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Speech by John Adank, NZ

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SPEECH NOTES FOR JOHN ADANK, <strong>NZ</strong> PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE TO<br />

THE WTO (GENEVA)<br />

FOR A<strong>NZ</strong>MEX SEMINAR “TRADING WITH ASIA”,<br />

MEXICO CITY, 17 APRIL 2012<br />

� Thank you for the opportunity to talk today about New Zealand’s trading<br />

relationship with the Asia-Pacific region and the positive impact of our free<br />

trade negotiations on our economic links across the Asia-Pacific region.<br />

� Mexico and New Zealand are of course not only both part of the Asia-Pacific<br />

region but are also direct neighbours across the Pacific. Mexico’s Pacific<br />

Coast is just as close to New Zealand as its Atlantic Coast is to Europe.<br />

� And In the last twenty or more years, in addition to our cooperation in the<br />

WTO, we have both been involved in a range of FTA initiatives.<br />

� New Zealand is, however, further ahead than Mexico in developing<br />

relationships with our Asian neighbours, and our experience in this area which<br />

I’ll talk about today is useful to consider as Mexico seeks to broaden its own<br />

links into the region.<br />

� First, a few facts about Asia and why it has increasingly figured so highly on<br />

New Zealand’s economic agenda:<br />

o Importantly, Asia is a diverse region – it is not homogeneous. There<br />

are huge geographic, economic, political, social and religious<br />

differences across the region. This makes for considerable dynamism.<br />

o Asia - including the world’s most populous nations of India and China -<br />

has a combined population of more than 3.8 billion - over half of the<br />

world’s population.<br />

o Asia has led the world in economic growth in the past 20 years. The<br />

region is expected to contribute 43% of the world’s economic growth <strong>by</strong><br />

2020. By 2030 China and India are projected to be the world's largest<br />

and third largest economies, jointly accounting for about 35 per cent of<br />

global population.<br />

o Asian G20 members include China, India, Japan, South Korea and<br />

Indonesia.<br />

o Asia’s average life expectancy is rising as are levels of education and<br />

wealth.<br />

o China is set to become the world’s second biggest consumer market,<br />

and India will be rivalling the bigger European markets <strong>by</strong> 2020.


o Asia’s vast and increasingly wealthy customer base is shaping the<br />

region into a centre of innovation and influence upon consumer trends.<br />

� This is why Asia is fundamentally important to <strong>NZ</strong>’s economic wellbeing. Asia<br />

accounted for more than 41% of our total two-way trade in the 2009 calendar<br />

year. Six of our current top 10 trading partners are in Asia. In sum, Asia<br />

looms very large on <strong>NZ</strong>’s horizon strategically, economically, socially, and<br />

culturally. And I should just note here that based on recent survey findings,<br />

<strong>NZ</strong>ers seem to be increasingly conscious of just how important Asia is to our<br />

future prosperity. This includes a finding that 4 out of 5 <strong>NZ</strong>ers believe that<br />

Asian migrants contribute significantly to the country and bring valuable<br />

cultural diversity.<br />

� Yet for many decades <strong>NZ</strong>’s geographical location on the rim of the Asia-<br />

Pacific region was seen as a major strategic disadvantage. Particularly in<br />

this 21st century, it has become a major strategic advantage. For example,<br />

New Zealand is located halfway between Latin America and Asia and can<br />

provide a useful gateway into the Asian market for some Latin American<br />

businesses, as well as travellers.<br />

� Let me now explain how New Zealand has strategically sought to create a<br />

template for Asia Pacific trade and investment integration over the last ten<br />

years. And to tell you about some of the results of that vision.<br />

A<strong>NZ</strong> Trade integration<br />

� The beginning of this story starts with Australia. <strong>NZ</strong>’s closest and broadest<br />

trading relationship is naturally with Australia. These days we take this for<br />

granted. But it’s important to remind ourselves of just how long it took for the<br />

two Trans-Tasman neighbours to recognise the value of free trade.<br />

� Some of you might be surprised to hear that the first ever trade agreement<br />

utilising the NAFTA acronym was in fact the “New Zealand Australia Free<br />

trade Agreement” concluded in 1965, at a time when <strong>NZ</strong> in trade terms was<br />

very much Britain’s farm in the South Pacific.<br />

� This antipodean NAFTA was an attempt to promote diversification of our trade<br />

profile. Sadly, it was not a great success, having only a modest impact on<br />

trade given the highly complex and only limited trade liberalising aspects of<br />

the agreement.<br />

� But we learned a number of lessons from this, and the subsequent A<strong>NZ</strong><br />

