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<strong>DI</strong>PARTIMENTO <strong>DI</strong> SCIENZE ECONOMICHE<br />

finding something better.<br />

All survey data that try to capture displacement are plagued to some degree by selection<br />

bias. If workers have expectations about the economic viability of their firm then those<br />

workers with good outside prospects in the labor market might quit the firm before it is<br />

closed down or before mass layoffs occur, leaving those colleagues with “worse”<br />

characteristics behind. In restructuring firms that do not close down but initiate mass<br />

layoffs, “better quality” workers might, however, remain with the firm as post-restructuring<br />

productivity gains might imply high wage growth (see e.g. Pfann (2001)). Certain workers<br />

could be encouraged to quit to save the firm redundancy payments. Whatever the selection<br />

mechanism, as long as this mechanism exists, displacement is not a purely exogenous event.<br />

Are selection problems related to mass layoffs and plant closure particularly strong in a<br />

transition economy? Potential failure or poor performance of firms might be easier to<br />

perceive in a transition economy and good workers might then be more likely to leave the<br />

firm long before closure or large-scale labor shedding than in the West. On the other hand,<br />

good workers may have more reason to hold on to their old job in restructuring firms<br />

because of higher future rewards after restructuring. Workers may also hold on to their jobs<br />

because of greater uncertainty in a rapidly changing transition labor market. This<br />

uncertainty is particularly strong in the early stages of transition. Which of these scenarios<br />

prevails in a transition economy is not clear a priori. In this project, we will allow for<br />

unobserved heterogeneity in the estimates of jobless duration and the cost of job loss. At<br />

any rate, when comparing those who quit with those who are displaced, we will keep a<br />

caveat of potential selection bias in mind.<br />

The project will also analyze directly the pecuniary costs of displacement using the method<br />

employed in Lehmann, Philips and Wadsworth (2005). In the Ukrainian case, we have<br />

information on the year and month of any job change and the duration of any intervening<br />

non-employment spell. Respondents are also asked to give gross monthly wages received at<br />

certain periods covered by the survey, typically at one-year intervals. If a worker leaves or<br />

loses a job they are asked to give their final salary. If a worker starts a new job they are<br />

asked to give their starting salary. Those who stay in their job are asked to give their wages<br />

in December of each year and this forms the basis of wage change for the “control” group,<br />

against which wage changes for displaced workers will be compared. Simply comparing<br />

wage changes before and after job loss for displaced workers does not account for any wage<br />

growth that the worker might have experienced had they remained in the job.<br />

The use of a control group of job stayers can account for this effect, (so called “differencein-difference”<br />

estimation). The displacement supplement to the RLFS will have similarly<br />

structured wage questions to ensure comparability across the two countries.<br />

One of the aim of the project will be to collect supplementary information on the predisplacement<br />

wage history of workers, which allows us to get a better handle on an<br />

“Ashenfelter wage dip” that workers might experience even before displacement takes place<br />

as reported by Jacobsen, LaLonde and Sullivan (1993) for U.S. workers. Having predisplacement<br />

wage information also enables us to use a matching variant of the “differencein<br />

difference” estimator that conditions on similar pre-displacement wage profiles of the<br />

treatment (displacement) group and the control group, thus minimizing problems arising<br />

from selection bias. While with national survey data it might be difficult to establish the<br />

“true” pre-displacement wage history of workers, the post-displacement survey data that we

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