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A Century of Service - Eoin O'Brien

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The Voluntary Hospital Movement and the Dublin School<br />

Other methods <strong>of</strong> inducing counter-irritation included the use <strong>of</strong> rubefacients (such<br />

as linaments or mustard poultices), setons (the placing <strong>of</strong> silk thread under the skin<br />

to maintain a free discharge from an incision), moxas (a most painful technique<br />

whereby an impregnated wick was allowed to burn slowly down to the skin to<br />

produce a sore), pustulants (the application <strong>of</strong> croton oil or nitrate <strong>of</strong> silver to induce<br />

an infected sore on the skin), and issues (the production <strong>of</strong> chronic suppuration by<br />

placing a pea in a sore induced by caustic potash). 44 The most popular methods <strong>of</strong><br />

counter-irritation were dry-cupping and blistering, whereas the one causing the least<br />

pain and injury was the method described by Corrigan in which a small flat iron<br />

was heated and applied to the skin until redness was produced; the instrument used<br />

for this form <strong>of</strong> counter-irritation was known as “Corrigan’s button” 45 and was<br />

popular until the early part <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century. 46 Other antiphlogistic measures<br />

consisted <strong>of</strong> blistering, purging with laxatives or emetics sometimes given to<br />

maintain a state <strong>of</strong> continuous nausea, and finally starvation. 48<br />

The drugs available were few and their actions poorly understood. Digoxin,<br />

morphine and quinine, which are still in clinical use, were available in the nineteenth<br />

century, but so also were strychnine and mercury, and there is evidence that all were<br />

used to excess. 49 Doctors had not yet considered the concept <strong>of</strong> assessing the efficacy<br />

<strong>of</strong> treatment by controlled studies.<br />

Robert Graves<br />

It was from this state <strong>of</strong> medical practice that the “Dublin school” was to arise. Is it<br />

possible for us from this distance in time to detect its origins? A surprising feature<br />

<strong>of</strong> the school is that its appearance was anticipated. Erinensis wrote <strong>of</strong> the beginnings<br />

<strong>of</strong> a school as early as 1827. 50 He castigated the College <strong>of</strong> Physicians and the<br />

University School <strong>of</strong> Physic for failing to establish a “national school <strong>of</strong> medicine”<br />

by the joining together <strong>of</strong> medical and surgical interests. However, on reflection, he<br />

despaired <strong>of</strong> any good coming from this ideal:<br />

Scarcely less ridiculous is the idea <strong>of</strong> assisting by the new regulations the progress <strong>of</strong><br />

Dublin into a great school <strong>of</strong> medicine, with which they have at least been associated in<br />

conversation. If by a multitude <strong>of</strong> pupils, cheap licences obtained without qualifications,<br />

dear pathology and consequent ignorance, it is meant to establish a great school <strong>of</strong><br />

medicine, then, indeed, these measures are admirably adapted to produce such a happy<br />

combination <strong>of</strong> circumstances; but such a great school would undoubtedly be, like a<br />

great book, a very great evil. Dublin possesses some reputation in medical science; but<br />

if it be contemplated to extend its fame, by converting it into a mart for the sale <strong>of</strong><br />

diplomas, like London and Edinburgh, then let Dublin remain as it is at present.<br />

17

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