Closer Economic Relations Agreement (CER) concluded in 1983 has<br />

proved to be a stellar success. At the time of signature it was considered the<br />

most comprehensive economic partnership agreement in the world. Free<br />

trade in goods between Australia and New Zealand was achieved in 1990 and<br />

we are now working towards the long term vision of creating a seamless<br />

trans-Tasman economy – known as the Single Economic Market agenda. The<br />

success of CER has served to reinforce New Zealand’s commitment to high<br />

quality, comprehensive free trade agreements and win/win scenarios.


� The closer integration of the A<strong>NZ</strong> economies was an important pre-requisite<br />

to the wider A<strong>NZ</strong> push into Asia. This took some time to commence,<br />

however, and for over a decade and a half after the conclusion of CER neither<br />

we nor Australia concluded substantive FTAs with Asian countries. During<br />

this period of course Mexico was very much preoccupied with the FTA<br />

arrangements in its own immediate neighbourhood under NAFTA. So we had<br />

to play catch-up.<br />

A<strong>NZ</strong> Integration with ASEAN<br />

� But we eventually began this process. And the beginning of all of this was the<br />

decision taken <strong>by</strong> Singapore and New Zealand to negotiate an FTA – called a<br />

Closer Economic partnership - which was concluded in 2001. It’s fair to say<br />

that some wondered at the time what was the point of this given that both <strong>NZ</strong><br />

and Singapore were very open economies with very few real trade barriers.<br />

� But the strategic significant of this initiative should not be underestimated. For<br />

it provided the first step in what would eventually see the deeper integration of<br />

the A<strong>NZ</strong> CER relationship with ASEAN through the conclusion of a number of<br />

additional bilateral and plurilateral agreements involving ASEAN members.<br />

This includes in <strong>NZ</strong>’s case not only bilateral agreements with Thailand (2004)<br />

and Malaysia (2010) but also the Pacific-4 Agreement involving <strong>NZ</strong>, Brunei,<br />

Singapore as well as Chile (2005).<br />

� The most concrete manifestation of CER/ASEAN trade integration is the<br />

ASEAN-Australia-<strong>NZ</strong>-FTA (AA<strong>NZ</strong>FTA) concluded in 2010. This<br />

Agreement extends the original building block of the CER with Australia to<br />

include the 10 economies in South East Asia (ASEAN).<br />

� Collectively, ASEAN is now <strong>NZ</strong>'s third-largest export market for merchandise<br />

goods; one in every eight export dollars is earned in ASEAN; one in five of<br />

New Zealand dairy export dollars earned is in ASEAN. And this is going to<br />

get better as the FTA means within 12 years 99% of <strong>NZ</strong>'s current trade with<br />

Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Viet Nam will be duty free.<br />

� For <strong>NZ</strong> businesses operating in these markets this is a major advancement in<br />

terms of their market access into these major and growing markets. But<br />

AA<strong>NZ</strong>FTA does more than simply address tariff lines for merchandise trade.<br />

One of its key strengths is its comprehensiveness, in that it covers services,<br />

investment and other areas.<br />

� AA<strong>NZ</strong>FTA is now firmly established as one of the key building blocks for the<br />

promotion of closer regional economic integration.<br />

� But there are a number of other initiatives that <strong>NZ</strong> has pursued with other key<br />

Asian economies well beyond our cooperation with ASEAN.<br />

<strong>NZ</strong>/China FTA


� The New Zealand-China FTA has been a great success for both parties.<br />

Here are just a few examples of what having an FTA with China has meant for<br />

