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The Third-Person Effect in Communication W. Phillips Davison The ...

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12 W. PHILLIPS DAVISON<br />

communication as a major variable to be built <strong>in</strong>to their research<br />

designs (for example, Schanck, 1932 and 1938; Colombotos et al.,<br />

1975; Fields and Schuman, 1976; O'Gorman and Garry, 1976).<br />

Schanck does, however, remark <strong>in</strong> connection with one controversy<br />

<strong>in</strong> Elm Hollow that "cont<strong>in</strong>uous advocacy of a position by a m<strong>in</strong>ority<br />

leads them (the majority) to a belief that this stand may be fairly<br />

universal <strong>in</strong> their group" (Schanck, 1938:93).<br />

To test the notion that the third-person effect plays a part <strong>in</strong> the<br />

creation of pluralistic ignorance one could, for example, determ<strong>in</strong>e<br />

whether misperception of others' attitudes is more likely to occur on<br />

issues that have been extensively discussed <strong>in</strong> the mass media than on<br />

issues that are discussed ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> primary groups. <strong>The</strong> data pre-<br />

sented by Fields and Schuman suggest that this might well be the<br />

case, <strong>in</strong> that pluralistic ignorance appears to be greater <strong>in</strong> regard to<br />

issues such as race relations (discussed widely <strong>in</strong> the media) than <strong>in</strong><br />

regard to issues <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g ethics or morals (discussed more <strong>in</strong> primary<br />

groups).<br />

It is also possible that public communication dim<strong>in</strong>ishes mispercep-<br />

tion of others' attitudes among people <strong>in</strong> part of the media audience<br />

while it <strong>in</strong>creases misperception among some. In this connection, the<br />

concept of reference groups may prove useful <strong>in</strong> expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the third-<br />

person effect. Are people "like me" or "different from me" seen as<br />

be<strong>in</strong>g more affected by persuasive messages? Or is the degree of<br />

similarity not a relevant factor? If perceived congruity of others'<br />

attitudes and values with one's own is a factor <strong>in</strong> the selection of<br />

normative reference groups (S<strong>in</strong>ger, 198 1 : 73), then one would expect<br />

there to be little exaggeration <strong>in</strong> the perceived impact of a communi-<br />

cation on members of such groups. On the other hand, the importance<br />

of not overlook<strong>in</strong>g a possible change <strong>in</strong> attitude on the part of a<br />

significant other might make one assume, conservatively, that some<br />

reference group members had <strong>in</strong>deed been affected. <strong>The</strong>re is plenty of<br />

room for research and speculation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> third-person effect is probably <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> the "spiral of si-<br />

lence" which, accord<strong>in</strong>g to a recent theory about the formation of<br />

public op<strong>in</strong>ion, leads those on one side of an issue to express their<br />

op<strong>in</strong>ions with more and more volume and confidence, while those on<br />

the other side of the issue tend to fall silent (Noelle-Neumann, 1980).<br />

In particular, exaggerated perceptions of the effects of mass media<br />

election propaganda on others would help to expla<strong>in</strong> the situations <strong>in</strong><br />

which polls show that respondents th<strong>in</strong>k Party A will w<strong>in</strong> an election<br />

even though a majority of the respondents reta<strong>in</strong> their <strong>in</strong>tention of<br />

vot<strong>in</strong>g for Party B. Each person may reason: I haven't been <strong>in</strong>flu-<br />

enced by this widely publicized nonsense, but they probably have<br />

been.

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