 1 du projet,
51 à la fin de l’an 2, 28 à la fin de l’an 3, incluant cette fois les agents de
liaison, et 29 à la fin de l’an 4, incluant encore une fois les agents de liaison ;
• documents de travail utilisés par les comités ;
• rapports d’activités de l’équipe de recherche ;
• rapports annuels des organismes partenaires ;
• documents d’information, sites Internet sur les partenaires et leurs services ; et
• observations participantes.
L’ensemble du matériel recueilli fut traité de façon convergente en suivant un
mode de triangulation. Il fut codifié à partir d’une grille développée à cette
fin, utilisée avec une intention de conceptualisation en tentant de relier les
différents éléments de données, tout en les confrontant aux éléments du modèle
théorique de départ. Tout au long du processus d’analyse, la corroboration qui
se base essentiellement sur l’échange d’interprétations entre les membres de
l’équipe de recherche (Poupart et al., 1997) fut privilégiée pour le contrôle de
la validité interne.
Plus précisément, les extraits présentés ci-après proviennent d’entrevues
individuelles, réalisées auprès des agents de liaison, après la deuxième et la
troisième année du projet. Ces derniers répondent alors à des questions visant à
cerner leur rôle et leur contribution spécifiques. Ces résultats sont complétés à
partir des autres sources ayant été analysées, soit les observations sur le terrain
des membres de l’équipe de recherche et les entrevues réalisées auprès des
autres intervenants ayant été associés à cette démarche qui à la fin du projet
ont également été questionnés sur le rôle des agents de liaison.
Résultats
Bien qu’avant toutes choses, les agents de liaison ont été embauchés pour
assurer le soutien des comités d’action et pour guider l’équipe de recherche
qui voulait s’ajuster à la culture des milieux, rapidement il apparaît que leur
premier et plus grand défi se situe à un autre niveau. Il s’agit d’arrimer les
intérêts des différents acteurs qui composent les comités d’action. Ce défi pose
un certain nombre de difficultés avec lesquelles les agents de liaison composent
de manière assez différente.
L’un d’entre eux révèle qu’il doit agir en coulisse, ce qui cependant ne semble
pas rendre son travail trop difficile, mais plutôt intéressant :
Au niveau du réseautage, ça moi je m’y applique beaucoup puis je trouve
ça le fun, ça je le vois que ce que je fais c’est un travail, pas de coulisse
mais, je sais pas trop comment dire, un petit peu de travail souterrain,
parler à une, parler à l’autre, je pense qu’il y a une des intervenante qui a
dit dans une autre situation un réseautage underground.
Selon les observations de l’équipe de recherche, il est arrivé à maintes reprises
que les agents de liaison travaillent sur une base individuelle, en dehors des
contextes formels. C’est de cette manière qu’ils ont formé chacun des nouveaux
arrivants aux comités pour assurer une certaine conformité et continuité dans
la philosophie et les approches. Les agents de liaison ont pu alors constater que
certains propos étaient plus faciles à livrer en coulisse, sur une base anonyme.
De cette manière, les membres des comités pouvaient faire le point et s’entendre
le dire, ce qui parfois aidait même à recadrer ou à réaffirmer l’engagement.
Lors de ces rencontres, ces derniers pouvaient exprimer tout ce qu’ils avaient
à dire qui n’était pas toujours approprié durant les réunions en grand groupe.
Le cas échéant, les agents de liaison pouvaient apporter une information
pertinente servant à défaire un nœud ou à résoudre un malentendu. Ou tout
simplement, ils étaient mis au courant de certaines inquiétudes. En d’autres
mots, cette façon de faire servi à démocratiser la démarche pour s’assurer que
chacun se sente respecté et reconnu pour la particularité de la contribution
qu’il pouvait apporter.
Pour sa part, un autre agent de liaison, insiste plutôt sur les discussions entre
tous les membres du groupe, qui dans le contexte qui le concernait, semblaient
être d’une grande importance :

70 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 71
(…) bien sûr, structurer, animer, alimenter les rencontres, les discussions,
favoriser l’échange de discussion et d’information entre le monde. Mais
si j’avais à me donner un mandat, compte tenu de la dynamique de
la localité, ça serait de favoriser une cohésion, puis, au minimum, un
consensus là dans… au niveau du plan d’action. Ça serait comme,
ouais, l’idéal.
Il semble en effet que les rencontres des comités, celles où tous les partenaires
se trouvent réunis, étaient indispensables à l’unité et à la solidarité des groupes.
Bien souvent, les membres y découvraient que d’autres partageaient leur point
de vue et qu’ils n’étaient pas les seuls à entretenir certaines appréhensions.
Dans tous les cas où les comités ont réduit trop radicalement le nombre de
leurs réunions, parce qu’elles étaient trop exigeantes, ils y sont revenus par
la suite, jugeant rapidement que la démarche perdait de son aplomb et de sa
consistance. Le collectif, lorsqu’il fonctionne rondement, permet de dépasser
la mise individuelle.
Mais dans la localité C, le consensus entre les acteurs semble avoir été un
objectif bien difficile à atteindre. Plus tard dans l’entrevue, l’agent de liaison
précise qu’il devait composer avec des visions opposées, évoquant même que
des enjeux de pouvoir étaient à considérer :
On a pas un rôle de pouvoir, c’est un rôle de liaison, fait qu’il n’y a
pas… ça fait que c’est correct, on va accepter que je puisse émettre mes
opinions au même titre que l’ensemble du Comité, les influencer, oui,
sûrement, dans le sens de ramener des affaires. Même s’il y a peut-être des
organismes qui sont diamétralement opposés quant au type d’intervention
préconisé par rapport à Jeunesse et Gangs de rue, moi j’essaie de ramener
ça ensemble pareil, dans un continuum d’interventions…
Cette observation rejoint celle de l’agent de liaison de la localité B. Sans affirmer
que les membres de son comité se livrent à une guerre des pouvoirs, il évoque
à tout le moins une dynamique mettant en jeu des tensions qui demandent à
être contrôlées :
Officiellement y’a pas de relations de pouvoir, mais officieusement y’a des
tensions. Le pouvoir, pas par rapport au Comité, mais entre organismes
le plus (…) mais ils sont amenés à s’accepter mutuellement, ils sont très
courtois les uns avec les autres (…) des fois ils ont des visions très différentes
aussi, mais ça c’est officiel (…) Mais jusque là ça a pas enrayé le travail .
du Comité.
Ces premiers extraits illustrent bien la difficulté que posent, dès le début de la
démarche, les processus d’appropriation du projet. À qui appartient le projet et
doit-il appartenir à quelqu’un ? En fin de compte, quel est donc ce « collectif » .
regroupé autour du projet Jeunesse et gangs de rue et des comités d’action
qui se sont mis en place ? Derrière l’objectif de ces groupes d’arriver à une
vision commune du phénomène des gangs de rue pour l’élaboration de plans
d’action, des individus sont, selon toute vraisemblance, en train de configurer
une nouvelle « cartographie » d’influences, de consensus, de désaccords
et de négociations, à laquelle se rattachent également d’autres dimensions
importantes, dont l’histoire des quartiers et de leur leadership, de même que
celle des relations entre les personnes qui composent les comités.
Au fil des discussions servant aux acteurs à se connaître et à se définir, il s’est
avéré également que certains sujets ont porté à la controverse. Bien que ces points
d’achoppement demandent une énergie accrue pour parvenir à les surmonter,
ceux-ci demeurent néanmoins nécessaires pour accéder à quelque chose de
nouveau. La résolution des controverses demande donc de créer des espaces
de médiation, ce que firent les agents de liaison en animant les rencontres
ainsi que les autres processus de la démarche de telle sorte que chacun puisse
exprimer son point de vue. Parfois, ils pouvaient même discerner des problèmes
latents et provoquer la controverse afin qu’elle soit traitée en grand groupe, et
de cette manière rétablir la transparence au sein du collectif. Ils jouaient alors
le rôle d’arbitre.
Dans le cas de la localité B, il fallut par exemple vingt réunions du comité
d’action, s’étalant sur 36 mois de travail pour atteindre un premier niveau
de consensus entre les acteurs. Celui-ci conduisit à la conception d’un cadre
de référence, s’agissant d’un passage obligé avant de pouvoir passer à l’action.
Plusieurs enjeux ont d’abord dû être dénoués avant de pouvoir procéder.
Des interventions passées avaient causé de nombreuses tensions au sein de
la concertation locale, et en conséquence la communauté avait cessé, depuis
de nombreuses années, de chercher des solutions au problème des gangs de
rue. L’intervention auprès de ces groupes avait alors été placée sous l’entière
responsabilité des policiers. Avec l’arrivée du projet qui remettait le sujet des
gangs de rue à l’ordre du jour, il est devenu indispensable que ces points de
tension soient examinés à nouveau. Dans un milieu habitué à réagir contre les
gangs plutôt que d’y faire face par d’autres moyens, le processus d’appropriation
du nouveau modèle proposé (une approche globale et intégrée) a conduit les
membres du comité à renégocier leur position et leur pouvoir respectif sur
l’échiquier de la concertation. C’est pourquoi une entente claire devait d’abord
être établie entre eux, formalisée dans un cadre de référence, qui d’ailleurs fit

72 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 73
l’objet d’une importante diffusion dans le quartier. Cet exercice permis de
rallier de nouveaux partenaires, dont la municipalité qui aujourd’hui donne
un financement stable à nouveau projet, appelé l’Animation du milieu urbain,
qui ne cesse d’interpeller de nouveaux alliés.
Mais dans le processus ayant conduit à l’élaboration du cadre de référence de
la localité B, la médiation fut d’une telle importance dans le rôle de l’agent
de liaison, que celui-ci juge qu’il lui aurait été profitable d’avoir une certaine
expertise dans le domaine :
Il y a des nœuds qui coincent. Actuellement il y a des nœuds qui se
dénouent, mais il y aurait peut-être eu des procédures meilleures à un
moment donné que j’aurais pu utiliser pour dénouer des choses. Je suis
très à l’écoute, je connais les conflits, je connais les difficultés historiques
qui se sont installées. Est-ce que j’ai pris le temps qu’il fallait ? Est-ce
que j’ai l’expertise qu’il fallait ? Je pense qu’il y a quelque chose, là, qui
m’a manqué, qui me manque. Quoique peut-être l’histoire va dire que
c’était mieux comme ça et puis que les nœuds vont se défaire, j’en suis
consciente… C’est là que je ne suis pas sûre. C’est la connaissance peutêtre
d’une pédagogie peut-être, je ne sais pas comment on peut appeler
ça. Une approche ? Une approche stratégique ? Une connaissance peutêtre
au niveau des relations ?
Puis au moment de la mise en action, les agents de liaison ont dû se faire
relationnistes. Les membres des réseaux porteurs avaient alors besoin de
regrouper toutes les ressources pertinentes qui pourraient les aider à réaliser
leur plan d’action. À ce moment, les agents de liaison ont joué un rôle majeur
s’exerçant à l’extérieur des comités. Ils l’on fait en plongeant dans la concertation
locale pour faire connaître les travaux et les orientations de leur comité, tout
en récoltant en retour l’information nécessaire pour que leur plan d’action
soit bien ancré dans la communauté, qu’il s’arrime solidement aux courants,
aux opportunités et aux ressources ambiantes. Cette façon de faire permis aux
comités de gagner une crédibilité dans leur communauté, non seulement parce
qu’on leur reconnaissait une expertise en matière de gangs, mais parce que les
moyens qu’ils prenaient pour négocier leur place et leur pouvoir d’action étaient
respectueux. Cette façon de faire leur aura valu l’appui de leur communauté
ainsi que l’attribution des ressources supplémentaires dont ils avaient besoin.
L’agent de liaison de la localité B exprime bien dans ces deux extraits toute
l’importance de son rôle à cette étape :
Le fait d’avoir été agente de liaison, le fait d’être sur plusieurs tables de
concertation, ça m’amène à être en relation fréquente avec les organismes
qui vont même m’appeler pour des références… Souvent ce n’est même
pas moi qui fait la première démarche, ils vont m’appeler pour des
références, ils vont m’appeler pour me dire : « tu sais on a dit ça dans
la réunion, je pense qu’il va falloir s’assurer qu’il y aura un suivi là… »
Un organisme avait embauché deux animateurs pour son organisme et
m’a demandé de venir leur expliquer la concertation de Montréal-Nord.
Je suis devenue comme une ressource, une personne ressource qui est
disponible au fond, qui n’est pas non plus, … Il n’y a aucune crainte par
rapport à ce que je peux faire qui pourrait nuire à qui que ce soit.
(…) le fait d’être agente de liaison ça me met dans une situation où je suis
en contact avec tout le monde et j’ai une conscience de la réalité du milieu
peut-être plus importante qui m’amène à être capable de développer des
projets. Si j’avais été juste parent du Comité de parents, …, je n’aurais pas
eu les moyens de développer ce projet-là parce que je n’aurais pas su qui,
comment, qui mettre en lien, comment faire tout ça.
C’est en s’appuyant sur ces processus que prit forme le projet l’Animation
du milieu urbain, tel que mentionné précédemment. Ce projet répond au
fait que de plus en plus de jeunes du quartier fréquentent désormais la rue,
les parcs et autres endroits publics, n’ayant nulle part ailleurs où aller pour
socialiser et se divertir. Pour éviter que la situation ne se détériore davantage,
et parce que celle-ci est propice à la formation de gangs, il est apparu capital
pour la communauté que des intervenants animent ces lieux, y assurent une
présence, recréent d’une certaine façon ce que les jeunes peuvent retrouver
dans les maisons de jeunes (activités sportives, culturelles et ludiques), mais
à ciel ouvert. Pour son fonctionnement, le projet Animation du milieu urbain
s’appuie sur la mobilisation de l’ensemble des ressources du milieu pour aller
vers les jeunes, là où ils se trouvent, et pour qu’ils disposent gratuitement d’un
maximum de lieux et d’activités en dehors des heures de classe.
En 2004, le projet mettait en scène les intervenants de trois maisons de jeunes,
du service de police, de la municipalité, de deux écoles secondaires, de deux
centres pour jeunes raccrocheurs et de deux entreprises d’économie sociale
qui, ensemble, ont réussi à joindre 7 922 jeunes qui ont participé à des activités
régulière et ponctuelles (événements spéciaux). En 2005, 9 631 jeunes se sont
inscrits à des activités régulières et 1 404, à des activités ponctuelles (Hamel,
Cousineau, & Vézina, 2006). En 2006, le projet était mis en candidature
pour recevoir le prix d’excellence du Réseau québécois de Villes et Villages en

74 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 75
santé qui se consacre aux projets de développement durable. Ceci indique que
le projet initial est resté fidèle aux principes de son modèle de départ et que le
réseau qui le porte se consolide et s’allonge constamment.
En 2007, le réseau porteur fera l’expérimentation d’un nouveau projet
dont l’objectif est de consolider et d’activer un réseau sociocommunautaire
d’accompagnement direct et engagé auprès de jeunes en processus de
désaffiliation des gangs de rue. C’est donc de manière graduelle que les
membres du réseau d’action se rapprochent du phénomène des gangs. D’abord
ils se sont occupés de leur propre réseau, puis des jeunes en général, des jeunes
à risque ainsi que des jeunes victimes, pour finalement s’adresser aux jeunes
criminalisés. Une approche globale et intégrée se met donc en forme où
chaque nouvelle cible s’emboîte en quelque sorte dans la précédente, un peu
à la manière de poupées russes : tout en prévoyant des objectifs qui lui sont
particuliers, ceux qui ont été définis pour les autres cibles sous-jacentes lui sont
tout autant utiles et fondamentaux.
Discussion
Au cœur de cette démarche, les agents de liaison ont joué un rôle important,
s’agissant essentiellement de créer des liens. Pour commencer, leur travail se
concentre à l’intérieur des comités qu’ils animent, des réseaux émergents qui
demandent à être encadrés. Les liens de confiance et d’interdépendance entre
les membres s’installent au prix de discussions et de négociations difficiles qui
apparemment trouvent issue dans des compromis qui également sont obtenus
grâce au travail des agents de liaison. Ces derniers jouent alors le rôle d’arbitre
et de médiateur. Puis lorsque ces réseaux se consolident autour de philosophies
et de plans d’action communs, le rôle des agents de liaison est alors de leur
trouver de nouveaux alliés qui leur permettront de mettre en opération les
plans d’action qu’ils ont conçus. Une fois de plus, les agents de liaison tissent
des liens qui d’ailleurs demandent à être soigneusement entretenus tout au long
de la démarche.
L’analyse du rôle des agents de liaison montre aussi de façon fort révélatrice
que le développement d’une approche globale et intégrée ne va pas de soi. En
cela, cette recherche confirme tout à fait la position de Spergel, Wa et Sosa
(2006). Toutefois, l’analyse des processus qui la caractérise permet de mieux
situer le défi que pose le développement d’une approche globale et intégrée, qui
manifestement dépasse les questions technique et mécanique de la coordination
et de l’intégration des stratégies d’intervention. Selon toute vraisemblance, le
développement d’une approche globale et intégrée fait appel à d’autres enjeux
fondamentaux, à commencer par celui de la reconnaissance des acteurs qui
composent les réseaux porteurs. En effet, il semble que le plus important, et
sans doute le plus difficile, reste que les stratégies à intégrer soient considérées
à juste titre comme ayant une importance équivalente sur le continuum de
l’intervention, ce qui bien entendu vaut aussi pour les acteurs et les organismes
qui les mettent en œuvre.
Par conséquent, l’animation d’une telle entreprise doit être sensible aux inégalités
possibles entre les acteurs et leur pouvoir d’action, d’autant plus que celle-ci
doit conduire à de profonds changements (l’intégration et l’incorporation des
stratégies) qui forcément sont de nature à provoquer des résistances. Règle
générale, les conflits qui surgissent au sein de telles coalitions ne sont que le
reflet de ceux que l’on retrouve dans la communauté élargie et ces coalitions ne
pourraient causer aucun changement dans l’environnement sans d’abord faire
face à leurs propres divergences (Chavis, 2001). Celles qui parviennent à les
résoudre deviendraient en principe plus fortes qu’elles ne l’étaient avant. Les
intérêts et les pouvoirs divergents qui au départ ont pour effet de générer des
tensions deviendraient en retour responsables, une fois que l’on parvient à établir
de nouvelles ententes, d’une force accrue qui transporte les nouveaux groupes
d’acteurs. Les coalitions peuvent avoir un tel effet d’entraînement que certains
estiment qu’elles servent de véhicules à l’autonomisation (empowerment)
des communautés. Non seulement ces coalitions sont des lieux propices à
la résolution de conflits qui empêchent les communautés d’avancer et de se
prendre en main, mais également des endroits d’où émergent des procédés et
des techniques appropriés servant à l’implantation de projets sociaux novateurs
(Chavis, 2001).
Ainsi, les résistances, les conflits, de même que les processus conduisant à
leur résolution feraient partie intégrante du développement des approches
novatrices, dont font partie sans conteste les approches globales et intégrées.
Les résultats présentés ci-haut le confirment sans équivoque. Pour les
experts œuvrant dans le champ du développement des communautés,
cette dynamique n’a rien d’inhabituel. La gestion des convergences et des
divergences constitue en effet une stratégie d’organisation communautaire
bien connue (Chaskin, Brown, Venkatesh, & Vidal, 2001). Il y aurait
lieu, selon les situations, de ne mettre l’emphase que sur les conflits ou que
sur le consensus. Ceci dépend des résistances que soulèvent les efforts de
changement qui sont demandés aux intervenants. Par exemple, les stratégies
centrées sur le consensus tentent de contribuer au changement en recourant
au respect mutuel, faisant que les tactiques qui sont le plus souvent utilisées
sont de l’ordre de l’organisation, de la coordination et de la mise en réseau.