New Zealand:<br />

o Since the FTA entered into force in October 2008, New Zealand’s trade<br />

with China has increased <strong>by</strong> more than 50 per cent.<br />

o China is New Zealand’s second largest trading partner (<strong>NZ</strong>$12.9<br />

billion) and in 2011 became our largest source of imports – overtaking<br />

Australia for the first time. Exports have tripled in the three years since<br />

the China FTA entered into force in October 2008.<br />

o Total merchandise trade with China is growing faster than for any of<br />

our other major trading partners and is on track to double to <strong>NZ</strong>$20<br />

billion <strong>by</strong> 2015.<br />

o We now trade with China in less than five hours what we traded with<br />

China in a year back in 1972 when New Zealand established<br />

diplomatic relations with China.<br />

o Growth in trade with China has helped <strong>NZ</strong> offset the worst effects of<br />

the global economic recession.<br />

� The FTA is an excellent example of a high quality, 21st century agreement.<br />

Our two-year review of the FTA reiterated its relevance to both economies<br />

and our commitment to continual improvement in our bilateral trade<br />

structures.<br />

� It is complemented <strong>by</strong> a genuine Closer Economic Partnership between<br />

New Zealand and Hong Kong which was signed in March 2010.<br />

� Although China is New Zealand’s 2 nd largest trading partner, we are only<br />

China’s 52 nd trading partner. But China recognises <strong>NZ</strong> for the so-called “Four<br />

Firsts”. New Zealand was the first nation to support China's accession to the<br />

WTO; the first to formally recognize China as a market economy; and the first<br />

to commence, then complete, free trade negotiations with China. <strong>NZ</strong>’s<br />

willingness to be a pioneer in these areas has been clearly appreciated <strong>by</strong><br />

China and contributed to the considerable goodwill at the heart of the trade<br />

relationship.<br />

Our Longer Term Vision<br />

� The Agreements concluded to date represent in our view important building<br />

blocks towards our longer term vision which is to address the complex<br />

network of free trade agreements spanning the Asia-Pacific – the so-called<br />

“noodle bowl” of overlapping and sometimes contradictory regimes.<br />

� New Zealand and Mexico work together in APEC – and this network has done<br />

some valuable work in untangling the noodle bowl. In fact it was APEC<br />

leaders that first endorsed the long term goal of a Free Trade Area for the<br />

Asia Pacific.


� There are also other integration proposals in the Asia region. The East Asia<br />

Summit has agreed to look at the prospects for a Comprehensive Economic<br />

Partnership in East Asia (CEPEA) – the ASEAN + 6 which would involve the<br />

ten ASEAN countries, plus the three north Asian economies of China, Korea<br />

and Japan, as well as Australia, New Zealand and India.<br />

� These are bold concepts which are proceeding steadily and incrementally,<br />

through technical work, although no political decisions have yet been taken<br />

on how to translate these concepts into a mandate for an actual trade<br />

negotiation.<br />

� These efforts are all important responses to the realities of global and regional<br />

trade and investment patterns. There is a sense that each of our economies<br />

needs to move forward on the trade agenda where it can, especially given<br />

that we are stuck at the WTO level.<br />

� For all of these reasons New Zealand is an enthusiastic supporter of the<br />

various regional economic integration initiatives under way. Importantly, we<br />

see these as complementary - as potential pathways towards the same<br />

ultimate strategic objective of free trade across the Asia Pacific region.<br />

TPP<br />

� And that brings me to – the Trans Pacific Partnership – which I know, now,<br />

is a key focus for Mexico.<br />

� When the Pacific 4 negotiations (between Chile, New Zealand, Brunei and<br />

Singapore) finished in 2005, its parties agreed to begin negotiating on<br />

financial services and investment within two years of its entry into force. This<br />

P-4 Agreement was a significant one again strategically, as it encompassed<br />

countries from within CER, ASEAN and Latin America.<br />

� It opened people’s minds up to a vision of a broader based negotiation from<br />

across these sub regions and into others. Hence, soon after the revised P-4<br />

negotiations began in 2008 the United States announced it wanted to<br />

participate fully in the negotiations, and Australia, Peru, and Viet Nam<br />

followed suit. And this gave birth to the TPP process.<br />

� In November 2009, President Barack Obama said that the United States<br />

would engage with TPP countries "with the goal of shaping a regional<br />

agreement that will have broad-based membership and the high standards<br />

worthy of a 21st century trade agreement".<br />

� Negotiations for an expanded agreement began in March 2010 and later that<br />

year Malaysia joined the negotiations. TPP now involves a total of nine<br />

APEC economies.<br />

� At the APEC Leaders’ Meeting in Honolulu last November, the nine APEC<br />

members involved in TPP were able to take some important decisions to<br />

consolidate politically the TPP negotiations.


