Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies ...

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 39
J. B. Trumper *
Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads
in Greek colonies: Calabrian hydronymy, a long term
perspective and intra-mediterranean comparisons
0. ‘Watery’ water
I
n Calabria a great number of historical water courses are, in a rather
banal manner, a pleonastic ‘water’ water structure, based on ancient
lexemes for ‘water’ or ‘watery’ stretches, much on the lines of the
‘mountain’ mountain model we find in Sicily’s Mongibello or Taormina 1 , an
————
*
Calabria University.
1
See G. B. Pellegrini in UTET’s Toponomastica 644B “... di origine “mediterranea” da un tema *tauro-
(molto diffuso) ‘monte’ ...... La città è situata su un ripiano del M. Tauro”. Alessio 1954: 3, 1956: 45
and 1970: 102 had already emphasised the tautological origin of the place name: “il caso di
Mongibello (composto tautologico romanzo-arabo), che ha un parallelo per l’antichità nel nome di
Taurome¢nion o Tauromenai¢, l’odierna Taormina”. Taurome¢nion is found in classical and postclassical
sources (Aristotle [Fragment 634. 6-7 in Rose], Aristoxenus Fragment 17. 5 in Iamblichus,
Vita Pythagorica 7. 33. 9-10, Strabo [6. 2. 1, 6. 2. 2, 6. 2. 3], Stobæus Ecl. 1. 38 in Diels 383 b 17, Diodorus
Siculus [etymologised in terms of Mount Tau¤roj in 14. 59. 2-3 “kai£ th£n po¢lin dia£ to£ mei¤nai
tou£j e©pi£ to£n Tau¤ron, a©qroisqe¢ntaj Taurome¢nion w©no¢masan”, 16. 7. 1 “... lo¢fon... Tau¤ron ...
w©no¢mase Taurome¢nion”, mentioned in 14. 87. 4, 14. 96. 4, 16. 68. 7, 22. 8. 3, 34/35. 2. 20], Dio
Cassius 49. 5. 1. 4, Plutarch [twice in the Lives], Appian, De Bello Civili 5. 11. 105, 5. 12. 109. 16/
25, 5. 12. 116. 13, Herodianus in Grammatici Græci 3, 1. 363. 15 “Taurome¢nion po¢liº ´ikeli¢aº”, 3,
2. 588. 20, in Byzantine sources such as Stephanus of Byzantium, Ethnica 608, 12, Photius’ Bibliotheca
386a. 18, various Scholiasts, the Greek translation of Eutropius, George the Monk’s Chronicle,
Constantine Porphyrogenitus’ De Thematibus, Europa 10. 31-2), as is Taurominium or Tauromenon
in classical Latin sources (Tauromenium in Cicero, Ad Atticum 16. 11. 7, Ovid, Fasti 4. 75, Pliny NH
3. 88, Pomponius Mela 2. 117, while Eutropius 2. 19 has the citizens as “Tauromenitani”, Solinus 5.