76 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 77
On identifie les opportunités à travailler ensemble et de cette façon on cultive
les bénéfices mutuels. Cette approche correspond tout à fait au rôle que les
agents de liaison se sont donnés spontanément.
Plus fondamentalement encore, les agents de liaison ont joué un rôle crucial au
plan de la communication et selon Cottrel (1976), cette dimension contribue au
développement des communautés compétentes qu’il définit comme celles étant
capables 1) de collaborer de manière efficace dans les processus conduisant à
l’identification des problèmes et des besoins qui les concernent, 2) de s’entendre
par consensus à propos d’objectifs à atteindre, 3) de s’entendre également sur
les façons et les moyens à prendre pour y arriver et 4) de collaborer de manière
efficace au moment venu de passer à l’action. Ces communautés compétentes,
capables de s’articuler et de s’interinfluencer, trouveraient leurs assises au sein
d’une communication signifiante. Cette communication n’est pas celle qui se
contente d’émettre et de recevoir des messages, mais celle où le diffuseur tient
compte de la position et du rôle de celui qui reçoit le message. En d’autres
mots, la communication se fait, en tenant compte du langage et de l’univers de
l’autre dans l’intérêt d’être le mieux compris que possible, tout en anticipant
comment l’autre pourrait répondre. Cette façon de faire prend pour acquis
que la communication comprend une quantité d’erreurs d’interprétation qui
peuvent miner considérablement les relations si ces erreurs ne sont pas corrigées
au fur et à mesure qu’elles se présentent. Les communautés compétentes
sont donc celles qui véritablement apprennent à parler le même langage, par
accumulation de sens communs. Ces communautés équilibrées auraient trouvé
le moyen d’établir un certain nombre d’accommodements permettant aux
antagonistes de trouver la paix pour pouvoir ainsi continuer leurs opérations.
Ceci rejoint en tous points les propos de Callon (1999) qui pour sa part œuvre
dans le champ de la sociologie des organisations et s’intéresse au développement
des innovations techniques et sociales. Celui-ci prétend que :
L’innovation est par définition un phénomène émergent au cours duquel
se mettent progressivement en place des interactions liant des agents,
des savoir et des biens, qui étaient auparavant non connectés et qui
sont pris peu à peu dans un faisceau d’interdépendances : le réseau,
considéré dans sa dimension formelle, est un puissant outil pour suivre
la mise en place de ces connexions et pour décrire les formes qu’elles
prennent. Mais ce qui caractérise l’innovation c’est qu’elle consiste
également en une alchimie qui combine des ingrédients hétérogènes : .
elle traverse les institutions tissant des relations compliquées et
inattendues entre des sphères d’activité différentes jouant à la fois sur les
relations interpersonnelles, sur le marché, sur le droit, sur la science et la
technologie. (Callon, 1999, p. 14)
Ceci revient à dire que la solidité technique d’un programme ne suffit pas
à garantir qu’il puisse s’implanter dans un milieu donné. La qualité d’un
programme dépend aussi du réseau qui l’accueille renfermant des relais, des
traducteurs ainsi que des médiateurs qui, en poursuivant leurs propres intérêts,
consacrent beaucoup d’énergie à intégrer, à adapter et à créer des compatibilités.
Ce sont donc les déplacements, les efforts, les investissements, les adaptations
que le programme implique et que ces concepteur doivent tolérer également
qui contribuent à fabriquer les équivalences, à tracer le réseau, à dessiner
les relations et les interactions qui sont les seules à pouvoir donner vie au
programme, à le rendre utile et fonctionnel.
Conclusion
Devant ces considérations, on peut comprendre qu’il soit si difficile d’implanter
un programme dans une communauté, sachant que l’implantation renvoie
généralement à des techniques de dissémination traditionnelles qui sont
encore fort répandues. Celles-ci ne rendent pas l’information accessible à tous
et ne permettent pas non plus aux communautés locales de trouver ce qui leur
convient le mieux et qui pourrait les aider, sans compter que règle générale, elles
ne s’intéressent pas tellement à connaître les communautés et à contribuer leur
développement (Chinman et al., 2005). Dans cette logique, les communautés
seraient conçues et investies strictement comme des lieux d’expérimentation
sans considérer qu’elles sont des organismes vivants constitués de relations
humaines fort complexes. Ou encore, lorsque l’on reconnaît cette dimension
au sein des communautés, celle-ci est vue bien souvent comme un obstacle
majeur, ne pouvant que contribuer au ralentissement des opérations. Cela
est possible en effet : « introduction of structured programs and bureaucratic
procedures in the absence of social solidarity is likely to produce indifference,
suspicion or out right hostility » (tel que cité par Podoleksy, 1985 dans Kelly,
Caputo, & Jamieson, 2005, p. 33).
Par contre, en abordant les choses autrement, il est possible également que
la dimension humaine et sociale devienne responsable du déploiement d’un
programme, de son extension et de sa consolidation. À l’évidence cette
dimension est fondamentale et tout aussi importante que la dimension
technique (mécanismes de coordination des services) que l’on associe pour
naturellement au développement des approches globales intégrées et c’est
pourquoi, celle-ci doit être supportée par des moyens concrets. Dans le cadre

78 R e v u e d e l’ I P C 2 Prévenir les gangs avec une approche globale et intégrée 79
de Jeunesse et gangs de rue, ce sont des agents de liaison qui ont assumé cette
fonction. C’est pourquoi nous recommandons que le statut et le rôle de l’agent
de liaison soit reconnu et formalisé, comme condition de base essentielle à la
réalisation du tout projet visant à prévenir les gangs par une approche globale
et intégrée.
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Volume 2: pages 83–106
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
Communities That Care:
A Comprehensive System for Youth
Prevention and Promotion, and
Canadian Applications to Date
Robert J. Flynn
School of Psychology
& Centre for Research on Educational and Community Services
University of Ottawa
R é s u m é
Une communauté ensemble (UCE ; en anglais, Communities That Care) est
un système opérationnel basé sur les facteurs de risque et de protection
qui permet aux communautés locales d’entreprendre la planification de la
prévention sur plusieurs niveaux et dans plusieurs secteurs et de la mise en
œuvre des programmes basés sur des données probantes. Le but de l’UCE
est de prévenir plusieurs problèmes courants auxquels font face les jeunes :
l’utilisation des substances, la délinquance, la violence, les grossesses
précoces, le décrochage scolaire, et les problèmes de santé mentale. L’UCE
est mis en œuvre en cinq phases, chacune accompagnée de sessions de
formation spécifiques destinées aux leaders communautaires et aux
bénévoles. Ces étapes sont le degré de disposition de la communauté, sa
mobilisation, l’évaluation des facteurs de risque et de protection et des
ressources disponibles dans la communauté, la planification stratégique
communautaire, et la mise en œuvre et l’évaluation du plan stratégique
de prévention. Des études d’évaluation des besoins, basées sur le sondage
UCE pour les jeunes, ainsi que des évaluations quant au processus, à la mise
en œuvre, et aux résultats témoignent, de façon prometteuse et croissante,
de l’efficacité de l’approche UCE. Ces évaluations, alliées aux résultats
prometteurs du petit nombre d’applications UCE réalisées jusqu’à présent
au Canada, suggèrent que l’approche, maintenant disponible en français

84 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 85
comme en anglais, devrait être appliquée et évaluée plus largement dans
le contexte canadien que ce n’est le cas à l’heure actuelle.
A b s t r a c t
Communities That Care (CTC) is a risk-and-protection-based system
that enables local communities to engage in multi-level, multi-sectoral
prevention planning and implement evidence-based programs. The
purpose of CTC is to prevent common youth problems (substance abuse,
delinquency, violence, teen pregnancy, school drop-out, and mental
health difficulties) and promote positive youth development. CTC is
implemented in five phases, each accompanied by specific training
sessions for community leaders and volunteers. These sessions are,
respectively, community readiness, community mobilization, community
risk, protection, and resource assessment, community strategic planning,
and community plan implementation and evaluation. Needs-assessment
studies of the CTC Youth Survey, process or implementation evaluations,
and outcome evaluations have provided positive and growing evidence
of the effectiveness of the CTC prevention approach. These evaluations,
together with the promising results of the small number of Canadian CTC
applications to date, suggest that the approach, now available in both
English and French versions, should receive more frequent implementation
and evaluation than is currently the case in Canada.
Introduction
Hawkins and Catalano (2002) define Communities That Care (CTC) as an
“operating system” that allows a community to plan strategically to prevent
common and often serious behavioural problems among young people
and to promote their positive development. CTC is thus analogous to the
Windows computer operating system. Just as Windows enables a person to
use specific application programs (e.g., Word or PowerPoint) to attain personal
or professional goals, so, too, does CTC permit a community to implement
evidence-based programs to prevent youth problems and promote positive youth
development. Since its inception in 1992, CTC has targeted five adolescent
problem behaviours: substance abuse, delinquency, violence, teen pregnancy,
and school drop-out. More recently, CTC has begun to extend its purview to
include problems of mental health (e.g., depressive symptoms) and physical
health (e.g., obesity). To date, CTC has been implemented in virtually every
state in the US, as well as in the UK, the Netherlands, Australia, Canada, and,
most recently, in Cyprus.
Theoretical Basis of Communities That Care
Social Development Model
CTC is theoretically derived from the Social Development Model (SDM) of
the Social Development Research Group at the University of Washington in
Seattle. The SDM promotes constructive involvements by young people within
the community (bonding), encourages them to develop the competencies
needed to deal successfully with situations that put them at risk of developing
problem behaviours (skills-enhancement), and provides positive reinforcement
for adherence to desirable community standards and norms (Arthur, Ayers,
Graham, & Hawkins, 2004). CTC is also based on several key prevention
principles that research on the antecedents of problem behaviours has suggested
are both valid and needed:
a) Providing guided mobilization and empowerment of the local community,
with widespread involvement by community leaders, ordinary citizens, and
young people themselves;
b) Targeting multiple levels of intervention, given that risk and protective
factors operate on the community, family, school, and individual/peergroup
levels (Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992; Hawkins, Herrenkohl,
Farrington, Brewer, Catalano, & Harachi, 1998; Shaw & Winslow, 1997);
c) Addressing multiple problems, in light of the fact that rates of adolescent
substance abuse and mental health difficulties, delinquency, violence,
school dropout and teen pregnancy co-vary at the population level, due to
their links with common risk factors, and also co-occur within the same
individuals (Hawkins, Jenson, Catalano, & Lishner, 1988; Huizinga &
Jakob-Chien, 1998; O’Donnell, Hawkins, & Abbott, 1995); and
d) Implementing, with a high degree of fidelity, prevention programs that are
tested and effective (i.e., evidence-based) and are pitched at the individual/
peer, family, school, or community levels (Cady, 2004; Hawkins, 1999).
CTC Logic Model
As an operating system for youth prevention and promotion, CTC mobilizes
community leaders, organizations, and grassroots members to tailor prevention
planning, implementation and evaluation to local needs. Training and technical
assistance support community leaders and ordinary citizens as they mobilize

86 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 87
resources, research risk and protective factors, and implement validated
intervention programs on an ongoing, long-term basis. Figure 1 (adapted from
Feinberg, Greenberg, & Osgood, 2004a and Greenberg, Feinberg, Gomez, &
Osgood, 2005), presents the basic CTC logic model, which depicts the CTC
system theory.
According to Figure 1, the level of readiness of a given community for the
CTC prevention system will influence how well the approach works in that
community. Also important are the training and technical assistance received
by members of the key CTC committees, namely, the Key Leaders Group and
the Community Prevention Board (described below in the section on the fivephase
CTC implementation process).
Figure 1. Communities That Care logic model, showing the inputs, processes,
and outcomes making up CTC as an operational prevention system
Knowledge & attitudes about CTC
programming & prevention
Communities That Care Model of
Assessment and Intervention
Assessment of Risk, Protection, and Problem Behaviour:
The CTC Youth Survey
The CTC Youth Survey (CTC-YS; Arthur, Hawkins, Pollard, Catalano, &
Baglioni, 2002) was developed to provide scientifically valid information
on the basis of which communities might select appropriate evidence-based
preventive interventions. As shown in Table 1, the CTC-YS measures 23
risk factors and 10 protective factors that predict adolescents’ use of alcohol,
tobacco, and other drugs, delinquency, gang involvement, and other problem
behaviours. The instrument also assesses the prevalence and frequency of drug
use and antisocial behaviours. The instrument has been shown to have good
psychometric quality (i.e., to be reliable and valid) in a range of populations
(Glaser, Van Horn, Arthur, Hawkins, & Catalano, 2005). It is designed to be
completed within a single class period (about 50 minutes) and is appropriate
for adolescents between the ages of 11 and 18 (Arthur et al., 2002).
Training &
technical
assistance
Community
readiness
CTC Project & Committee Functioning
Internal
(Community
Prevention
Board [CPB])
External
(CPB links
with wider
community)
Fidelity of CTC
implementation
CTC
effectiveness
CTC
sustainability
& community
outcomes
According to Feinberg, Ridenour, and Greenberg (2007), the CTC-YS is
unique because of its broad assessment of risk and protective factors, its theorybased
development, and its widespread use in community prevention programs.
The CTC-YS assesses risk and protective factors that have been shown to
be associated with problem behaviours among adolescents such as violence,
substance use, school dropout, and teen pregnancy. The instrument, based on
the well-established Social Development Model (Catalano & Hawkins, 1996),
is a key CTC assessment tool that enables communities to identify risk and
protective profiles and then to select evidence-based prevention programs and
policies that target specific risk or protection factors.
This training and technical assistance are intended to increase participants’
positive attitudes and knowledge about the CTC approach and, more generally,
about prevention. Finally, an effective CTC project is seen as leading to positive
outcomes, including enhanced CTC project sustainability, reductions in risk
factors and problem behaviours, and increases in protective factors and positive
youth development. This CTC logic model provides the basic system template
against which the evolution of any particular CTC project may be evaluated.
Adapted from Feinberg, Greenberg, & Osgood, 2004a, and Greenberg, Feinberg, Gomez,
& Osgood, 2005.

88 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 89
Table 1. Risk and protective factors assessed with the Community That Cares
Youth Survey, at the community, school, family, and peer/individual levels
Community Risk Factors
Low neighbourhood attachment
Community disorganization
Transitions and mobility
Perceived availability of drugs
Poor family management
Family conflict
Family Risk Factors
Family history of antisocial behaviour
Parental attitudes favourable towards drug use
Community Protective Factors
Community opportunity for prosocial involvement
Community rewards for prosocial involvement
Laws and norms favourable to drug use
Perceived availability of handguns
Family attachment
Family Protective Factors
Family opportunity for prosocial involvement
Family rewards for prosocial involvement
Intervention: The Five-Phase CTC Implementation Process
Communities adopting the CTC strategy use a five-phase implementation
process that includes six different training modules (Hawkins, 1999; Quinby
et al., in press). These phases are the following:
1) Assessing the extent to which a given community is ready to .
implement CTC;
2) Becoming organized and trained to implement CTC;
3) Assessing the level of risk, protection, and healthy or negative behavioural
outcomes in the community;
4) Elaborating an action plan for the community; and
5) Implementing the plan and evaluating the degree to which programs .
have been faithfully implemented and outcomes achieved (Quinby et al.,
in press).
Parental attitudes favourable to antisocial Behaviour
School Risk Factors
Academic failure
Low commitment to school
Peer/Individual Risk Factors
Rebelliousness
Early initiation of antisocial behaviour
Early initiation of drug use
Favourable attitudes towards antisocial behaviour
Favourable attitudes towards drug use
Low perceived risks of drug use
Interaction with antisocial peers
Friends’ use of drugs
Sensation seeking
Rewards for antisocial involvement
School Protective Factors
School opportunity for prosocial involvement
School rewards for prosocial involvement
Peer/Individual Protective Factors
Religiosity
Social skills
Belief in the moral order
In phase 1, Community readiness, leaders in a given community who wish to
invest in prevention evaluate the degree to which their community is prepared
to adopt CTC and identify barriers to its doing so. Required are a shared belief
in the usefulness of prevention and cooperation among community actors and
agencies. Phase 1 also focuses on recruiting key leaders as CTC champions,
negotiating with school boards to conduct the CTC youth survey, hiring a
full-time CTC coordinator, and recruiting influential community members to
take part in the initial CTC workshop, the Key Leaders Orientation (KLO).
In phase 2, Community mobilization, the community leaders receive a halfday
of KLO from a certified CTC trainer. This training educates participants
about the main principles of prevention science, describes the CTC system,
and encourages the community leaders to identify potential members of
the Community Prevention Board (CPB), the coalition that conducts CTC
planning and prevention activities (Quinby et al., in press). During this phase,
the second CTC training session, Community Board Orientation (CBO), is
provided to the members recruited for the CPB. These individuals typically
come from a wide range of community sectors: elected officials, parents, youth,
social service, law enforcement, schools, public health, faith organizations,
and business. This committee oversees CTC planning and implementation
and later, in phase five, secures the resources needed to implement the
strategic prevention plan that it has developed for the community. The twoday
training, at which CPB members’ attendance is crucial, covers content
similar to that of the KLO. The Community Board Orientation introduces
the Community Prevention Board members to the CTC theory, structure,