� Trade Ministers defined the broad outlines of a deal and this was endorsed <strong>by</strong><br />

Leaders. It represents the base from which the negotiations will proceed.<br />

� There is a lot of difficult work still to do in order to overcome the sensitivities in<br />

the negotiation, but the broad outlines agreed in Honolulu are an important<br />

milestone in that process.<br />

� As we enter this more intensive phase of the negotiations, every participating<br />

economy has committed to delivering a high quality, comprehensive outcome<br />

in TPP.<br />

� At the Honolulu meeting, Leaders also directed negotiators to finalise the TPP<br />

agreement this year. That is an ambitious timetable, but nonetheless one to<br />

which the group is working to deliver on.<br />

� The eleventh negotiating round took place in March in Melbourne, Australia.<br />

Subsequent rounds will be held at six to eight week intervals during the year.<br />

Many of the individual working groups have also been meeting<br />

intersessionally in order to maintain the momentum.<br />

� While we are aiming for a 21 st century trade agreement – there remain some<br />

outstanding issues from the 2oth century trade agenda. It is important to<br />

appreciate therefore the commitment in the TPP Trade Ministers’ Report<br />

(endorsed <strong>by</strong> Leaders in Honolulu) to eliminate tariffs and other barriers to<br />

trade, with the goal of “comprehensive duty free access to each other’s goods<br />

markets”.<br />

� All of the TPP negotiators understand that this will not be easy. This is the<br />

political challenge facing TPP members. WTO-consistent transitional<br />

arrangements will be necessary.<br />

� With respect to the sensitive agriculture sector, it may well take a decade to<br />

allow for gradual and progressive liberalisation. But “elimination” of tariffs is<br />

the aim.<br />

� I wanted to comment here on New Zealand’s dairy objectives in the TPP and<br />

related contexts, which we know is a topic of interest to the agriculture sector<br />

here in Mexico.<br />

� There are a number of realities about this which are not well understood:<br />

New Zealand is a small producer of dairy products. We produce only 2.5 per<br />

cent of world milk, which is equivalent to the same amount that the Indian<br />

state of Uttar Pradesh produces. There is scope to increase production. Our<br />

exports could therefore increase <strong>by</strong> around 2-3 per cent per annum. Based<br />

on these projections, New Zealand could produce another 4 to 7 million<br />

tonnes of wholemilk equivalent <strong>by</strong> 2025.<br />

� But that increase in production is far outstripped <strong>by</strong> the projected growth in<br />

demand for milk – especially from the likes of China and India. New Zealand<br />

will not be flooding TPP dairy markets. There is a great future for all dairy


producers. (And New Zealand has a lot of technological expertise to share in<br />

this sector. We have a long history of agri-business innovation).<br />

� Returning to the ambition of TPP, the TPP Trade Ministers Report commits<br />

each TPP member to establishing a single schedule – a technical term used<br />

to describe legal commitments to open markets to imports – for all the other<br />

TPP partner countries.<br />

� The report also states there will be common rules of origin in TPP that will<br />

make it easier for businesses to take advantage of the agreement as well as<br />

encourage the use of TPP inputs.<br />

� Recent OECD research has shown that 56 per cent of overall goods trade<br />

flows are in intermediate products, i.e. parts or components that are traded<br />

across national borders before becoming part of a final traded product. (A<br />

recent report on US/Mexico trade under NAFTA illustrates this point. The<br />

study, entitled Working Together: Economic Ties between the US and Mexico,<br />

<strong>by</strong> Christopher E Wilson of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for<br />