90 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 91
and process, strives to create a shared vision for the local community, and
ends with the formation of work groups to implement CTC. These work
groups include Board Maintenance, Risk and Protective Factor Assessment,
Resource Assessment and Analysis, Public Relations, Youth Involvement,
and Funding. During phase 2, the CTC coordinator establishes the CPB,
recruiting members, identifying leaders for the work groups, and helping the
work groups to set realistic and appropriate goals for the next year (Quinby et
al., in press). The CTC trainer also assists the CTC coordinator through the
provision of technical assistance.
In phase 3, the CPB members, with the assistance of the CTC coordinator,
carry out a comprehensive assessment of community risk and protection
factors, prevention services, and youth behaviour. This phase requires the
administration of the CTC Youth Survey in local schools, usually to students
in grades 6, 8, 10, and 12. Members of the Risk and Protective Factor
Assessment work group of the CPB receive the third CTC training module,
Community Assessment Training, to learn how to interpret the data provided
by the CTC Youth Survey (as well as supplementary data from archival or
other sources), identify elevated risk factors and depressed protective factors,
and know the prevalence of young people’s problem behaviour. During phase
3, the CPB receives the fourth CTC training workshop, Community Resource
Assessment Training. This enables the CPB to carry out a resource assessment in
which it identifies community programs, resources, and policies that address
its prioritized risk and protective factors, promote healthy development, and
prevent problem behaviours (Quinby et al., in press). The CTC trainer also
provides technical assistance that enables the CTC coordinator to determine
whether current community programs are high-quality, evidence-based services
that are most likely to produce targeted outcomes. The resource assessment
also identifies current gaps in services.
During phase 4, the full CPB examines the findings from phase 3 and develops
a community action plan. The fifth CTC training module, Community Plan
Training (CPT), helps the CPB to select evidence-based prevention programs
that fit with their prioritized risk and protection factors. To select these
programs, the CPB uses the CTC Prevention Strategies Guide (Hawkins &
Catalano, 2004), which describes over 50 evidence-based prevention programs
that, in at least one high-quality research trial, have had a positive impact
on risk, protection, and problem behaviours. The CPT training teaches CPB
members to write a community action plan that has clear and measurable
prevention goals and describes explicitly how the small number of evidencebased
programs or policies that it has selected will be implemented. During
this phase, the CTC coordinator’s main role is to involve all CPB members
and key stakeholders in developing the community action plan.
In phase 5, Implementing the action plan and monitoring and evaluating
program implementation and outcomes, CPB members receive the sixth and
final CTC training workshop, Community Plan Implementation Training. The
latter emphasizes that prevention programs must be implemented with a high
level of fidelity, in conformity with the content, amount of exposure, and
mode of delivery specified by the program developers. Besides implementing
the evidence-based programs that they have selected and included in their
community action plan, CPB members learn how to monitor the progress of
implementation and assess changes in participants. Phase 5 is a long-term,
ongoing cycle. Every two years, the CTC Youth Survey is re-administered in
the schools, and fresh supplementary community assessment data are gathered.
After examining these new data, the CPB revises its action plan, targeting
new risk or protective factors and selecting new evidence-based programs or
policies to implement, in light of the new information.
Tools for Assessing the Fidelity of CTC
Implementation During Phases 1 to 5
The CTC Milestones and Benchmarks rating tool
Fixen, Naoom, Blase, Friedman, and Wallace (2005) have argued convincingly
that without high-fidelity implementation, even the best evidence-based
programs are condemned to produce mediocre results, far below those of
which they are capable. To evaluate the degree to which they have implemented
the five phases of CTC with fidelity, CTC users employ a Milestones and
Benchmarks instrument. The milestones are goals that communities are to
meet, whereas the benchmarks are actions that community members take or
conditions that have to be met to achieve these goals (Quinby et al., in press).
The six training sessions explain the milestones and benchmarks and equip
the CPB with the skills to achieve most of them.
An example of a milestone (from phase 3) would be “Identify priority risk
and protective factors”, and a benchmark in this process would be, “Decide
who will be involved in the prioritization process”. By completing the various
milestones and benchmarks during each of the five phases, the CPB documents
and evaluates the extent to which it has completed the core components of the
implementation of the CTC operating system.

92 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 93
CTC assessment-of-training tools
As an additional way of evaluating the fidelity of implementation, several
measures are used to assess the results of the six CTC training workshops.
These measures include participant attendance records, pre/post changes
in participants’ attitudes and knowledge, and telephone surveys (using
the Community Board Interview instrument) of CPB members some 6 to .
12 months after the CBO training.
Evaluations of Communities That Care
Most of the evaluations of CTC to date have been needs-assessments (including
studies of the reliability, validity, or other characteristics of the CTC
Youth Survey), process or implementation evaluations (especially of CTC
implementation fidelity), or outcome evaluations (of the effects of CTC on risk,
protection, or youth behaviours).
Prevention Needs-Assessments:
Studies With the CTC Youth Survey
Arthur et al. (2002) described the development, reliability, and validity of the
self-report CTC Youth Survey (CTC-YS), which, in providing specific data
on community needs (i.e., on the level of risk, protection, and adolescent
problems), enables communities to select targeted, evidence-based prevention
programs and policies. The CTC-YS is typically supplemented by key archival
data (e.g., from the census) on risk factors such as extreme poverty, which is
information not readily collected from student surveys (Hawkins, Catalano,
& Arthur, 2002). Arthur et al. (2002) indicated that the CTC-YS was created
for two reasons. First, research suggested that youth problem behaviours (e.g.,
substance use, violence, or delinquency) could be prevented by reducing risk or
increasing protection. Second, an epidemiological tool was needed to assess a
broad set of risk and protective factors among community youth populations
and to guide the selection of appropriate preventive interventions. Arthur
and his colleagues thus set about fashioning an instrument that could be
administered within a single class period (about 50 minutes in length) and
would be appropriate for young people between the ages of 11 and 18. The
risk and protective factors assessed with the CTC-YS were empirically based.
That is, they had been found to predict drug use and delinquent behaviour at
the level of the individual young person in two or more longitudinal studies
in which the factors had been measured before the outcomes. The internal
consistencies of the risk and protection scales in the CTC-YS had an average
value of .78, and all of the scales were significantly correlated in the predicted
direction with substance-use and delinquency outcomes (Arthur et al., 2002).
Hawkins, Van Horn, and Arthur (2004) used CTC-YS data on 28,091 students
in grades 6, 8, 10, and 12 in 41 small to moderate-sized US communities to
test the key assumptions of the public-health approach on which CTC is based,
namely that there are differences between communities in levels of risk and
protection and that these differences are related to different levels of drug use.
Inter-community variability in risk and protective factors and substance use
(calculated as community-level intra-class correlations) was found to account
for a meaningful amount of the total variability in substance use (most of
which occurred between individual students). Moreover, almost all the intercommunity
differences in levels of risk and protection were, as hypothesized,
significantly correlated with inter-community differences in substance use
outcomes. With data from the same sample of 41 communities, Fagan, Van
Horn, Hawkins, and Arthur (2007a) subsequently showed that most of the
community and family risk and protective factors assessed with the CTC-
YS, when aggregated to the community level, predicted the prevalence among
students of tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana use two years later, whether in the
same or different cohorts of students (although the community-level factors
predicted better within than across cohorts).
Glaser et al. (2005) used CTC-YS data on 176,464 students and confirmatory
factor analysis to show that the data provided a good fit with the hypothesized
risk and protection factor structure of the instrument. Also, as expected, the
older students had been exposed to greater risks and less protection than their
younger counterparts.
Arthur et al. (2007) described the development and validation of optimal cutoff
points for the CTC-YS scales, in prevention planning and prioritization
of needs at a population level. These cut-off points resulted in dichotomized
risk and protective factor scales that allow communities to establish risk and
protection profiles in prevalence-rate terms, thereby facilitating prevention
planning and selecting particular targets for intervention.
Feinberg, Ridenour, and Greenberg (2007) factor-analyzed two waves of .
CTC-YS data on large samples of Pennsylvania students in order to reduce 31
risk and protective factors to a smaller set of aggregated indices. The researchers
felt that a smaller number of indices would be useful for avoiding problems of
multicollinearity in relating risk and protection factors to youth outcomes as
well as for facilitating comparisons between the community, school, family, or
individual/peer domains. Their 8 aggregated indices (community cohesion,
community availability of and norms regarding drugs and firearms, school

94 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 95
prosocial environment, family cohesion, family risk, peer antisocial behaviour,
risky attitudes, and risky behavioural tendencies) were all related in the
anticipated direction with youth problem behaviours, at a level that was as
high or slightly higher than that attained by the original scales.
Fagan, Van Horn, Hawkins, and Arthur (2007b) investigated possible
gender differences in the relationships between 22 risk and protective factors
and serious delinquency. They found that all 22 risk and protective factors
were significantly related to serious delinquency, for both genders, with the
strongest relationships observed at the level of individual and peer factors. For
both genders, social skills were strongly related with less delinquency, whereas
rebelliousness, sensation-seeking, and having delinquent peers were associated
with greater delinquency. Similarly, for both genders, poor family management
was related to higher rates of delinquency, while opportunities at school for
prosocial involvement were associated with less delinquency. Overall, the males
had greater involvement than the females in serious delinquency because they
had experienced stronger relationships between risk and offending, higher
exposure to risk, and lower exposure to protection. Both genders, however,
were seen as needing preventive interventions.
Process and Implementation Evaluations of CTC
Process and implementation evaluations by Social Development
Research Group, University of Washington in Seattle
Hawkins, Catalano, and Arthur (2002) summarized the process-related
findings that several evaluations of CTC had furnished up to that time.
They noted that the initial field tests of CTC in the state of Washington
had demonstrated that community leaders and residents would participate
in the required CTC training, adopt the CTC risk-and-protection approach,
implement prevention plans, and continue to use them (Harachi, Ayers,
Hawkins, & Catalano, 1996; Harachi Manger, Hawkins, Haggerty, and
Catalano, 1992). Moreover, communities in the state of Washington that
had used CTC were considerably more likely to implement evidence-based
prevention programs than communities that had employed a different
prevention model (Arthur et al., 2004). These earlier as well as later studies
indicated that communities trained to use the CTC operating system showed
improved inter-agency collaboration, less service duplication, enhanced
coordination in allocating resources, increased involvement of community
stakeholders (professionals, citizens, and young people) in prevention activities,
more effective education of local citizens concerning youth problems, greater
tailoring of prevention strategies to community-specific risk and resource
profiles, and a greater likelihood of choosing empirically validated prevention
strategies (Hawkins et al., 2002; Jenson, Hartman, Smith, Draayer, &
Schurtz, 1997).
Quinby et al. (in press) have shown, with data collected during the first
18 months of the large-scale Community Youth Development Study
(CYDS), that a high level of CTC implementation has been achieved. The
CYDS is a five-year (2003-2008), group-randomized controlled trial of
the efficacy of the CTC operating system. The study involves 24 small- to
medium sized communities, 12 of which were randomly assigned to the
experimental (CTC) condition and 12 to the control (prevention-servicesas-usual)
condition. Paired pre- and post-surveys from the Community
Board Orientation showed that significant changes in a positive direction
occurred on 14 of the 17 items assessed, covering participants’ knowledge
of prevention science and the CTC process. Eight months later, attendance
at the CBO was found to be significantly related to greater board-member
understanding of CTC, higher community readiness, more frequent
attendance at board meetings, and more hours devoted to the CTC process.
Also, when the CTC communities were at the halfway mark of phase five
of the CTC process (implementation and evaluation), between 89% and
100% of the community coordinators and trainers rated the milestones
in the first four and a half CTC phases as “completely met” or “majority
met”, even on those milestones and benchmarks that were rated as “very
challenging” or “mostly challenging” (namely, addressing readiness issues;
securing a CTC champion in the community; preparing archival data to
supplement the CTC Youth Survey; engaging all stakeholders to support
the community action plan; and identifying resources required for new
programs and policy implementation).
Quinby et al. (in press) suggested that the high level of fidelity with which
CTC was being implemented was due to the use of certified CTC trainers
in presenting the six training sessions, easy-to-use materials and guides,
the use of data from the CTC Youth Survey to set outcome goals, locally
based CTC coordinators, the use of benchmarks and milestones to monitor
implementation progress, and skilled technical assistance and coaching. Thus,
when these elements are in place, CTC appears to provide communities with
a feasible process for implementing science-based prevention.

96 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 97
Process and implementation evaluations by Prevention
Research Center, Pennsylvania State University
In the mid-1990s, the Pennsylvania Commission on Crime and Delinquency
funded a program of CTC implementation in more than 100 communities
in the state (Feinberg et al., 2004a). A series of process studies based on these
local CTC projects by a research group at the Prevention Research Centre
at Pennsylvania State University have made an important contribution
to understanding the various factors that influence the success of .
CTC implementation.
Feinberg, Greenberg, Osgood, Anderson, and Babinski (2002) examined the
effectiveness of CTC training as a means of introducing prevention science
into a community. They found that stakeholders’ attendance at training
was associated with greater individual-level knowledge of the relationship
between risks and youth behaviour problems and greater general familiarity
with the CTC framework. Greater attendance at training was also associated,
at the project level, with better understanding of empirical criteria for
selecting evidence-based programs. At both the individual and project
(community) levels, attendance at training was also related to better internal
CTC functioning (clarity of goals and roles, fidelity to the CTC prevention
model, and board structure and stability) and better relationships with other
community groups.
In a second CTC process study, Feinberg et al. (2004a) investigated whether
measures of several key CTC domains – community readiness, prevention
knowledge, coalition functioning, and barriers – were associated with the
perceived effectiveness of community prevention coalitions. The investigators
found that community readiness was indeed strongly related to perceived
coalition effectiveness, a relationship mediated by the quality of coalition
internal functioning. Also, CTC projects that had been implemented
most poorly were marked by the highest levels of infighting. Finally, more
favourable attitudes towards, and greater knowledge of, prevention on the part
of community leaders were related to better internal coalition functioning
(i.e., more purposeful functioning and lower rates of member turnover).
Feinberg, Greenberg, and Osgood (2004b) studied the correlates of CTC
participants’ perceived needs for technical assistance. They discovered that less
community readiness to implement CTC, lower levels of internal coalition
functioning and perceived coalition effectiveness, and lower rates of community
leaders’ attendance at initial CTC training sessions were all related to participants’
perceptions that more technical assistance was needed. The researchers also found
that CTC project directors may underestimate the need for technical assistance
in areas directly reflecting on their own skills (e.g., leadership development).
Relatedly, Greenberg et al. (2005) found that even well functioning CTC
community prevention boards needed technical assistance, especially in linking
the assessment of risks to the selection and implementation of evidence-based
programs. Also, more cohesive CTC board functioning predicted more positive
perceptions of project efficacy and sustainability, and greater board knowledge
of prevention was related to higher implementation fidelity, which, in turn,
predicted greater sustainability. Finally, higher levels of community readiness,
implementation fidelity, and board external influence all predicted decreased
delinquency rates (Greenberg et al., 2005).
Gomez, Greenberg, and Feinberg (2005) examined the sustainability of
CTC coalitions in Pennsylvania, beyond an initial three-year funding period.
Successful sustainability was predicted by four indicators of the quality of early
board functioning: greater board knowledge about prevention, more emphasis
on the selection of evidence-based prevention programs, better internal board
functioning, and greater fidelity in implementing the CTC model. Gomez
et al. (2005) suggested that adequate early training and ongoing technical
assistance were likely to promote higher-quality coalition functioning during
the start-up phase and thus contribute to greater sustainability.
Feinberg, Riggs, and Greenberg (2005) investigated whether social network
analysis may be useful for understanding differences among communities in
their readiness to implement community prevention initiatives. They discovered
that during the early start-up phase, the closer and more direct the ties among
prevention board members, the higher the level of perceived readiness. Also,
social networks in which many individuals rather than only a few were core
members exhibited higher levels of readiness. Thus, social networks appear to
be an important aspect of community change interventions.
Outcome evaluations of CTC
Over time, the strength and scope of the designs used in the US to evaluate the
effects of CTC have increased greatly. The early evaluations were correlational
in nature, whereas the two most recent studies have used quasi-experimental
and group-randomized designs, respectively.
In its 1997 report to Congress, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention (as cited in Hawkins, 1999) stated that communities using CTC

98 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 99
had experienced reductions in risk factors and in crime. Buchanan County in
Missouri, for example, had targeted three risk factors for priority attention: early
and persistent anti-social behaviour, academic failure, and low commitment
to school. During the 1996-1997 school year, after implementing a program
to reduce these risks, Buchanan County found that 81% of students in the
program improved failing grades in two or more core subjects to passing
grades. The County also experienced a 78% decrease in truancy, a 62%
decrease in tardiness, a 31% reduction in referrals for school discipline, and a
33% decrease in juvenile crime in the community.
Feinberg, Greenberg, Osgood, Sartorius, and Bontempo (2007), from
the Penn State prevention research group, reported on a large-scale quasiexperimental
impact study of CTC. Whereas the CYDS (Brown et al., 2007)
is a group-randomized efficacy trial of CTC under optimal conditions, the
quasi-experiment by Feinberg, Greenberg, et al. (2007) was an effectiveness
study conducted under real-world conditions and at a population level. The
participants were students attending random samples of schools in 2001 and
2003, in grades 6, 8, 10, and 12, as well as volunteer schools in 2003. A total
of 43,842 students in 2001 and 101,988 in 2003 completed the CTC Youth
Survey and took part in the study. There were 41 school districts associated
with local CTC projects in 2001 and 94 in 2003 (many new CTC projects
were funded in Pennsylvania between 2001 and 2003). The researchers
focused on 15 risk factors from the school, family, and peer/individual domains
(they excluded the community domain because they did not expect CTC
to have an impact on broad community factors in a short period of time).
Six outcome measures were studied: antisocial behaviors; drug involvement; .
30-day alcohol use; binge drinking; being drunk or high in school; and
tobacco use. Potential confounding variables at the school district level,
including poverty, were controlled.
Results of this large-scale quasi-experiment show that CTC-associated school
districts had lower levels of some risk factors and lower rates of substance use
and delinquency than did non-CTC-associated school districts. In 2001, there
were 2 times as many significant comparisons favouring CTC (in terms of
reduced risk factors or improved outcomes) as would be expected by chance
and 7.8 times as many in 2003. Second, when the analyses were restricted to
those grade cohorts that could have been directly affected by evidence-based
model programs, the CTC sites had 10.7 times as many positive outcomes as
would have been expected by chance. Third, the greatest number of significant
effects were found in the 6th grade students, in terms of risk reduction (via
improvements in family supervision and discipline, friends’ behaviour and
attitudes, and the student’s own attitudes) and in terms of improved outcomes
(on all the outcomes except drug use). Also, the CTC-associated schools
showed consistent evidence of a positive impact on the outcome of anti-social
behaviour, for grades 6 through 10. For the 12th grade, there was evidence of
a positive impact by CTC on alcohol use and drug involvement.
Overall, Feinberg, Greenberg, et al. (2007) interpreted their results as
providing substantial evidence that CTC had a positive impact in reducing
risk factors and improving behavioural outcomes, under real-world conditions.
This conclusion was buttressed by the fact that when the analyses in 2003 were
limited to student cohorts who had been exposed to evidence-based programs
targeting their age groups, the impact of CTC was even stronger. Moreover,
Feinberg, Greenberg, et al. (2007) felt that their findings were conservative,
for at least two reasons. First, many local CTC projects targeted age groups
outside the range assessed by the CTC Youth Survey, such that the analyses
did not capture the full range of CTC effects on communities. Second, the
analyses compared CTC with a “prevention-as-usual” rather than with a “noprevention”
comparison group.
The five-year period of the CYDS (2003-2008) will soon be completed
(although supplementary data-gathering will continue until the youngest
children in the longitudinal sample have graduated from high school, in 2011).
Thus, the results of this group-randomized efficacy study will soon begin
to appear in the prevention literature. The only peer-reviewed CYDS-based
paper to have been published as of this writing appears to be one by Brown,
Hawkins, Arthur, Briney, and Abbott (2007), on the effects of CTC on
community prevention service systems. These investigators examined changes
between 2001 (pre-project) and 2004 (18 months after CTC implementation
in 12 US communities) on three community-level outcomes. Controlling for
respondent and community characteristics, multilevel analyses showed that
the CTC communities, compared with the 12 control communities, had
significantly greater increases in the adoption of a science-based approach
to prevention in collaboration across various community sectors, and in
cooperation on specific prevention activities. Brown et al. (2007) suggested that
this success in changing proximal system outcomes, as a first step in producing
more effective prevention services, would eventually lead to reductions in risk,
increases in protection, and more positive youth outcomes.

100 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 101
Applications of Communities That Care
in Canada to Date
CTC has been implemented in only a few Canadian communities. The first
Canadian project was initiated a decade ago in Squamish, BC, a small city of
15,000 located on the west coast of Canada between Vancouver and Whistler.
Initially supported by a three-year grant from Health Canada (1999-2002),
CTC Squamish has succeeded in sustaining itself and is now becoming an
important source of CTC training and consultation for other communities in
BC. CTC Squamish will celebrate its first decade of existence by sponsoring
a national conference in October 2008, at which the keynote address will be
given by Richard Catalano, co-founder of CTC and the current director of the
Social Development Research Group at the University of Washington. During
its first cycle of operation, CTC Squamish implemented two evidence-based
programs, Strengthening Families and the Perry Pre-School Program. More
recently, it has expanded its prevention focus to include the area of drug and
alcohol abuse.
In 2001-2004, the present author and several colleagues piloted an earlier
version of CTC in three Ontario communities. Funding was provided by
the Trillium Foundation of Ontario, the National Crime Prevention Centre,
and the University of Ottawa ACADRE Centre (an organization promoting
Aboriginal health research). The project involved partner organizations in
the three communities: in Hawkesbury, Services for Children and Adults
of Prescott-Russell; in Sudbury, the Children’s Aid Society of Sudbury and
District and N’Swakamok Native Friendship Centre; in Ottawa, the Nepean
Community Resource Centre and the Centre for Research on Educational
and Community Services at the University of Ottawa.
The pilot project began in 2001 in Hawkesbury, Ontario, a mainly francophone
town of 10,000 people. A diverse Community Prevention Board of 15 members
was established and collected data on community risk and protective factors,
establishing objectives for each risk factor and the means of attaining each.
CTC Hawkesbury chose to focus on improving out-of-school-time activities,
persuading the city council to invest in city parks and positive youth activities
and completing a baseline school survey of student problem behaviours and
positive development.
In Sudbury, a city of 200,000, the CTC project (2002-2004) concentrated on
young people in the urban Aboriginal population. A productive partnership
was established between the local Children’s Aid Society and the N’Swakamok
Native Friendship Centre. With the support of two Aboriginal staff members,
CTC Sudbury created a broad consensus in the community regarding the
major risk and protective factors and service gaps affecting Aboriginal youths
and developed an inventory of available and needed resources for Aboriginal
youths and their families.
In the Bayshore neighbourhood of Ottawa, the CTC project (2003-2004)
served a mainly immigrant population of youths and their families. Despite the
brevity of its existence, CTC Ottawa-Bayshore was able to form a Community
Prevention Board, organize several well attended community events, and
collect data on risk and protective factors.
In 2005, a third period of CTC development in Canada began. Services to
Children and Adults of Prescott-Russell are now undertaking an ambitious
training and implementation effort in three mainly francophone communities
in eastern Ontario, namely, Hawkesbury, Rockland, and Casselman. Funding
is being provided by the Ontario Ministry of Children and Youth Services.
This project is implementing the most recent version of CTC, with training
and technical assistance provided by the University of Washington. The
CTC training materials and CTC Youth Survey have all been translated into
French. An evaluation of the new Prescott-Russell project is being conducted
by the Centre for Research on Educational and Community Services at the
University of Ottawa, using the same approach and tools that are employed
by the University of Washington. Four interim evaluation reports on the
Prescott-Russell project have been issued to date, assessing the results of the
first four of the six CTC training sessions, namely, that for CTC key leaders
(La Roche & Flynn, 2007a), for Community Prevention Board members (La
Roche & Flynn, 2007b), for CPB members regarding the assessment of risk
and protective factors (La Roche & Flynn, 2007c), and for CPB members
concerning the assessment of community resources (La Roche & Flynn,
2008). Interesting parallels with the University of Washington CTC training
results have emerged. Later in 2008, the fidelity of implementation in the
three Prescott-Russell communities will be evaluated and annual interviews
with community leaders and volunteers will be initiated.
Finally, it should be mentioned that major elements of the CTC approach
are being used at present in a school-based prevention initiative in three
service districts of northern Ontario (Armstrong, Flynn, & Van Dyk, 2007).
This initiative, while not a CTC project, demonstrates the flexibility of the
prevention approach. The project involves only three family and child service
agencies and four school boards and is thus not a community coalition.

102 I P C R e v i e w 2 Communities That Care 103
Moreover, the initiative is concerned only with school, family, and individual/
peer risk and protective factors, and thus excludes community-level factors.
Nevertheless, the use of major elements of the CTC approach has allowed
prevention needs to be assessed through administration of the CTC Youth
Survey in 85 schools and the selection of an evidence-based program, Lion’s
Quest. Based on the lessons learned from the pilot evaluation in English and
French in 2007-2008, Lion’s Quest is likely to be more widely implemented in
the three service districts and four school boards in the future.
Conclusion
Overall, the CTC approach emerges as very promising from the foregoing
review. It has much to commend it: a well established theoretical base, clearly
sequenced training and implementation procedures, a strong emphasis on
strategic planning and evidence-based programs, and supportive needsassessment,
process/implementation, and outcome evaluation data. Its initial
applications in the Canadian context have also been positive. Taken together,
this suggests that the time has come for more frequent implementation and
more adequately funded evaluations of CTC in Canada.
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Volume 2: pages 109–135
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
Development, Evaluation and
National Implementation of
a School-Based Program to
Reduce Violence and Related
Risk Behaviours: Lessons from
the Fourth R
Claire V. Crooks
CAMH Centre for Prevention Science
David A. Wolfe
CAMH Centre for Prevention Science & University of Toronto
Ray Hughes
CAMH Centre for Prevention Science
Peter G. Jaffe
Centre for Research and Education on Violence Against Women and
Children of the University of Western Ontario
Debbie Chiodo
CAMH Centre for Prevention Science
The Fourth R randomized controlled trial was funded by the Canadian
Institutes of Health Research. Additional funding for program
development and dissemination has been received from the U.S. National
Institutes of Health Youth Violence Consortium, the Ontario Ministry

110 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 111
of the Attorney General, Public Health Agency of Canada, the Ontario
Mental Health Foundation, and the London Community Foundation.
We are especially grateful to the Royal LePage Shelter Foundation and
the Crooks family for the support of the national dissemination of the
Fourth R. David Wolfe holds the RBC Chair in Children’s Mental
Health at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health.
R É S U M É
Le Fourth R est un programme global offert en milieu scolaire et destiné
à contrer trois comportements à risque interreliés et caractéristiques de
l’adolescence : la violence (l’intimidation, la violence entre camarades et
dans le cadre de fréquentations), l’abus d’alcool ou d’autres drogues, et
les relations sexuelles à risque. Ce programme recourt à une stratégie de
réduction des méfaits axée sur la jeunesse, qui mise sur leurs connaissances,
leur capacité d’entretenir des relations positives, et la prise de décision.
Ce programme est donné en classe par des enseignants et repose sur
21 leçons conformes aux directives provinciales de l’Ontario en matière
d’éducation physique et de santé pour les élèves de neuvième année. Il
comporte également d’autres éléments applicables à l’échelle de l’école et
relatifs à la formation des enseignants et à l’information aux parents. On
entrevoit élargir la portée de ce programme et l’offrir à d’autres niveaux
scolaires et d’autres secteurs (p. ex. au programme d’enseignement de
l’anglais en 10 e année) et à des groupes de jeunes particuliers (p. ex. dans le
cadre du programme d’enseignement des perspectives autochtones). Cet
article présente un aperçu du développement du programme Fourth R et
des pratiques exemplaires qui lui servent de fondements. On y résume les
résultats d’un plan d’expérience aléatoire auprès d’une grappe de 20 écoles
dans le but de démontrer son efficacité à améliorer les connaissances, les
capacités et les attitudes des jeunes qui y participent comparativement à
ceux qui suivent le cour de santé typique. Ce programme a été conçu en
Ontario et a depuis été mis en œuvre dans plus de 350 écoles à l’échelle de la
province ; il a en outre été adapté et mis en œuvre dans six autres provinces
dans le cadre d’une stratégie nationale de diffusion. L’article présente les
résultats d’une enquête menée auprès de partenaires nationaux et mettant
en lumière les facteurs contribuant à promouvoir avec succès la mise en
œuvre et la diffusion du programme Fourth R, de même que les obstacles
qui pourraient se dresser.
A B S T R A C T
The Fourth R is a comprehensive school-based program aimed at
reducing three interconnected risk behaviours in adolescence: violence
(bullying, peer and dating violence), substance abuse, and unsafe sex.
The program applies a youth-focused, harm-reduction strategy that
encompasses knowledge, positive relationship skills, and decisionmaking.
The foundation of the program is a 21-lesson curriculum that meets
Ontario provincial education guidelines for grade 9 Health and Physical
Education and is taught by classroom teachers. There are additional
school-wide, teacher training, and parent information components.
Expansion projects include extending the program to other grades and
areas (e.g., Fourth R Grade 10 English Curriculum) and to specific groups
of youth (i.e., Fourth R Aboriginal Perspective Curriculum). This article
provides an overview of the development of the Fourth R and the best
practice principles upon which it is based. Results of a 20 school Cluster
Randomized Design are summarized to provide evidence of the efficacy of
the Fourth R in producing gains in knowledge, skills, and attitudes among
youth compared to youth who receive typical health class. Developed in
Ontario, the Fourth R has now been implemented in more than 350 schools
provincially, and has been adapted and implemented in six other Canadian
provinces as part of a national dissemination strategy. The article presents
the results of a survey of national partners that highlights factors that
promote successful implementation and dissemination of the Fourth R, as
well as potential barriers.
Introduction
There is widespread interest in school-based violence prevention for children
and adolescents for several reasons. First, violence causes harm to direct and
indirect victims, and prevention has the potential to reduce this harm. Second,
once aggression becomes an entrenched pattern, it can be extremely difficult
to alter. Third, adolescence presents a window of opportunity for youth to
develop healthy relationship patterns as they begin to develop intimate
relationships outside the family. Fourth, the school setting provides many
logistical advantages for universal delivery of services. Despite this attraction,
school-based violence prevention has not lived up to its promise in that effective
programs have achieved neither widespread nor sustained implementation.
Three separate but equally important components must to be addressed in
order to achieve the desired outcome of integrated and sustainable schoolbased
prevention programming:

112 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 113
• There is a need for theoretically-driven programs that are directed by
developmental needs of the target group and best practice science;
• There is a need for programs that have been empirically validated;
• There is also a need for programs to be designed from the outset with
attention to implementation and dissemination.
This article discusses the development, evaluation, and national dissemination
of the Fourth R, a comprehensive school-based program designed to promote
healthy relationships and prevent risk behaviours among adolescents. The
Fourth R can be used to illustrate some of the critical issues in developing and
implementing theoretically-driven, empirically-validated programs.
History and Development of the Fourth R
The Fourth R (for Relationships) grew out of the Youth Relationships Project
(YRP), a dating violence prevention program developed for youth with family
backgrounds of maltreatment and violence. The YRP is an 18-session groupbased
intervention that was designed to reduce all forms of harassment, abuse,
and violence by and against dating partners (Wolfe et al., 2003a). It was
developed to address the particular needs of teens who had grown up with
abuse and trauma experiences in their families of origin and who were thereby
at greater risk for violence in their own relationships. The goal was to help teens
develop positive roles in dating by providing information, building skills, and
enabling the participants to be involved in a community service component.
The Youth Relationships Project was evaluated in a randomized trial with
158 high-risk 14–16 year olds with histories of maltreatment (Wolfe et al.,
2003b). The control condition was existing care, which typically included .
bi-monthly visits from a social worker and the provision of basic shelter and
care. Youth in the study completed measures of dating abuse and victimization,
emotional distress, and healthy relationship skills at bimonthly intervals, when
dating someone. The youths were followed on average for 16 months postintervention,
and showed the intervention to be effective in reducing incidents
of physical and emotional abuse over time (as rated by the teens themselves
and their dating partners), relative to controls. An interesting adjunct finding
was that symptoms of trauma and emotional distress were also lower over time
compared to the control group, even though these symptoms were not directly
targeted by the intervention.
The YRP’s success in demonstrating changes in attitudes that are favourable
to violence and in the abusive behaviours of youth at risk for violent
relationships resulted in widespread interest in adapting the program for all
youth, regardless of risk status. In adapting the YRP for a universal (and
slightly younger) audience in a classroom setting, several changes were
made. Compared to its predecessor, the Fourth R included a larger focus on
the development of healthy relationships and resolving normative conflict,
a broader range of violence (including bullying, harassment, group-based
peer violence, and dating violence), and a much greater emphasis on role
playing and skills development. In addition to violence, the Fourth R also
included material on substance use and sexual behaviour, thus addressing this
important triad of adolescent risk behaviours.
The first version of the Fourth R was piloted in a few schools in Southwestern
Ontario in the Fall of 2001. Over the next several years the program was
revised based on teacher and student feedback, and evaluated in a cluster
randomized controlled trial (RCT) during the 2004-2005 school year. As of
2008 it was being implemented in over 350 schools in Ontario as well as in
several other provinces. The results of this initial evaluation of the Fourth R
as well as the successes and challenges of its implementation in schools across
Canada are discussed in this paper.
Description of the Fourth R
The cornerstone of the core grade 9 version of the Fourth R is a 21-lesson skillbased
curriculum that promotes healthy relationships and targets violence, highrisk
sexual behaviour, and substance use among adolescents. This curriculum
has been evaluated by Curriculum Services Canada and meets the Ontario
provincial expectations for the Healthy Active Living strand in grade 9 Physical
and Health Education. It is delivered by teachers who receive specialized training.
Our contention is that relationship skills can be taught in much the same way as
the other “three R’s” (Reading, ‘Riting, and ‘Rithmetic), and establishing these
skills as a fundamental part of the high school curriculum is equally essential.
Furthermore, given the abundance of negative relationship models available to
teens, it is crucial that they be exposed to healthy alternatives and equipped with
the skills to develop healthy relationships themselves. Healthy relationships and
skills should be seen as complementary to, not competitive with, success in basic
academic skills of numeracy and literacy (Greenberg, Domitrovich, Graczyk,
& Zins, 2005). The Fourth R is comprised of three units to address violence,
substance use, and healthy sexuality/sexual behaviour. Together, these three
units address the triad of adolescent risk behaviours that are connected to each
other in terms of co-occurrence, but are also jointly rooted in peer and dating
relationships experienced by youth.

114 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 115
Each unit contains similar themes of value clarification, provision of
information, decision-making and an extensive skill development component.
Connections among the three units (i.e., behaviour domains) are emphasized
throughout. Accurate information and value clarification allow adolescents
the opportunity to think about their own boundaries and comfort levels, and
about the decisional balances involved in each of these behaviour areas. These
processes are ongoing and integrated into skill development. Adolescents
receive ample practice role playing ways to resolve conflict, both as participants
and in the role of bystander. Furthermore, they have the opportunity to apply
the skills in each of the three areas. For example, instead of learning assertive
communication in general, they learn to practice assertive communication
during realistic situations such as dating and peer conflict, pressure to use
drugs or alcohol, and pressure to engage in sexual behaviour.
The other key components focus on the wider school community and parents.
School interventions include staff and teacher awareness education, information
about the program, and supplementary activities by the student led Youth Safe
Schools (YSS) committees to increase links between community partners. A
YSS committee is developed in each school with guidance from a teacher, based
on a manual that provides guidance in recruitment, training, planning and
conducting activities, and evaluating success (Gibbings, Crooks, & Hughes,
2005). Committees vary in how often they meet, but the minimum requirement
is monthly meetings and a specific number of activities. For example, YSS
committees organize guest speakers, school-wide media campaigns, field trips
and agency open houses to raise the profile of violence prevention in their
school. At some schools, the YSS takes on ambitious multi-year projects. For
example, in one school the committee has undertaken to produce a violence
prevention publication, Echoes in the Wind, in conjunction with its gifted
program. Now in its third year of production, the editorial team invites citywide
contributions from students at other schools. In addition, an annual
conference brings youth committees from throughout a particular district
together to develop leadership skills and share ideas and successes. Parents
are provided with an initial orientation to the program and with information
on developmental changes in adolescence and parenting strategies relevant to
raising adolescents.
A Foundation in Best Practice Principles
The Fourth R was designed to align with best practice principles, including
skill development within a relationship context, positive youth development
initiatives, comprehensive coverage of target and related issues, and being
gender strategic (Wolfe, Jaffe, & Crooks, 2006). In the next section, we
describe how these principles are operationalized in the Fourth R.
Strengthening Relationship Skills
The importance of skills has emerged as a fundamental principle of best practice
in prevention programs, regardless of the actual behaviour(s) being targeted.
The Information Motivation Behavior Skills (IMB) model is particularly
useful for conceptualizing how to bridge the frequently observed gap between
knowing what to do and doing it (Fisher, Fisher, Mischovich, Kimble, &
Malloy, 1996). In simple terms, to promote the development of skills that will
actually be used, adolescents need a strong foundation of accurate information,
the building blocks of effective behavioural responses in difficult situations,
and the blueprint of motivation to use these skills.
The Fourth R uses a number of strategies to increase the salience and interactive
nature of the information component. One important aspect of information
salience, the perceived cognitive authority of the source of information, is
addressed by involving older adolescents in a number of ways. For example,
the Teen Panel – a group of teenage parents who speak about contraception,
choices, and the realities of teen parenting – is always received as a high impact
experience for youth. In addition, older peers (typically grade 11 or 12 students
from the Leadership Class) are used to assist in the grade 9 classes. Within
the context of the high school peer hierarchy, using older students is a highly
effective avenue for increasing the salience of information.
Most successful prevention programs have a skills building component,
as improving social and emotional competence is a hallmark of effective
prevention programs (Greenberg, Domitrovich, & Bumberger, 2000).
Adolescents need the opportunity to learn new skills, such as assertiveness,
communication, and problem-solving, and practice applying them in different
situations. Simply being instructed in skills, discussing them, or even writing
out responses are not likely to increase skills and self-efficacy. To foster skill
development, it is critical to provide realistic opportunities to practice and
receive feedback. Adolescents need to practice skills in as realistic a situation as
possible to increase their feelings of self-efficacy that these skills will actually
work when called upon in situations of conflict.
Role plays can be extremely effective for skill development, but they need to be
carefully planned, introduced, and debriefed. A role play activity that gets out
of hand can produce a counterproductive failure experience, or be so anxiety-