Scholars, informs us that a full 40% of the content of US imports from Mexico<br />

is actually produced in the United States)<br />

The new nature of trade – Global and Regional Supply Chains<br />

� To be globally competitive, businesses need to lower operating costs and to<br />

be close to their markets and customers. The old concept of selling vertically<br />

integrated products manufactured in one country is outdated. There are huge<br />

productivity gains from this intra-industry trade leading to global supply chains<br />

which now dominate world trade.<br />

� We already have examples of New Zealand firms setting up plants in Mexico<br />

for this very reason, and I’m sure there will be more in the future. Two<br />

companies, Fisher and Paykel Healthcare and Fisher and Paykel Appliances,<br />

have established factories in the north of Mexico, which sell primarily to the<br />

US market. Another company, Avohealth, is currently establishing a plant in<br />

Jalisco, with a Mexican partner, to produce avocado oil for export.<br />

� This increased economic interdependency and complex production and<br />

distribution patterns requires clear and coherent rules for trade and<br />

investment. The TPP negotiation is addressing this challenge.<br />

� This includes examining “behind the border” issues such as regulatory and<br />

non-tariff barriers that pose major hurdles for businesses in the 21 st century.<br />

� Maintaining and enforcing this complex array of regulations is costly and<br />

resource-consuming and increasingly there is a need to harmonise standards<br />

and regulatory requirements to facilitate trade.


� This should allow businesses to operate in a competitive, innovative<br />

environment with low compliance costs. This is a key objective for TPP.<br />

Mexico’s interest in TPP<br />

� So that is the TPP story so far, and what I hope it illustrates is how TPP did<br />

not just happen overnight but evolved from a range of earlier “building block”<br />

initiatives that New Zealand negotiators and other partners have pursued<br />

doggedly over the last ten years.<br />

� But a discussion of TPP here today would of course not be complete without<br />

noting also the interest expressed <strong>by</strong> Mexico in joining TPP which New<br />

Zealand has welcomed.<br />

� Mexico – as well as Japan and Canada – have begun the process of<br />

engaging with the TPP members. It is not a straightforward process. Any<br />

decision on new members will need to be made <strong>by</strong> Ministerial consensus<br />

among the nine members of TPP. Before that, each of the three interested<br />

countries needs to complete a process of bilateral consultations with each of<br />

the nine current TPP members.<br />

� For New Zealand’s part, we have told each of the three that we are keen to<br />

ensure that any expansion of membership does not result in a dilution of the<br />

high quality objectives expressed <strong>by</strong> TPP Leaders and Trade Ministers at<br />

APEC. Essentially any new member needs to commit to that vision.<br />

� This is especially important in reference to comprehensive market access<br />

through the elimination of tariffs and other non-tariff barriers to trade in goods<br />

and services. We will need to see clear commitment in this respect.<br />

� We are also keen to ensure that there is no slow-down in the pace of<br />

negotiations.<br />

� New Zealand stakeholders have been consulted about expanding the<br />

membership of TPP and agree with this. Companies trading with Mexico,<br />

Canada and Japan highlighted the advantages to their trade and economic<br />

objectives of bringing those partners into the negotiations, provided that there<br />

is no dilution of the current ambition as regards scope and timeline for the<br />

negotiations.<br />

� As regards Mexico specifically, our two countries have both long been<br />

committed to seeking ways of promoting greater trade and economic links,<br />

and indeed there has been progress over the years in increasing our<br />

economic relationship: but there is potential for much more.<br />

� Our economies are complementary and, as I’ve pointed out, we’re both<br />

partners in the broader Asia-Pacific community. Both governments have in the


Conclusion<br />

past carried out studies on the feasibility of a bilateral FTA, but current<br />

regional dynamics and particularly the evolution of the TPP point to another<br />

route that, sooner or later, will bring our economies closer together and<br />

enhance opportunities for both of us.<br />

� In conclusion, I have outlined the evolution of a model for economic<br />

integration across the Asia Pacific, culminating in the current TPP negotiation.<br />

This is an ambitious undertaking – both in terms of content and pace – and<br />

will, no doubt, require some hard political and economic challenges as<br />

regional integration advances. Mexico remains a key partner in the<br />

Asia/Pacific and we are keen to deepen our conversation with Mexico on how<br />

we can expand cooperation across our shared neighbourhood.

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