116 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 117
provoking that the experience is aversive. In the Fourth R, students role play a
range of conflict situations relating to peer and dating relationships. Because
the process of responding to a provocative situation such as bullying or pressure
to use drugs is difficult, role plays are broken down into small steps. Students
are given actual scripts for the first few exercises to reduce their discomfort
and ease them into action one step at a time. Over time, students practice
brainstorming solutions, trying responses, trying responses in the presence of
other people, trying responses in the face of resistance, and analyzing what
worked well and what did not. Importantly, they have ample opportunities to
see their peers attempt to navigate similar scenarios, and discuss the relative
merits of different approaches, both through watching their classmates and
through video examples that were developed for the program. Through
feedback from their teachers and peers, they are able to handle increasingly
complicated and difficult situations. Teachers are also instructed on ways to
integrate these role play learning opportunities into the daily activities of high
school (e.g., in the gym or hallway).
Even with accurate information and the behavioural skills to make healthy
choices, motivation is often a critical missing piece in preventing violence and
unsafe choices. Motivation to behave in a certain way or make specific choices
is a critical determinant of outcomes. Previous attempts to motivate teens have
often relied on scare tactics. This approach is rarely successful, especially for
those most likely to experiment, and is particularly ill-suited to adolescents’
stage of cognitive development (Wolfe et al., 2006). Conversely, using
peer culture to increase motivation can be a powerful tool with adolescents
(Cuijpers, 2002).
The Fourth R targets motivation at the peer level in a number of ways. For
example, each school’s YSS committee involves students from different grades,
and is youth-led. These committees or clubs provide a public face and forum
for students interested in social action work, and they create media campaigns
for the school that specifically target peer level influences. The manual provides
strategies on recruiting a diverse group of students, and these students build
on the universal prevention strategies used in the classroom to extend the
material. Previous campaigns have included segments on peer pressure – some
have even targeted the gap between what students think their peers are doing
and what they are actually doing. The issue of cognitive authority is addressed
by using the club to develop and implement these campaigns, since youth are
much more likely to see information from their peers as relevant and useful
compared to messages perceived as adult-driven. Student club members also
present information or assist with role plays in younger grades in the capacity
of peer leaders. Similarly, motivation can be socially constructed at the
community level, such as by hosting an annual violence prevention leadership
awards night for students who have excelled in violence prevention and gender
equity activities.
Ensuring Comprehensive Participation
Programs that address the various contexts within which youth function and
the different factors that affect youth behaviour are more likely to be successful
than those that focus on one specific context or determinant of behaviour
(Greenberg et al., 2000). In addition to the school-wide component delivered
through the YSS Committee, age-appropriate inclusion of parents and teacher
involvement need to be targeted.
Age-Appropriate Inclusion of Parents. A comprehensive approach dictates the
inclusion of parents, although deciding how to include parents can be challenging
in light of the developmental stage. Developing an identity autonomous from
their parents is a major developmental task for adolescents, but at the same time
they need to balance this newfound autonomy with ways of staying connected
to parents. We opted to use a primarily information-dissemination strategy with
parents. Parents receive a presentation about the program at the orientation
night for prospective high school students and their parents in the spring of
grade 8. Once students are at a school that offers the Fourth R, their parents are
sent newsletters designed to address a range of topics, including information
about the changes adolescents experience, the trends for various behaviours,
and what their adolescents will learn in the program.
Teacher Involvement. Teachers need sufficient training to successfully
implement a program such as the Fourth R. Similar to the discussion of the IMB
model of behaviour change for adolescents, teachers need training that addresses
all three of these areas: information, motivation, and behavioural skills. Without
adequate training and booster sessions for teachers, the most innovative (and
effective) components of programs can get dropped (Greenberg et al., 2005).
Our teacher training uses the same principles as our program: teachers are
provided with sufficient background information, and given opportunities to
practice and receive feedback on their attempts to facilitate role plays.
Being Gender Strategic
Finally, prevention with adolescents requires an understanding of the gender
forces they are facing, and programming to match their world view about

118 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 119
these gender realities (Crooks, Wolfe, & Jaffe, 2007). High school students
are developmentally at a stage where notions of gender tend to be very rigid.
The typical high school environment rewards behaviours consistent with the
male “jock” ideal, while devaluing activities seen as more feminine, leading
to an aggressively homophobic culture. At the same time, adolescents report
that girls hit boys as or more often than boys hit girls in their relationships.
Because they lack the gendered understanding of important differences in the
nature of this violence, both boys and girls will be hypersensitive to messages
that they hear as “boy bashing” (Tutty et al., 2002). The challenge is to
understand this reality, yet increase awareness of adolescents’ understanding
of gender and societal constructs of gender. In the Fourth R, we target gender
awareness through media deconstruction activities, discussions about different
expectations and standards for boys and girls, and sometimes using different
activities for boys and girls. Opportunities to discuss these issues in single sex
groupings provide increased comfort while debating sensitive issues.
In summary, the Fourth R was based on an empirically-validated program for
secondary prevention of dating violence among higher risk youth, and has
been expanded on the basis of identified best practice principles to reach all
youth more universally. In particular, skills-based programming including
an emphasis on positive youth development, a comprehensive approach, and
being gender strategic were identified as guiding principles. After a few years
of piloting and revisions, the result was a theoretically sound program that was
ready for a rigorous quantitative evaluation.
Overview of Current Evaluation Findings
Our research team has completed the initial evaluation of the Fourth R,
conducted with over 1500 students in 10 intervention and 10 control
schools. A cluster randomized controlled (RCT) design was used to assign
the 20 high schools (i.e., clusters) to the intervention or control condition.
Pre- and post-testing were conducted in the fall of the students’ Grade 9 year
and approximately four months later. Results examined gains in attitudes,
knowledge, and engagement in the classroom exercises related to the central
issues of relationship violence, sexual health, and substance use/abuse measured
soon after students completed the program. However, this initial phase of the
evaluation does not examine behavioural outcomes per se because the time
frame is too short to assess actual changes in self-reported risk behaviours.
Follow-up data from this sample will be reported in 2008 to determine the
extent to which students in the program reduced their overall risk behaviours
two years following program delivery, relative to control schools.
Findings from the initial phase of the evaluation indicate that Fourth R
students learned the materials and had significant gains, relative to controls,
in knowledge and attitudes pertaining to violence, substance use, and sexual
health. Notably, Fourth R students were better able to identify subtle forms of
abuse in dating relationships, compared to the control group. Students in the
intervention schools also enjoyed their physical health education classes more
than students in the other schools, and found the exercises and activities to be
very engaging. Given the importance of motivation in invoking behavioural
change, these student satisfaction ratings are an important piece of establishing
an effective and sustainable program.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we found significant gains in skill
acquisition among students from intervention schools, using a sub-sample of
200 students (100 per condition). To assess skill acquisition under realistic
circumstances, we created a behavioural analog using peer actors. The actors
invited students (two at a time) to a party, and pressured them to engage in
risk behaviours (e.g., to bring alcohol, drugs, money, etc.). Blind raters coded
these 5-minute paired interactions in terms of student demonstration of skills
taught in the program (i.e., negotiation, delay, refusal) as well as their extent
of yielding and compliance to these negative pressures. The findings support
the claim that the students do acquire important skills in the program. For
example, Fourth R students were 2.2 times more likely than controls to show
at least one negotiation skill during role-play interaction; 4.8 times more likely
to show at least one delay skill during role-play interaction (girls only); and
were 50% less likely to yield to the coercive pressures being perpetrated against
them. The groups did not differ in terms of complying behaviours. Half of the
tapes were coded separately by teachers (who were blind to whether the youth
was a Fourth R participant or not) on concepts such as the application of skills
and communication. Teachers also provided a global rating of the likelihood
that the student on the video would make a healthy decision in a real situation
similar to the one being depicted. For all of the dimensions coded by teachers,
a significant main effect emerged favoring the students who had participated
in the Fourth R. Further details on the design and findings are available in
Wolfe et al. (under review).
The Fourth R has also been found to exert a school-level effect above and
beyond the gains of individual students. In another investigation, we examined
the relationship between multiple forms of child maltreatment and violent
delinquency in adolescence (see Crooks, Scott, Wolfe, Chiodo, & Killip,
2007). Prospective data from the same students were used to examine the
additive influence of individual-level variables (i.e., childhood maltreatment,

120 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 121
parental monitoring, sex of youth), and school-level variables (i.e., students’
sense of safety across the entire student body) on engagement in delinquency.
Students were assessed on these variables at the beginning of grade 9 and four
to six months later. Consistent with the literature in general, results at the
individual-level identified being male, experiencing maltreatment in childhood,
and poor parental nurturing as important predictors of violent delinquency.
School climate also played a significant role in predicting delinquency: schools
in which students felt safe had fewer grade 9 students engaging in violent
delinquent behaviours. Notably, the impact of cumulative forms of childhood
maltreatment on risk for engaging in violent delinquency was greater among
those schools that had not participated in the Fourth R, suggesting a schoolwide
buffering effect for the most vulnerable students. That is, students in
Fourth R schools were less likely to engage in violent delinquency than students
in non-Fourth R schools, all other risk factors being equal. Interested readers
are referred to the forthcoming paper (Crooks, et al., 2007).
In summary, evaluation to date supports the contention that the Fourth R leads
to important individual gains in knowledge and attitudes towards violence,
substance use and sexual health. In addition to self-report data, we have
evidence that Fourth R participants show superior skill acquisition compared
to participants in typical health class. Finally, there is evidence of a school-level
effect in that being a Fourth R school may moderate the impact of detrimental
influences such as multiple forms of child maltreatment. Our two-year follow-up
of self-reported engagement in various risk behaviours (currently being analyzed)
will provide information about the sustained impact of the program.
Extensions of the Core Program
The core Fourth R program was developed for delivery in a universal setting
with grade 9 or 10 students. We have now completed several adaptations and
extensions to fulfill two additional purposes. First, several adaptations were
developed for specific groups of youth based on the core program, in recognition
that specific subgroups or settings have more distinct needs than can be met
with a universal approach. These adaptations include a version for use in
Alternative Education settings, an Aboriginal Perspective Fourth R version,
and a version that matches the Ontario Catholic curriculum expectations (see
Table 1 on p. 128 for adaptation details). The Aboriginal Perspective program,
for example, retains the skills-based focus of the original program, but situates
the program in a cultural identity framework (Crooks, in press). The historical
context of Aboriginal peoples in Canada is addressed as a contributor to specific
vulnerabilities and risk behaviours, and there are additional opportunities to
bring elders and community members into the classroom. A peer mentoring
program serves as an adjunct component to the classroom-based instruction
to promote positive relationships between youth at risk for leaving school and
older, prosocial peers who are well connected to school, all under the guidance
of the First Nations Counselors and a community mentor at each school.
The second type of expansion is predicated on the finding that the most
effective programs are delivered over the course of several years, with each year
being tailored to the specific developmental stage of the youth. Expansions in
this vein include a Grade 8 curriculum for Healthy Living, and Grade 10 and
11 English Curriculum versions (see Table 2 on p. 129 for a description of
extensions). The decision to use English class in Grade 10 and 11 was based in
part on the fact that English is a required course in Ontario (whereas Physical
and Health Education is optional after Grade 9). In addition, switching
from Physical and Health Education to English offers a shift in focus and
learning modalities. The emphasis on critical analysis skills and literacy in the
English curriculum versions helps to generalize the skills-based instruction
received in Grade 9. In comparison to the original core program, these newer
innovations have been the subject of summative evaluations rather than a
full RCT. Educators using the program and their students have completed
feedback forms and numerous student focus groups have been conducted.
The preliminary findings suggest that educators and students alike enjoy
the programs and find them beneficial. Further revisions and more rigorous
evaluations are underway.
National Implementation Project
Early on in the development of the Fourth R significant interest emerged in
disseminating the program to other provinces, based on the empirical basis
of the precursor (i.e., the YRP) and the adherence to best practice principles.
Interest from educators coalesced along more logistical lines. Educators liked
that the program was curriculum-based, met Ministry guidelines in Ontario,
and was taught by teachers rather than outside professionals. A large donation
from a private foundation in 2003 initiated efforts towards launching a
national dissemination, envisioned as a roll-out that would involve one
additional province each year. The prototype was to identify and work with
a local partner in launching a small pilot, and then to modify the curriculum
to meet provincial standards and cultural and geographical needs based on
input from educators and other involved parties involved in the pilot. The
plan involved a three-year partnership in each province to help build local
capacity and plan for sustainability, rather than a short implementation phase.

122 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 123
Within this three-year window, training was conducted by the central group
with the aim of developing local trainers to assist in further dissemination
and sustainability.
From the beginning, two realities were very clear. First, sticking to one province
per year would lead to missed opportunities in that potential partners in several
provinces were prepared to mobilize an effort immediately. As seen in Table 3
(see p. 129), plans were amended to launch several locations simultaneously.
Indeed, throughout the dissemination phase the constraining factor has been
the resources of the central team rather than the availability and enthusiasm
of willing partners across the country. Second, there was a need for flexibility
in identifying the appropriate local champion. Across the different provinces,
these partnerships have emerged differently. In Saskatchewan, partnering
with one of the Five Research Centres on Violence Against Women provided
the infrastructure for the project, whereas in B.C. researchers laid the initial
groundwork, but the school-based implementation was guided by a retired
educator who was hired as a consultant. In Quebec, we were approached by a
community service organization because one of the directors had heard about
the Fourth R at a conference and felt that the program fit their larger mandate
to work with all the school boards. Our foray into Nova Scotia was largely
serendipitous; one of the most supportive proponents of the initial project in
Saskatchewan took a position as a director of a school board in Nova Scotia and
wanted to continue his involvement with the project by bringing it to his new
board. In each case, the expansion process has given us the opportunity to step
back and look at the implementation process outside of the highly supportive
local community within which the original program was developed, piloted,
and evaluated.
Implementation Successes and Challenges
There has been increasing recognition among program developers and
evaluators that having effective programs is only one piece of the puzzle in
developing a large scale prevention effort. Getting effective programs into
schools and maintaining them in a sustainable fashion with program integrity
presents a huge set of challenges. In the case of the Fourth R, it was originally
developed in a large school board that already prioritized violence prevention,
and had the first designated full time violence prevention learning coordinator
in the province. As such, there were already comprehensive violence prevention
programs at many grade levels, and system-wide support for new initiatives.
However, program adoption and sustainability require an appreciation of
system dynamics that vary greatly across schools and boards.
Some researchers have noted that a school-based program needs to be attractive
and seen as effective by two different groups of stakeholders (Han & Weiss,
2005). First, the person or people choosing to bring the program into a district
or particular school need to see the benefits. Some of the important factors in
this regard include the research behind the program and whether it is taught by
teachers or requires external consultants (e.g., Tutty & Nixon, 2000). Second,
the individual classroom teachers need to find the program easy to implement
and believe that it is effective. Teachers need to believe that the program will
be effective in its goals to reduce violence prior to implementing it (Clark &
Elliott, 1988). Once they have implemented the program, they need to see
evidence of its effectiveness to motivate their continuation with the program
(Kealey, Peterson, Gaul, & Dinh, 2000). These two groups of stakeholders
may have very different needs or priorities – an administrator might be worried
about the cost to a school while teachers might be more interested in the
clarity of the lesson plans. The Fourth R was designed from the beginning with
several features to streamline the implementation process, such as being taught
by teachers. However, it is still important to understand the strengths and
challenges involved with widespread dissemination of the program.
In an attempt to identify the specific factors that promote the adoption of
the Fourth R in other provinces, as well as possible barriers, we surveyed our
national partners in the Spring of 2007. Surveys were sent to 75 stakeholders in
7 provinces, with different versions for directors/superintendents/consultants,
and educators. Approximately 87% of survey recipients completed and
returned the survey. This provided a unique snapshot of perspectives from
partners at different stages of the process. For example, at the time of the
survey, partners in Saskatchewan and B.C. were heading into their third year
of implementation, compared to partners in Manitoba, Quebec, and Nova
Scotia, who had been involved in several meetings and presentations and
developed plans to implement the program in a select number of pilot schools,
but who had not actually delivered the program yet.
The superintendent/consultant version of the survey (completed by 25
respondents) asked respondents to rank order up to five factors that were
instrumental in choosing to bring the Fourth R to their district, and identify
potential barriers from a list that made the program a “difficult sell” for
the district. Additional questions focused on perceived sustainability of the
program. That is, respondents were asked to rate the likelihood that the
program would be in place in their districts next year, as well as in three
years. They were asked to identify strategies (from a provided list) that could
increase sustainability, as well as potential barriers to sustainability. The

124 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 125
educator version (N = 36) asked respondents to identify the best features of
the Fourth R as well as possible challenges to implementation at the classroom
level. They were asked to identify benefits that they perceived for students,
as well as for themselves. There were the same questions about promoting
sustainability and potential barriers to sustainability as for the other version.
Any items that required participants to choose from a pre-existing list also
provided the opportunity for them to include additional answers. Copies of
the actual surveys are available from the lead author.
In considering the results of our survey, it is useful to think about three phases
of implementation – the pre-implementation phase (whereby the program is
selected), the supported implementation phase (during which there is active
support for the program) and the sustainability phase (also known as the
institutionalization phase). Given the wide disparity across respondents with
respect to these phases, some of the items are difficult to compare. For example,
while many of the Ontario-based educators identified the fit between the
program and the provincial curriculum standards as one of the best features of
the program, educators in other provinces would not be expected to identify
the same factor because the process of fine-tuning the match between the
program and other provincial standards is still underway.
Information about the pre-adoption phase was gathered primarily from the
consultants/superintendents who were involved in bringing the program to
the region, or in the event that the program had been running for a while, were
charged with overseeing the program on a broad level (henceforth referred to
in text and tables as the decision-makers). Of the 25 decision-makers (72%
female) who completed this version of the survey, 72% indicated that they were
very involved with bringing the Fourth R to their community, 20% indicated
that they were somewhat involved, and only 8% indicated that they were not
at all involved. The mean years of experience in education was 22.4 (SD =
9.2). Thus, for the most part, these respondents represent highly experienced
stakeholders in decision-making position who chose to implement the Fourth R .
rather than another program.
According to this group, the most important factor in their decision-making
was the research base of the Fourth R and the perception of the program’s
potential to have a positive impact on students. The curriculum-based nature
of the program was also considered important. With respect to barriers, the
one factor that emerged beyond all of the other potential barriers was the time
required to implement the program. We think that this response reflects the
bias that violence prevention and health education is still seen as an add-on
to the broader health and physical education domain, rather than viewed as
an integral component worth 25 or 30 hours of instruction. The length of the
program was based on the recommended guidelines of the Ontario Ministry
of Education, and other provinces have similar guidelines. Thus, it is not that
the program itself is lengthy compared to the mandated requirement; rather,
people are still shifting their perceptions about the appropriate amount of
health instruction in the classroom. Table 4 (see p. 130) contains the factors
that were endorsed by more than 20% of the respondents as a top five reason
for deciding to implement (and corresponding average rankings), as well as
the frequency with which various barriers were identified.
Teacher data were collected from 40 teachers (73% female) with 13.5 years of
experience (SD = 7.5). Of the 40 teachers, implementation data were used from
the 25 who had taught the core and grade 8 programs because the questions
about perceived benefits and barriers were designed to match these programs.
In addition, responses from teachers implementing the adaptations were not
included because these programs are still very much under development and
only a handful of teachers have used the resources, making the numbers less
meaningful. Teachers were asked to rank the top five most attractive features
of the program from a pre-existing list. However, because nearly a quarter of
the teachers completed that section as a rating scale rather than ranking, the
rankings were collapsed to include simply whether or not a teacher identified
the factor as important. Thus, it is difficult to interpret the percentages of
endorsement as the intention was to force teachers to choose the best features
rather than all of the features they found pleasing. Nonetheless, the responses
show that clearly written lesson plans were the top rated feature.
Similarly, teachers were asked to indicate any implementation barriers, without
being given a limit to the number of factors they could choose. The most highly
endorsed implementation barriers related to timeframes, similar to the issue
identified by decision-makers. Other implementation barriers identified by
teachers reflect the stage of development of the program with various partners;
for example, both of the teachers who identified mismatch with local culture
as a barrier were from Vancouver and we are currently working with our B.C.
partners to make substantial cultural adaptations.
Additional information was gathered about perceived benefits for students and
teachers. As seen in Table 6, (p. 132) educators felt that the provision of accurate
information coupled with skills practice were the most important benefits for
students. Interestingly, the majority of respondents indicated they had enjoyed
benefits as well, ranging from learning more about relationship violence to

126 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 127
having students who are more engaged in the course material. Additional
comments included statements such as, “created personal awareness” and,
“opportunity to empathize with victims; stronger bond with teacher.”
With respect to sustainability, data were used from all 40 teachers as well
as the 25 decision-makers. The majority of respondents felt that they would
either likely or definitely be using the program in 1 year (94%) and in 3 years
(73%). Respondents who noted they were unsure or unlikely to be using the
program typically identified that they were not going to be teaching the course
at all. Educators and decision-makers identified many of the same strategies
for increasing sustainability, although they placed different emphasis on the
strategies. Updated materials, ongoing training opportunities and financial
resources were all identified by half or more of the respondents. Comments
related to updated materials particularly emphasized the importance of keeping
media literacy activities current. Table 7 (see p. 133) identifies the perceived
strategies and barriers related to sustainability. Overall, the responses support
the importance of ongoing training and updates, consistent with the notion of
implementation as a journey rather than an event (Fullan & Miles, 1992).
The responses to our national implementation survey in general reflect a high
degree of satisfaction with and confidence in the program, while also showing
vigilance to ongoing sustainability issues. It is important to note that all of
the respondents are from communities that have received significant support
during the planning and implementation phases of adoption. Other schools
throughout Ontario have simply ordered the program materials (with or
without training), and their experiences might be more diverse with respect to
the success they have had in implementing the program.
Future Directions in Programming and Research
Moving forward, the Fourth R will maintain a dual focus on both programming
and research. Programmatically, we will continue to develop and refine
offshoots of the program with the aim of having developmentally appropriate
programming for all adolescent age groups, within a cross-curricular approach.
Specialized programming for unique groups will augment this developmental
approach. An emerging focus for the team is on building in sustainability from
the outset of an implementation phase with new national partners. To that
end, we will use the results of our national implementation survey to outline
some of the processes in challenges in our site coordinator manual to address
long-term planning. A final focus is on continuing to refine and standardize
our train-the-trainer model, as our capacity to provide training at a national
level continues to be a limiting factor in the widespread dissemination of
the project. Current and future research directions include continuing to
evaluate the effects of the program in different locations and in different
ways, such as researching issues relating to implementation, dissemination,
and sustainability. Currently we have educators and students from our
national partner sites completing the same evaluation measures to facilitate
regional comparisons. In summary, we will continue to balance development,
evaluation and dissemination activities, as all have been shown to be critical
components of the success of the Fourth R to date.
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(under review). Effectiveness of a school-based program to prevent violence
and related risk behaviors among adolescents: Initial gains in knowledge
and skills. Available from David _Wolfe@CAMH.net.

130 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 131
Table 1. Description of adaptations to original grade 9 Fourth R program
Adaptation Number of Lessons Differences From Original Program
Alternative Education 24 lessons • More examples and role plays to illustrate concepts and
practice skills
• Additional lesson addressing ecstasy use
• Matches academic needs of students in Alternative Education
settings with a variety of instructional strategies
• Additional lessons on bullying currently under development
Aboriginal Perspective 33 lessons • Incorporates focus on cultural identity and bicultural
competence
• Opportunities to bring community members and elders into
the classroom
• Provides historical context for some risk behaviours – most
notably tracing the multigenerational trauma impact of
residential schools and the link to substance use and
sexual abuse
• Specific lesson on suicide prevention
• Incorporation of culturally relevant learning experiences
(such as sharing circles)
• Adjunct peer mentoring program that involves pairing older
and younger students, and a community mentor
Ontario Catholic 20 lessons • Matches Ontario curriculum expectations for grade 9 Physical
and Health Educational in Catholic schools
Table 2. Description of expansions of Fourth R program to other grades
Expansion Number of Lessons Description of Program
Grade 8 Healthy Living
Grade 10 English
Grade 11 English
7 lessons on
violence prevention
7 lessons on
substance use
Up to 30 lessons
depending on
academic level of class
Up to 29 lessons
depending on
academic level of class
• Meets Ontario Ministry of Education expectations
• Specific instruction in social problem solving
• Skill development through a playbook to set the stage for
more demanding role plays in Grade 9
• Topics include developing and maintaining friendships,
conflict resolution, electronic/cyber bullying and gangs,
media, and skill developmentt
• Meets Ontario Ministry of Education expectations
• Lessons based on 6 fictional short stories addressing critical
issues for youth
• Variety of literacy strategies to encourage exploration of
material and critical thinking
• Activities designed to encourage personal reflection and
application of material
• Meets Ontario Ministry of Education expectations
• Lessons based on between 20-30 non-fiction readings
(depending on academic level of class)
• Variety of literacy strategies to encourage critical analysis
• Activities designed to encourage personal reflection and
application of material
Table 3. Dissemination of Fourth R to other provinces between 2004 and 2008
Province
Number of Schools Implementing Fourth R
2004-2005 2005-2006 2006-2007 2007-2008 1
British Columbia 5 pilot schools 15 25
Alberta 5 pilot schools 15
Saskatchewan 5 pilot schools 13 35
Manitoba
7 pilot schools
Ontario 2 23 schools (RCT) 45 160 > 350
Quebec
Nova Scotia
4 pilot schools
7 pilot schools
Total 23 in 1 province 55 in 3 provinces 188 in 3 provinces > 400
in 7 provinces
1 Based on number of schools that had arranged for training as of May 2007.
2 Ontario is the only province where the Fourth R is available for purchase outside of the national .
dissemination project. Numbers post 2005 are based on schools that have ordered the materials and/or
have arranged for training.

132 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 133
Table 4. Features implicated by directors, superintendents and consultants as
most significant in choosing to implement the Fourth R program (n= 25)
Factor
PANEL A: Factors Instrumental in Choosing to Bring
Fourth R to Board
Level of Endorsement
% Respondents
Identifying Factor
as Top 5 1 Average Ranking 2
Program is research-based 72% 2.3
Potential to positively impact students 64% 2.4
Curriculum-based 56% 2.3
Comprehensive coverage 40% 2.9
Quality of teaching resources 40% 3.2
Link to provincial curriculum expectations 32% 3.0
Taught by teachers 28% 2.8
Free training 28% 3.8
Impressions after initial meeting 28% 3.8
Free materials 20% 3.2
PANEL B: Factors Identified as Potential Barriers
to Implementation
% Respondents Identifying Barrier
Time required to implement 22%
Existing violence prevention programs 9%
Teacher resistance 9%
Opposition at school level 4%
Opposition at district or board level 4%
Community partners deliver prevention 4%
Cost 4%
Community opposition to topics 0%
Parent pressure about topics 0%
Issues are not relevant for our community 0%
Difficult to match to curriculum expectations 0%
1 Factors identified by at least 20% of respondents.
2 Based on respondents who identified factor as one of top five. Not available for barriers as item did not
involve ranking (i.e., respondents could identify as many barriers as they wished).
Table 5. Best program features and implementation challenges identified
by teachers
Attractive Features 1
% Teachers (n=25)
Clearly written lesson plans 84%
Variety of activities 60%
Use of interactive teaching strategies 60%
Hand-outs included 60%
Focus on building skills 56%
Engaging material for youth 48%
Fourth R videos 48%
Overheads included 36%
Commercial videos 32%
Match to provincial curriculum standards 32%
Classroom discussion opportunities 24%
Clear expectations 16%
Inclusion of marking rubrics 16%
Implementation Challenges
Timeframes difficult to meet 56%
External influences (snow days, assemblies, etc.) 40%
Role plays difficult to carry out 28%
Students did not respond well 16%
Mismatch with local culture 8%
Students resisted role play exercises 8%
Difficulty sharing resources among classes 4%
Instructions for some activities unclear 0%
Difficult to have appropriate AV equipment 0%
Pressure or resistance from parents 0%
1 Most teachers ranked 5 best features (as requested), but a quarter of respondents used a 1-5 rating
scale instead. Answers are collapsed to represent whether or not they were chosen at all. However, .
percentages must be interpreted with caution as the majority of respondents were using a forced choice,
limited answers response.

134 I P C R e v i e w 2 Lessons from the Fourth R 135
Table 6. Perceived benefits of core and grade 8 Fourth R programs for students
and teachers
Benefit
For Students
% Teachers Identifying Benefit
(n=25)
Opportunity to develop skills 80%
Use of interactive teaching strategies 80%
Opportunity to practice skills 76%
Awareness of healthy relationships 76%
Healthier relationships 76%
Opportunity to observe peers practice skills 52%
Opportunity to receive feedback from peers 44%
Better help-seeking strategiess 44%
Match to provincial curriculum standards 40%
For Teachers
Students more engaged in materials 64%
Increased my comfort doing role plays 60%
More interesting materials 56%
Learned new teaching strategies 52%
Learned more about relationship violence 48%
Developed better relationships with students 40%
New ideas for teaching other courses 36%
Table 7. Strategies and potential barriers related to sustainability
Panel A: Strategies % Teachers (n = 36)
% Decision-Makers
(n = 25)
Updated curriculum materials 65% 56%
Booster training for teachers 28% 60%
Training for new teachers to use the program 47% 88%
Opportunity to be involved in research 6% 28%
Related professional development opportunities 56% 56%
Recognition from administrators 11% 28%
Support from administrators (or board) 33% 48%
Financial resources to support program 58% 48%
Panel B: Barriers
New programs get introduced 61% 32%
Pressure from parents 50% 0%
New administrators who do not support program 17% 76%
Change in provincial curriculum standards 56% 24%
New teachers who have not received training 61% 64%
Video materials become dated 28% 40%
Costs Not asked 24%
Program fatigue/novelty wears off Not asked 24%

Volume 2: pages 137–168
March/mars 2008
www.prevention-crime.ca
Revue de L’
IPC
R E V I E W
Comprehensive Strategies to
Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence
Mark A. Bellis & Karen Hughes
Centre for Public Health
World Health Organization Collaborating Centre for Violence Prevention
Liverpool John Moores University
R é s u m é
La violence liée à la consommation d’alcool affecte négativement des
millions de vies chaque année et constitue un lourd fardeau à porter pour les
services publics, les collectivités et les économies de partout dans le monde.
Bien qu’une forte proportion des manifestations de cette forme de violence
se produise dans ou près des débits de boisson, l’alcool constitue aussi un
facteur important de certaines formes de violence moins perceptibles,
telles celles qui affectent les enfants, les partenaires sexuels et les aînés, par
exemple. Le rapport entre la consommation d’alcool et les manifestations
de violence est complexe, celles-ci étant aussi essentiellement cycliques ;
l’abus d’alcool et la violence ont des répercussions aggravantes l’un sur
l’autre, et le fait d’avoir été exposé à l’un ou à l’autre au cours de l’enfance
augmente les risques que l’on adopte ces mêmes comportements plus tard
dans la vie. Il faut donc, pour prévenir la violence liée à la consommation
d’alcool, adopter des stratégies d’ensemble qui fassent le lien entre les
mesures destinées à réduire la consommation d’alcool et des interventions
précoces visant à éliminer les facteurs de risque liés à la violence, d’une part,
et des mesures environnementales ayant pour but de créer des milieux de
consommation d’alcool moins propices à l’éclosion de la violence, d’autre
part. L’élaboration de telles stratégies devrait s’appuyer sur des partenariats
solides entre tous les organismes œuvrant à l’élimination et au traitement
de la violence et de l’abus d’alcool, incluant les secteurs de la justice
pénale, de la santé, de l’éducation, des affaires, de même que les secteurs
communautaire et bénévole. Ces partenariats doivent être soutenus par
une mise en commun par les multiples organismes de l’information relative

138 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 139
à l’alcool et à la violence afin que l’on puisse plus facilement cibler les
interventions, et être soutenus aussi par une facilitation à l’échelle nationale
de la collaboration entre les organismes. De tels partenariats permettraient
de mieux orienter les interventions et de les mettre en œuvre de manière
plus économique dans le but d’assurer qu’on s’emploie à résoudre les
problèmes liés à l’alcool et à la violence et qu’on agisse sur le rapport entre
les deux à toutes les étapes de la vie.
A b s t r a c t
Alcohol-related violence damages millions of lives every year and places
huge burdens on public services, communities and economies around the
world. While a large proportion of alcohol-related violence occurs in and
around drinking settings, alcohol is also a major factor in less visible forms
of violence directed at, for example, children, intimate partners and elders.
The relationships between alcohol and violence are complex, yet critically
also cyclical; alcohol misuse and violence both affect and exacerbate each
other, while experiencing either in childhood increases the risk of both in
later life. Preventing alcohol-related violence thus requires comprehensive
strategies that link measures to reduce alcohol use with both targeted early
interventions to prevent the risk factors for violence, and environmental
measures to create drinking environments less conducive to violence. The
development of such strategies should be based on strong partnerships
between all agencies involved in tackling and treating violence and alcohol
misuse, including criminal justice, health, education, business, communities
and voluntary sectors. Such partnerships must be underpinned by multiagency
sharing of intelligence on alcohol and violence to facilitate the
targeting of interventions, and by national facilitation of multi-agency
working. Through such partnerships, interventions can be better directed
and more economically implemented in order to ensure that alcohol,
violence and the relationships between them are addressed at all stages
in the life cycle.
Introduction
As understanding of the role of alcohol in violence, and of the devastating and
long lasting impacts of such violence grows, preventing alcohol-related violence
is increasingly becoming an international priority. Each year over a million
people across the world lose their lives through violence, and in many countries
at least half of all violent deaths occur when perpetrators or victims have been
drinking (e.g. Europe: Anderson & Baumberg, 2006; Canada: Brochu et al.,
1999). Millions more suffer injuries, psychological damage, reduced quality
of life and damaged economic prospects as a consequence of experiencing,
witnessing or fearing alcohol-related violence. The burden on health services,
criminal justice agencies, local authorities, businesses and wider communities
in addressing such violence in a single country is often measured in hundreds
of millions of dollars. However, in many countries tackling alcohol-related
violence has traditionally been considered a criminal justice issue, with the
roles of health and other services limited to treating and supporting victims.
This view is changing, with growing evidence showing that interventions
implemented in a variety of settings can help prevent alcohol-related violence
and, in fact, that the success of many such interventions depends on strong
multi-agency partnerships between health, criminal justice, education,
other public sector bodies, communities and even private businesses. Here
we review such evidence, examining mechanisms to reduce alcohol-related
violence through interventions to: adapt drinking environments to reduce
the likelihood of individuals being involved in violence; alter overall levels of
alcohol consumption and consequently alcohol-related violence; and reduce
the development of violent tendencies – both generic and alcohol-related.
Given this range of potential interventions, we discuss how a balanced strategy
can be developed which reduces alcohol-related violence in the short and
longer term, utilises the individual expertise of different public services in a
multidisciplinary environment, and incorporates action at national, regional
and community levels.
Box 1: Links between alcohol and violence
• Prenatal alcohol exposure is linked to behavioural problems in later life
including delinquent behaviour and violence.
• Alcohol has a direct effect on physical and cognitive functioning, contributing
to violence through, for example, reducing self-control and the ability to
process information and recognise warning signs.
• Dependence on alcohol can mean individuals fail to fulfil care duties, for
example towards children or elders.
• Individual and societal beliefs that alcohol causes aggression can lead to
alcohol being used to prepare for or excuse violent acts.
• Problematic use of alcohol can develop as a coping mechanism amongst
victims of violence.
• Uncomfortable and poorly managed drinking venues contribute to increased
aggression in drinkers.
– World Health Organization, 2006

140 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 141
Relationships Between Alcohol and Violence
Links between alcohol and violence are complex. Alcohol facilitates aggression,
hampers individuals’ ability to avoid violence, can emerge as a coping mechanism
for victims, and can even increase the risk of violent tendencies developing in
those exposed to alcohol in utero (see Box 1). Importantly, both drinking
behaviours and expectations surrounding alcohol are key factors in the link
between alcohol and violence. Thus, individuals who drink more frequently,
in greater quantities and to intoxication are at greatest risk of violence (Steen &
Hunskaar, 2004; Swahn & Donovan, 2005) while those who believe alcohol
will lead to aggression are also more likely to be involved in violence after
drinking (Leonard et al., 2003). Despite wide diversity in drinking behaviours
across the globe, such relationships appear to hold true in many countries.
Equally, the role of alcohol in aggression extends across many different forms
of violence, including youth violence, sexual and intimate partner violence,
and child and elder abuse (see Table 1 on p. 161).
The physical consequences of violence to victims can be devastating, and the
involvement of alcohol in violence increases both the aggression involved in
assaults and the severity of injuries sustained (Hutchison et al., 1998). Further,
the impacts of such violence often extend far beyond physical, emotional and
psychological damage, to include: reducing the use of public transportation,
schooling and public places; limiting opportunities for outdoor play for
children; undermining social cohesion; and damaging efforts to generate
business and tourism. Further, exposure to violence and parental substance use
in childhood has also been linked to much broader long-term life impacts such
as the adoption of health risk behaviours (e.g. substance use, including alcohol
use, and physical inactivity) and later development of conditions including
cancers, stroke, obesity and heart disease (Felitti et al., 1998). Crucially,
the cyclical nature of violence means experiencing or witnessing abuse also
increases risks of violence in later life. Thus, being a victim of child abuse is
associated with, for example, having an abusive intimate partner in adulthood
and even becoming a perpetrator of child abuse (Bensley et al., 2003; Glasser
et al., 2001; Renner & Slack, 2006). Those acting violently at an early age
are equally at risk of repeated violence (Broidy et al., 2003) and for some, a
criminal record permanently damaging their life prospects.
In general, alcohol-related violence places major strains on public resources
and wider communities. For example, in the UK over a million violent
offences are recorded by police each year (Nicholas et al., 2007), with over a
third of offenders estimated to be under the influence of alcohol at the time
of arrest (Strategy Unit, 2003). For health services, Emergency Department
studies consistently show that large proportions of violent injuries requiring
treatment involve alcohol; one study in six countries found between 36.0%
(Spain) and 84.5% (Canada) of patients with violent injuries drank alcohol in
the six hours before injury (MacDonald et al., 2005). In the US, estimates of
the financial costs of violent injury suggest a burden of $5.6 billion annually
to health services (Corso et al., 2007), and MacDonald et al. (2005) found
50.5% of violent injuries in the US are sustained after alcohol consumption.
Further, while working to tackle and treat alcohol-related violence, police and
health staff can themselves become targets of aggression, increasing physical
and mental health problems for workers and negatively impacting on staff
recruitment and retention (Chapman & Styles, 2006; Ray & Ream, 2007).
Developing a Comprehensive Prevention Strategy
Preventing the negative impacts of alcohol-related violence requires a broad
strategic approach that acts to prevent alcohol-related violence where it
occurs, but also addresses the underlying risk factors that render individuals
and communities vulnerable to cycles of violence and alcohol misuse. The
World Health Organization (Krug et al., 2002) recommends an evidencebased
population approach (or public health methodology) which involves:
1) developing and utilising a wide range of data to identify the extent of the
problem and those groups and areas that are most affected; 2) conducting
research to develop understanding of the risk and protective factors associated
with alcohol-related violence; 3) developing and evaluating interventions
to reduce risk and enhance protective factors; and 4) implementing and
disseminating successful interventions widely.
This process is not dissimilar to that already commonly used individually by
many judicial and other agencies. However, the nature of the public health
focus requires an integrated strategy across a wider range of agencies that
utilises existing intelligence, expertise and activities and provides opportunities
for alternative partnership approaches to prevention (see Box 2). Key partners
include those in contact with individuals affected by violence and substance
use (e.g. criminal justice, health services, voluntary organisations); those who
plan, provide and service environments where alcohol is publicly consumed
(e.g. local authorities, town planners, licensing authorities, the alcohol
industry, transport providers); those who impact on wider community issues
(e.g. education, businesses and community leaders); and those who govern the
way in which public services and private businesses operate (local, regional and
national governments).

142 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 143
Intelligence on how a given area or community is affected by alcohol-related
violence can underpin partnership development, increasing awareness of the
impacts of alcohol and violence on partners’ workloads, targets and functioning.
Equally, it enables localised understanding of where and when alcohol-related
violence occurs; which population groups are most at risk; what measures
might best address alcohol-related violence; and where these should be located.
Further, a multi-agency approach allows the opportunity for financial and
other resources to be used flexibly enough to maximise opportunities for
effective prevention.
Box 2. Multi-agency approaches to violence prevention
From national to local levels, effective violence prevention requires multi-agency
working between a wide range of agencies to enable a shared understanding
and approach. The following examples show how such partnerships have been
initiated at different levels in three countries.
Sweden: A city-level partnership for reducing alcohol-related violence
In Stockholm, the STAD (Sweden against alcohol and drugs) project was
initiated in 1996 to reduce alcohol-related problems in licensed premises,
including violence. The project convened a partnership of representatives
from the licensing board, police, the county administration, the national health
board, Stockholm city council, the organisation of restaurant owners, the trade
union for restaurant staff and owners from licensed premises in the city. The
partnership meets regularly to raise awareness of key issues regarding alcoholrelated
problems and to gain strategic support for interventions. Interventions
implemented through the project include responsible service training for bar
staff, training of door supervisors in issues such as conflict management, house
policies for licensed premises and increased enforcement of licensing legislation.
Evaluation of the intervention (up to the year 2000) found a 29% decrease in
violent crimes, and estimated that the programme saved 39 Euros for every
1 Euro invested (Wallin et al., 2003; Månsdotter et al., 2007).
Colombia: Development of a framework for multi-agency crime observatories
Building on the work of the DESEPAZ programme in Cali, Colombia (Krug et
al., 2002), a framework for establishing multi-agency observatories for crime
prevention has been developed and instigated in a range of municipalities
(... Box 2 continued)
across the country. The observatories consist of a surveillance system for injury
mortality (both violent and unintentional) to enable local partners to co-ordinate
responses based on intelligence. Each observatory has an operative committee
including representatives from police, forensic medicine, health services, traffic
authorities, fire services and the public prosecution office, who meet regularly
to share data for the development of monthly intelligence reports. These are
distributed to the municipal administration (the Mayor, health department,
traffic department and other institutions) for the purpose of developing and
monitoring prevention strategies. Evaluation of the surveillance systems in
six participating municipalities resulted in an average decrease in homicide
mortality of almost 50% (Gutierrez-Martinez et al., 2007).
England and Wales: National legislation for partnership development
The Crime and Disorder Act of 1998 placed a duty on every local authority in
England and Wales to form a multi-agency partnership to address crime and
disorder and ensure crime prevention is built into local decision making. These
Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships/Community Safety Partnerships
include representatives from local authorities, police, health services, probation,
education services, local businesses and residents, who meet regularly to
identify and act upon areas of local concern. The partnerships are required to
audit local crime issues and develop evidence-based responses using shared
intelligence and targets. Many local partnerships have prioritised the reduction
and prevention of alcohol-related violence and disorder, particularly focusing
on youth violence in nightlife environments and intimate partner violence. The
partnership approach to these issues allows the various agencies to understand
and develop their role in prevention, prevents conflicting action between
agencies, enables more comprehensive support to be provided to victims of
violence and facilitates the evaluation and monitoring of prevention activity
(Home Office, 2007).
Developing Intelligence for Effective Prevention
Crime data (e.g. police arrest activity) are often the primary source of
intelligence used to target measures to prevent alcohol-related violence. For
example, hotspot analyses to identify areas of high violent crime are increasingly
used to allocate police resources and locate additional deterrence measures

144 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 145
such as lighting and closed circuit television (CCTV) cameras. However it is
well known that many incidents of violence are not reported to the police and
that consequently such data exclude large proportions of violence. Further,
the utility of police data in accurately monitoring trends in alcohol-related
violence is limited due to its dependence on police activity. Thus, an increased
police focus on violent crime often results in increased detection of violence
and higher recorded offences, when in reality violence may remain the same or
even decrease as a result of better deterrence.
Intelligence systems for alcohol-related violence can be enhanced through
inclusion of data from other agencies, in particular health services (Donaldson,
2007). In addition to routinely collected data on victims of assault, health
services offer greater opportunities to question assault victims about the
circumstances of violence in a confidential environment. Thus Emergency
Departments provide an important source of information on alcohol-related
violence, with local systems of data collection having been successfully
developed to help target police activity and other prevention measures (e.g.
Trauma and Injury Intelligence System, 2007; Warburton & Shepherd, 2004).
Such data can help inform preventive activities in environments where violent
tendencies are being nurtured.
Routinely collected data from Emergency Department surveillance systems in
the UK show that while the majority of incidents of alcohol-related violence
are sustained in town and city nightlife areas, those involved in such violence
Box 3: Overcoming barriers to data sharing
on alcohol-related violence
Multi-agency data sharing is key to identifying and addressing alcohol-related
violence, as well as evaluating levels of success in prevention. However, there
can be a number of actual and perceived barriers to effective data collection and
sharing. These include:
Data collection
• Lack of appropriate data collection systems within services and/or resources
for developing data systems;
• Poor computer systems or contracts with software providers that do not
permit data extraction or the addition of new fields for collecting additional
information;
• Lack of understanding among service management and staff of the reasons
for data collection;
(... Box 3 continued)
• Lack of time for data collection in clinical or other settings;
• Lack of training in data collection amongst responsible staff;
• Environmental barriers, such as a lack of private space for questioning clients
about sensitive issues;
• Difficulties in collecting data from drunk individuals; and
• Concerns for staff safety when questioning individuals about sensitive issues.
Data sharing
• Lack of understanding among service management and staff of the
relevance of data sharing;
• Poor quality data collection and an unwillingness to expose this by sharing data;
• Concerns regarding confidentiality and legality of sharing sensitive data;
• Lack of understanding of the level of data that is required; for example
requests for names and addresses of those involved in violence, when
non-identifiable data can suffice;
• Lack of skills or resources for analysing and reporting data; and
• Protective attitudes to data for reasons of personal use, such as
research publication.
Collaborative partnerships at the highest level need to ensure that individuals are
empowered to share data and that those collecting data understand its purposes.
Nationally, a legal framework must be in place which allows data exchange. In the
UK, data sharing within Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships (see Box 2)
has now become a legal requirement through the Police and Justice Act 2006. A
framework code of practice for sharing personal information has been produced
to assist partnerships in developing data sharing (Information Commissioner’s
Office, 2007).
predominantly live elsewhere in highly deprived communities (Bellis et al., in
press). Hospital admissions data also show disproportionate levels of violence
in poorer communities, with levels of violence five times higher in the most
deprived communities compared with the most affluent (Bellis et al., in press).
Understanding the relationship between alcohol and violence in communities
can be further enhanced by data from voluntary organisations, treatment
services, schools, licensing authorities and businesses, as well as population
surveys and research studies. However, legal issues regarding data exchange
often need to be addressed at political levels, while organisational culture can
obstruct data sharing regardless of legality (see Box 3).

146 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 147
Interventions to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence
A range of research has explored the impacts of different interventions on
levels of alcohol-related violence. Much of this work has been conducted
in North America, Northern Europe and Australia where alcohol-related
violence tends to be most visible in public drinking settings. Here, studies have
identified factors such as uncomfortable drinking environments, tolerance of
anti-social behaviour (including drunkenness) in bars, and inadequate late
night transportation as contributors to increased levels of violence (Graham
& Homel, 1997; Homel et al., 2004). Consequently, many interventions
have focused on measures implemented in town and city centre drinking
environments to increase enforcement of alcohol legislation, enhance security
and improve management of licensed premises (see Table 2 on p. 162).
Whilst the evidence base for many of these individual measures is limited,
there is stronger evidence that implementing a combination of environmental
interventions with strong community support can reduce alcohol-related
violence. For example the multi-component STAD project in Stockholm,
Sweden, (see Box 2) reduced violent crime and was found to save 39 Euros for
every 1 Euro invested (Månsdotter et al., 2007; Wallin et al., 2003). Thus,
in societies where alcohol-related violence is concentrated in specific public
settings, environmental measures can provide a rapid and cost effective way of
addressing high-risk groups and reducing highly visible problems. They can be
politically attractive at both local and national levels, often delivering results
in relatively short time scales (Hughes & Bellis, in press).
However, as environmental strategies do not address individual risk factors
for violence, in isolation they can serve to displace alcohol-related violence to
other drinking environments, including homes where intimate partner violence
and child abuse can occur. Furthermore their effects can disappear once
funding ends as individual attitudes and behaviours often remain unchanged.
Consequently, while strategies to reduce alcohol-related violence through
environmental measures alone can produce initial reductions in violence,
sustaining longer term prevention requires a broader strategy to reduce the
fundamental risk factors for involvement in violence.
Reducing Alcohol Availability and Consumption
With excessive alcohol use being a risk factor for violence, several studies have
focused on the impact of measures to reduce alcohol availability or use on
violence (see Table 3 on p. 164). Such interventions can be universal, seeking
to modify population drinking behaviours through, for example, higher
alcohol taxation, reduced numbers of sales outlets, age of purchase legislation
and regulation of alcohol sales (see Box 4); or can target risky or problematic
drinking directly, for instance through screening at primary health care centres
combined with delivery of brief interventions for hazardous or harmful drinkers
(Babor et al., 2001a and 2001b), and treatment for alcohol dependency. Both
types of intervention can contribute to reduced violence. Further, reducing
alcohol consumption not only affects alcohol-related violence but can also
impact on the wide range of other health and social problems associated with
alcohol misuse, including accidents, overdose, and longer term diseases such as
liver cirrhosis and cancers (Jones et al., in press; National Health and Medical
Research Council, 2007).
Population-based alcohol interventions can be difficult to implement as they
require national (sometimes international) policy change, at least some degree .
Box 4: The Russian anti-alcohol campaign
In a radical response to rapidly increasing levels of alcohol consumption and
related mortality in Russia in early 1980s, President Gorbachev implemented an
anti-alcohol campaign that included: raising the legal alcohol purchase age to
21; limiting alcohol service hours and outlets; increasing the price of state-sold
alcoholic beverages; imposing strict legal sanctions on home alcohol production;
and mobilising the community towards temperance. The effects were dramatic.
Between 1984 and 1987, alcohol consumption fell an estimated 25% and
state alcohol sales reduced by 61%. Between 1984 and 1985/6, violent deaths
decreased by 33% and violent deaths specifically related to alcohol use fell by
51%. However, the campaign was unpopular and ended in the late 1980s. By the
early 1990s, market reforms had liberalised alcohol prices and trade, and both
alcohol consumption and violent mortality were on the increase once more.
Problems with such approaches often arise as governments attempt to force
changes in drinking behaviours without successfully addressing established
drinking cultures. Here, individuals will continue to insist on easy access to cheap
alcohol while they remain relatively unaware or unconvinced of the dangers
related to excessive alcohol use or the wider sociological benefits of more
restricted sales.
– Babor et al., 2003; Nemtsov, 1998; WHO Europe, 2006
Brief interventions are short, low-intensity interventions usually consisting of one or more sessions of
motivational interviewing, advice, counselling and/or education to encourage individuals at risk of alcoholrelated
harm to moderate their alcohol consumption. They are not suitable for dependent drinkers who
require more structured treatment services.

148 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 149
of cultural change, and can be strongly resisted by industry. For example,
in many countries the alcohol industry provides significant employment
and contributions to government spending, and is considered central to the
regeneration of city economies. In fact, in many countries policy is attempting
to further stimulate town and city centres through increased alcohol-related
entertainment (e.g. more bars and nightclubs) and in some, such policy
includes introducing longer rather than more restricted alcohol service hours
(e.g. England and Wales, The Licensing Act 2003). Without international
comity in alcohol policy, differences in factors such as alcohol taxation and
price can also affect countries’ abilities to implement population-based
interventions to reduce alcohol access (World Health Organization, 2007).
In Finland, for example, where alcohol taxation has traditionally been high,
the opening of borders to alcohol imports through EU membership led the
government to decrease alcohol taxation in 2004 by an average of 33%, largely
to protect the Finnish alcohol industry from cheap imports from neighbouring
countries (particularly Estonia which became an EU member in 2004). This
decrease was associated with a rise in population alcohol consumption and a
17% increase in alcohol-positive deaths compared with 2003 (based on weekly
average; Koski et al., 2007).
Consequently, despite clear evidence that increased prices, reduced numbers
of sales outlets and strict enforcement of minimum age legislation are all
capable of reducing alcohol-related violence, political imperatives often favour
interventions targeted at those with identified drinking problems. Such
measures, which include brief interventions and treatment services for alcohol
dependence, can be introduced locally to reduce alcohol consumption amongst
those identified as being at risk of, or already experiencing, alcohol-related
problems. In fact such interventions can be an important part of strategies
to reduce alcohol-related violence. Thus, the World Health Organization has
estimated that provision of brief advice in primary care to a quarter of the
European Union’s at-risk population would avoid 408,000 years of disability
and premature death, saving 740 million Euros annually (Anderson &
Baumberg, 2006). Staff working in services that see victims and perpetrators
of violence should also be skilled in questioning clients about alcohol (and
drug) use, including both personal use and that of family members or intimate
partners. Developing links between such services and those providing advice
or treatment for substance use will enable appropriate referral for support
where alcohol and violence are linked.
Addressing Risk and Protective Factors
Both environmental and alcohol-specific interventions can reduce violence by
addressing the links between drinking and violence. However, while alcohol
can be a catalyst for violent episodes, there are a wide range of other factors
that underpin individuals’ risks of being perpetrators or victims of violence.
Tackling these risk factors is crucial for the long-term prevention of all
violence including that related to alcohol. While extensive discussion of these
is beyond this review, Table 4 (see p. 165) summarises a range of risk factors for
violence, the different types of violence they are associated with, and measures
that can be effective in reducing them. Many risk factors for violence stem
from early life experiences (Krug et al., 2002). Consequently, prevention can
focus on parenting and the development of life skills for children through
programmes such as Triple P (Turner & Sanders, 2006); the Fourth R (Wolfe,
2006 ); PATHS (Domitrovich et al., 2007); and the Incredible Years (Gross
et al., 2003). Such programmes have shown success in improving parenting
practices and reducing aggression and other behaviour problems in children
(Krug et al., 2002).
Investing resources in early prevention addresses the root causes of violence
and other negative life outcomes and can bring whole life improvements
to individuals and communities (Krug et al., 2002). Such measures can
appear expensive to implement at a population level, and impacts on violent
crime may take longer to emerge. Consequently, they can be less attractive
investments for public sector bodies with short-term targets to meet. However,
early prevention can be effectively targeted at those most at risk of violence,
such as families in deprived neighbourhoods and parents lacking protective
factors. Further, such interventions can yield positive long-term results that
extend beyond violence reduction, including improved school performance
and reduced substance use and anti-social behaviour (Olds et al., 1998; Olds
et al., 2007). Thus, tackling these issues in early life should result in improved
health and social returns over many years. In order to affect long term change,
early interventions targeted specifically at the most vulnerable groups should be
part of comprehensive strategies to tackle alcohol-related violence and should
be complemented by environmental interventions, alcohol-related treatments
and tertiary prevention (interventions to prevent re-offence) in order to affect
long term change.
See also the article by Crooks, Wolfe, Hughes, Jaffe, & Chiodo in this volume.

150 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 151
Implementing Prevention
Nationally, governments can address taxation and in some circumstances
negotiate more responsible practices by the alcohol industry (e.g., reducing
cheap promotions and “happy hours”; requiring responsible server, door
staff and management training), provide the framework for multi-agency
work and prioritise addressing alcohol-related violence. However, more local
organisation is required to deliver other changes. In some countries, local
partnerships to address alcohol-related violence are already well-established
(see Box 2). Elsewhere, a key factor in developing such partnerships is
identifying for each agency how alcohol and violence are linked and how
partnership approaches can benefit the delivery of existing targets for
individual organisations.
To tackle alcohol-related violence, such bodies must work at both the population
and individual levels. At population levels, multi-agency data exchange should
identify those most affected by alcohol-related violence (e.g. youth in nightlife,
home-based intimate partner violence, child maltreatment). Joint examination
of resources available (including professional and community based), combined
with the evidence base for effectiveness and plausible interventions, provide
the basis for implementing a local strategy. At the individual level, partners
need to identify how affected individuals can better access and utilise alcohol
and violence related services, how their use prevents further acts of violence
and how information collected from such individuals can improve intelligence
and help evaluate progress against strategic targets.
Adopting a Life Course Perspective
From the time before birth, the provision of information targeted at potential
mothers and pregnancy-related services should aim to reduce foetal exposure to
alcohol and increase understanding of the developmental issues and potential
for violence associated with foetal alcohol exposure. At the same time, pregnant
women can be targets of domestic violence, especially where partners misuse
alcohol (Muhajarine & D’Arcy, 1999). Thus maternity services, emergency
units and judicial services must be aware of such risks and have a coordinated
approach to violence prevention and parental support.
Parental alcohol abuse is also a key risk factor for child maltreatment (Berger,
2005; World Health Organization, 2006c). Thus, from birth those responsible
for child health and social services should ensure personnel are aware of and
can identify risks, as well as being able to refer those affected into appropriate
support services. More widely, providing parental support for those with
young children, especially in the most deprived areas, is also an important and
cost effective method for reducing the development of violent tendencies and
alcohol-related problems in later life. Such interventions require local services
working with parents and children, with involvement of education systems
also being an effective mechanism for identifying at risk children, engaging
parents and delivering interventions through school settings (see Table 3).
In early teenage years, individuals will begin trying to access alcohol through
off-license (e.g. liquor stores) and on-license (e.g. bars) premises. Individuals
accessing alcohol outside the parental environment are at higher risks of
alcohol-related violence, and age check schemes should be used along with
effective enforcement of underage legislation to reduce underage sales (Bellis
et al., 2007). Those identified as misusing alcohol at young ages are at an
increased risk of involvement in violence as well as having been victims of
abuse (e.g. Eaton et al., 2007; Simantov et al., 2000), and should be referred
into appropriate services. More widely, educational interventions should
ensure individuals are aware of relationships between alcohol and violence, the
unacceptability of alcohol as a mitigating factor in violence and the covert and
overt roles of alcohol in issues such as sexual assault.
For young adults, the risk of violence resulting from nights out drinking can
be mediated through multi-agency boards leading the design and management
of night time environments. For both young and older adults, access and
affordability are also effective ways of controlling alcohol consumption and
consequently alcohol-related violence. Thus, at a national level, prices should
be reviewed to identify the public health benefits of different pricing regimes.
As individuals move into older age, relationships between alcohol and violence
do not disappear. While little information is available on effective measures
to prevent elder abuse by those with alcohol problems, care facilities and
other services in contact with older adults should at least be aware of these
relationships, be able to detect signs of abuse and understand how abused older
people can be protected (World Health Organization, 2006b).
Such life course interventions are far from exhaustive and prevention should
vary depending on the risks of violence identified through shared intelligence
in each locality. However, in every locality, a wide variety of agencies must .
be genuine partners in tackling alcohol-related violence with strategies
reflecting a prevention agenda rather than one dominated by punitive
responses (Waller, 2006).

152 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 153
Conclusions
Alcohol and violence are intrinsically linked and, both separately and
combined, cause untold damage to individual lives and society. With around
half of all violence typically linked to alcohol use, addressing the role of alcohol
in violence and vice versa is critical in protecting public health, reducing crime
and creating healthy societies. Alcohol is likely to play an important role
in many cultures for the foreseeable future, being commonly regarded as a
central and acceptable constituent in socialising, relaxing and even occasional
self-medication (e.g. coping with a stressful incident). Given such beliefs,
strategies such as those adopted for smoking to dramatically increase numbers
of abstainers (or eradicate use) at least at present are unlikely to be popular
with individuals or their political representatives. Consequently, alcoholrelated
strategies need to focus on how consumption can be consistent with
minimum harm. In many ways alcohol-related violence can be considered a
broad equivalent to passive smoking. Thus, it often means that damage relating
to alcohol is not necessarily suffered by the drinker but by their child, spouse,
friend or simply a stranger occupying the same bar or street. For this reason
especially, it is an issue that governments must address in order to protect the
health of often innocent victims.
Overall, evidence based strategies to tackle alcohol-related violence can be
cost–effective with interventions saving many times more than the outlay
necessary to implement them. However, they require a multi-agency approach
capable of identifying and tackling risk factors for alcohol-related violence
throughout the life course. Implementing the most appropriate measures
requires excellent, shared intelligence on alcohol and violence in each locality.
Legislation must permit justifiable exchange of intelligence between agencies
typically on an anonymous basis for epidemiological purposes, but also on
occasion on an individual basis, especially where such exchange is necessary
to protect individuals. With appropriate intelligence and pooled resources,
a local board empowered to prevent violence and anti-social behaviour can
implement interventions across the life course and utilise the same intelligence
to monitor effectiveness.
At a national level, progress in each locality can be monitored and mechanisms
developed to ensure good practice is shared between localities. Further, national
bodies must also enact supportive legislation providing local authorities with
the resources and powers necessary to prevent and tackle misuse of alcohol and
violent behaviour. Such approaches to prevent alcohol-related violence have
been shown effective and economic. They require only a move away from
a tight judicial focus on tackling violence to a broader life course approach
which acknowledges that violence tendencies are often a malignancy rooted
early in life and one that flourishes when exposed to alcohol, deprivation and
poorly regulated environments.
Acknowledgements
We are very grateful to Zara Anderson, Lisa Jones and Sara Hughes for
contributions to earlier versions of this manuscript. We would also like to
thank Melanie Bania, Ross Hastings and Holly Johnson for comments and
suggestions which helped improve the manuscript considerably.
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Health Organization Regional Office for Europe.
Young, C., & Hirschfield, A. (1999). Crystal clear: Reducing glass related
injury. Liverpool: University of Liverpool.
Table 1. Links between alcohol and violence: Findings from selected
international studies
Type of
Violence
All
Violence
Youth
Violence
Intimate
Partner
Violence
Child
Abuse
Sexual
Violence
Elder
Abuse
Country Statistic Details
Russia
Mexico
Finland
Israel
Australia
USA
Germany
Canada
UK
Norway
67% of homicide offenders drank alcohol
prior to the offence.
50% of ER patients with violent injuries drank
alcohol in the six hours prior to injury.
45% of youths involved in violence (last
month) were under the influence of alcohol
at the time.
Youths who binge drink are 2.5 times more
likely to perpetrate bullying and four times
more likely to be injured in a fight or carry
a weapon.
36% of perpetrators and 31% of victims of
intimate partner homicide drank alcohol at
the time of the event.
72% of female victims of physical abuse
reported using alcohol to cope with the
abuse.
32% of offenders of fatal child abuse were
under the influence of alcohol at the time
of the abuse.
18% of female and 30% of male caregivers
in child welfare investigations had problems
with alcohol misuse.
58% of imprisoned rapists reported drinking
alcohol in the six hours prior to the rape.
Rape victims who drank alcohol prior to the
rape were less likely to achieve a conviction
(40% of rape victims drank alcohol prior to
the assault).
USA 32% of abusers of their parents (age 60+)
were alcohol or drug dependent, as were 7%
of victims.
Canada
15-20% of clients in a substance use
programme for older people were suffering
from abuse.
Homicide trial records in Udmurt Republic,
1998 (n=182 offenders; Chervyakov et al.,
2002).
Patient interviews (n=655) in multiple sites
as part of a six country study (MacDonald et
al., 2005).
Nationally representative sample of 10,883 12,
14, 16 and 18 year olds (Mattila et al., 2005).
Study of 8,394 6th -10th grade Israeli
school children regarding alcohol use and
violent behaviours in past 30 days (Molcho
et al., 2004).
Data from the National Homicide Monitoring
Program, 1989-1996 (n=543 intimate partner
homicides; Carcach & James, 1998).
Interviews with 203 women seeking refuge in
shelters (Wingood et al., 2000).
Police and court records of 39 fatal child abuse
cases, 1985-1990 (Vock et al., 1999).
14,200 child welfare investigations in 2003
(Trocme et al., 2005).
Study of 142 men imprisoned for rape (Grubin
& Gunn, 1990).
141 rape victims treated at University Hospital
of Trondheim, 1989-1992 (Schei et al., 1995).
204 confirmed cases of abuse identified to
the Wisconsin elder abuse reporting system,
1987-1988 (Greenburg et al., 1990).
Clients in the Seniors Well Aware Program for
55+ with alcohol and other drug problems
(Bradshaw & Spencer, 1999).

164 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 165
Table 2. Examples of environmental measures to reduce alcoholrelated
violence
Improving Licensed Premises
Improving Nightlife Environments
Intervention Outline Effectiveness
Voluntary
codes of
practice
Responsible
Beverage
Service (RBS)
training
Door
supervisor
training
Enforcement
activity
Pub Watch
schemes
Award
schemes
Late night
transportation
Street drinking
bans
Increased
street security
measures
Local agreements between bar owners
to implement consistent measures to
prevent drunkenness and violence, e.g.
banning cheap drinks promotions, proof
of age schemes.
Training programmes for alcohol servers
to increase knowledge of alcohol-related
issues and develop service skills, e.g.
age verification and service refusal to
drunk patrons.
Training programmes for door supervisors
and security staff to improve skills and
practice, e.g. communication, conflict
resolution, calming measures.
Enforcement of licensing and alcohol
legislation by police and other authorities,
e.g. testing service refusal to underage or
intoxicated patrons.
Partnerships between local licensees
and police, typically involving banning
schemes preventing troublemakers from
accessing all venues in the scheme or
nightlife area.
Schemes to reward good management of
licensed premises that adhere to agreed
safety and practice standards.
Improving provision of safe late night
transportation options from nightlife
areas and increasing security on
transportation and at loading and
unloading points.
Legislation making consumption of
alcohol in unlicensed public places
an offence.
For example, high profile policing,
improvements to street lighting, use of
closed circuit television (CCTV) cameras,
public help points.
Implementation in Australia linked to
reduced assaults and crime when combined
with strong police support.
Evidence suggests RBS training can improve
staff knowledge and attitudes; some studies
show positive impacts on server practice
and reduced blood alcohol levels among
bar customers.
Evidence suggests programmes can reduce
aggression in bars but such effects are
moderated by rapid staff turnover.
Can have significant effects on server
practice but effects can decline rapidly after
testing and consequently requires regular
top-up enforcement activity.
Limited evaluation; in UK linked to reduced
assaults and improved perceptions of safety
in nightlife areas.
Limited evaluation; widely adopted in
UK as an incentive to improve practice in
licensed premises.
Improved late night transportation provision
and security linked to reduced violence and
increased public perceptions of safety in
town and city centres.
Some evidence of reductions in crime,
disorder and street littering (New Zealand)
as well as increased public perceptions of
safety (UK).
Some evidence for CCTV and improved
lighting in reducing crime and improving
public perceptions of safety. Limited
evaluation for other security measures.
Improving Nightlife Environments
Intervention Outline Effectiveness
Increased
powers to
address
alcoholrelated
disorder
Information
campaigns
Broader
Community
Interventions
Legislative measures to enable police and
other authorities to punish anti-social
behaviour using minimum resources
without removing police from nightlife
environments, e.g. on the spot fines.
Posters and other media located in
nightlife areas to raise awareness of the
risks of excessive drinking and related
violence.
Broader strategies to reduce alcoholrelated
violence and disorder and increase
safety in nightlife areas; a combination
of the above co-ordinated through multiagency
action groups.
Limited evaluation; in Scotland, early
indications from on-the-spot fines suggest
they can be effective in saving police time,
with low levels of re-offending noted.
Limited evaluation; one UK campaign linked
to reduced glass-related injuries when
combined with wider awareness raising and
enforcement activities.
Evidence from several countries (e.g.
Australia, Sweden) suggests integrated
strategies can effectively reduce nightlife
violence. Successful strategies have included
better late night transportation, reduced
intoxicated individuals in bars, improved
behavioural standards, staff training
and increased comfort (e.g. seating)
in drinking settings.
Sources: Babor et al., 2003; Eberst & Staines, 2006; Farrington & Welsh, 2002; Felson et al.,
1997; Graham, 2000; Graham et al., 2004; Hughes & Bellis, in press; Ramsay, 1990; Webb
et al., 2004; Welsh & Farrington, 2002; Young & Hirschfield, 1999.

166 I P C R e v i e w 2 Comprehensive Strategies to Prevent Alcohol-Related Violence 167
Table 3. Alcohol-focused interventions that can impact on violence
Intervention
Increasing
Alcohol Prices
Reducing
Alcohol Outlet
Density
Regulating
Alcohol Sales
Reducing Young
People’s Access
to Alcohol
Brief
Interventions 3
for Risky
Drinkers
Treatment
for Alcohol
Problems
Evidence
In the US, it has been estimated that increases in the price
of alcohol (e.g. through excise tax) would reduce violence,
including child maltreatment and intimate partner violence
(Markowitz, 2000; Markowitz et al., 1998).
Analysis of the spatial geography of alcohol outlets in the US
suggests reducing the density of licensed premises would
reduce levels of violence, including child maltreatment
(e.g. Freisthler et al., 2007).
Experience from several countries shows extended alcohol
service hours (e.g. later opening of bars) to be associated with
increased violence (Plant & Plant, 2005). In Brazil, legislation
prohibiting alcohol sales after 23:00 contributed to reduced
incidence of homicide (Pacific Institute for Research and
Evaluation, 2004).
Legal drinking age legislation can influence both youth
drinking and violence (Babor et al., 2003). In the US, higher
legal drinking ages were found to reduce violent deaths in
15-24 year olds (Jones et al., 1992). The effectiveness of age
legislation can depend on enforcement; measures such as
regular test purchases by underage volunteers can reduce
underage sales (Wagenaar et al., 2005).
Screening and brief interventions in health settings can reduce
alcohol use in risky drinkers, including victims of alcoholrelated
violence attending Emergency Departments (Smith et
al., 2003). There is less evidence for their use in criminal justice
settings; reduced injury (but not violent offending) has been
seen in perpetrators of violence following brief interventions
implemented in courts (Watt & Shepherd, 2005).
Treatment for alcohol dependence can reduce intimate partner
violence in couples affected by both issues; however violence
reductions typically depend on sustained abstinence from
alcohol (Klostermann, 2006; Stuart et al., 2003).
Partners for
Implementation
• Government
• Alcohol industry
• Government
• Local authorities
• Town planners
• Licensing authorities
• Alcohol industry
• Government
• Licensing authorities
• Government
• Trading standards
• Alcohol industry
• Police
• Health services
• Criminal justice agencies
• Alcohol treatment
services
• Voluntary agencies
• Criminal justice agencies
3 Brief interventions are short, low-intensity interventions usually consisting of one or more sessions of
motivational interviewing, advice, counselling and/or education to encourage individuals at risk of alcoholrelated
harm to moderate their alcohol consumption. They are not suitable for dependent drinkers who
require more structured treatment services.
Table 4. Risk factors and interventions to address becoming a victim or
perpetrator of violence
Risk Factors 4
• Unwanted pregnancy
• Teenage pregnancy
• Having >3 siblings
• Neural damage
• Maternal pre or
post natal stress
• Maternal depression
• Parental conflict
• Impaired mother/child
bonding
• Lack of child stimulation
• Inconsistent or harsh,
physical punishment
Youth
Violence
Type of Violence
Intimate
Partner
Violence
Child Abuse
Elder Abuse
Sexual
Violence
Intervention
• • • • Developing
services
to reduce
unwanted
pregnancy
• • • £ • Increase access
to pre and post
natal services
• • • £ Home visiting
services
• • • £ • Parenting
programmes
• Victim of child abuse • • • £ • Treatment
programmes
for child
abuse victims
• Low academic
expectations
• Poorly defined
school rules
• Aggressive behaviour
in childhood
• Hyperactivity
• Bullying others
• Poor academic
achievement
• Truancy
• • • ¢ • Improving
school culture
• • • £ • Social
development
training
• • • £ • Academic
enrichment
programmes
Selected
Partners
• Health services
• Social services
• Education
• Health services
• Health services
• Social services
• Health services
• Social services
• Education
• Health services
• Voluntary
services
• Social services
• Education
• Communities
• Education
• Education
(continued on page 168…)
4 Risk factors are not causes of violence and their presence does not guarantee that a person will become either a
victim or perpetrator of violence. They are factors that research has identified as links to violence.

168 I P C R e v i e w 2
Type of Violence
Risk Factors 4
Youth
Violence
Intimate
Partner
Violence
Child Abuse
Elder Abuse
Sexual
Violence
Intervention
Selected
Partners
• Bullying others
• Having delinquent
friends
• Unrecognised victim
of violence
• Social deprivation
• Inequalities
• Weak police and judicial
system
• • £ £ • Anti-bullying
programmes
• • • • • Train health
staff in
screening,
identifying
and referring
victims of
violence*
• • • £ • De-concentrate
poverty
and reduce
inequalities
• • • • • Strengthen
police and
judicial systems
• Education
• Health staff
• Government
• Local
authorities
• Health services
• Communities
• Government
• Criminal justice
agencies
£ Evidence that risk factors are associated with increased risk of being perpetrators
of violence.
• Evidence that risk factors are associated with increased risk of being victims of violence.
* For alcohol-related violence, a critical issue is that alcohol services can recognise signs of
those being violently abused or a perpetrator of violence, understand what services they
can refer into and engage those services in treating a client. Services dealing with violence
and abuse should equally be able to identify alcohol-related problems as well as being
aware of, and able to utilise, alcohol support services.
Sources: Krug et al., 2002; McVeigh et al., 2005.

Institut pour la prévention de la criminalité
Institute for the Prevention of Crime
Faculté des sciences sociales / Faculty of Social Sciences
Université d’Ottawa / University of Ottawa
Ottawa ON K1N 6N5 Canada
613-562-5798
IPC@uOttawa.ca
www.prevention-crime.ca
ISSN 1913-1941