5. [Mommsen 49, 1] calls the city “colonia Tauromenia, quam prisci Naxum uocabant”),
Tauromenium in Festus and in all the late Roman Itineraria (Tab. Peuting. I. 403 etc.) and glossaries
(CGL 5. 156, 12). In Calabro- and Siculo-Greek of the period 700-1100 AD we have Tauromeni¢a, -
i¢on, Tauromhni¢on (Vita di S. Luca 541 “Neani¢aj tij a©po££ Tauromeni¢aj ...”, in various Saints’ Bi¢oi, in
Cusa; for a synopsis see Caracausi 1990: 562). For the whole question in terms of an extra-Indo-
European item *tauro- ‘mountain’, well represented in classical Greek toponymy ('Epi¢tauroj/
'Epi¢dauroj: Hesiod, Rzach’s Fragments 96, 6 [119], 137 [162], Aristotle, Fragment 491. 9 in Rose,
Hecatæus in Stephanus Byzantinus 273. 12- 274. 4, Xenophon’s Historia Græca 6. 2. 3, 7. 1. 18,
Strabo 8. 6. 15 “῾H 'Epi¢dauroj d’ e©kalei¤to 'Epi¢karoj/ v.l. 'Epi¢tauroj”, Herodianus in Grammatici
Græci 3, 1. 201. 17/ 3, 1. 296. 35/ 3, 2. 375. 2, Pausanias, Description of Greece 1. 25. 4. 2, 2. 26. 2. 1,
8, 3. 23. 6, 10, 3. 24. 1), as well as in late Byzantine commentaries on classical toponymy (Eustathius’
➥

40 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
example which also exists in Calabria (for Mormanno so interpreted see
Trumper, Di Vasto 1999: 111-2 and Trumper, Prantera in print). The following
types are common in Calabrian hydronymy, both of Italic and Greek origin:
a ¢. A complex base *ŠAB- ‘water channel, water course; juice’ (in
Gamkrelidze-Ivanov 1994 terms) that seems to be divisible in (a) *sab-
(IEW 880 *sap- 1, *sab- 2) in the names of rivers and stretches of water both
in ancient Greece and Italy 2 , for the latter cf. Liguria, Latium, Campania: in
Calabria we have historically ad fluvium Sabutum (Codices Sabbatum) = Savuto
Itin. Ant. 105, 5/ 110, 8; Anon. Rav. 368 Crater, Cratia = Sabatum, and
for post- Byzantine Greek sources in mediaeval Calabria see Trinchera 246,
3/ 19-20 (probably Stilo 1176: matqe¢ou, tou¤ sabou¢tou, sic: Matthew, of
Savuto, tou¢nwma au©tou£ xou¤ tou£ sabou¢tou, sic: his name Hugh, of Savuto,
referred to feudal possessions), 286, 12-3 (Stilo 1184: uÁper moi e©ph¢oisen
meta kurou ouÃbou sabou£tou, sic: as was arranged for me on my marriage
to Sir Hugh of Savuto), with derived *Sabūtŭlus -a > Savucchia as in Alessio,
STC 362 (item 3528a), Alessio 1970: 100 including the long note on the
relation between Dioscorides’ se¢ba, sabūcus/ sambūcus, and place names
such as ancient Sabis (Belgium), Etruria’s Sabāte, Sabātīnus lācus, together
with Calabrian Sabūtus > Savuto, Savucchio (written Savucchia) 3 , as well as
Silvestri 1988: 220-1, corrige Savucchio < *Sabūtŭlus; (b) *sap- (IEW 880
*sap- 1), present in Italic (Oscan; Latin sapa juice), but apparently not in hy-
————
commentaries, Diller’s Codex B 'Epi¢dauroj de£ po¢lij Pelopo[n]nh¢sou, Codex D 'Epi¢dauroj h¨
'Axri¢da, 15 th century), see Kretschmer 1925: 314-16, for example 314-5 “So weit nach Osten weist
auch der Name des Tauros, das “Leitfossil” eines Volkes, von dem sich noch nicht sicher entscheiden
läßt, ob es unidg. Oder etwa protidg. War. Das vorderasiatische Gebirge ist der berühmteste Träger
des Namens”. Where we disagree is when Kretschmer (op. cit. p. 316) creates an equation Taur- =
Qour-, associating Tau¤roj ‘mountain’ with the water sprite Qouri¢a and river and place names derived
from the Naiad. As Mormanno, from earlier Maromandum, represents IEW 721. 8 *mel-: molā
‘height’ + IEW 726 *men-: *mn- t-: *moni- ‘mountain’, so Tauromenium is præ-Indo-European
*tauro- ‘mountain’ + IEW 726 *men-: *mn- t-: *moni- ‘mountain’.
2 Williams 1945: 40-1 also connects well known Celtic outcomes with the *SAB- base, i.e. British
Sabrina (Gildas, De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniæ §3. 28, 12, Vita Gildæ III. 91, 15, Historia
Brittonum 148, 17/ 193, 9/ 214, 2, 14, 19, 21/ 217, 2, 4) > Old Welsh Habren (Historia Brittonum
214, 1 “Duorig Habren”) > Welsh Hafren, cf. Irish Sabhrann (River Lee). See also Jackson
LHEB 271, 519, Erkwall 1960: 405b, 413a, who associate Eng. river names such as Savernake
(< *Sabr-in-āco-), Savick (< *Sab-āco-). Ptolemy’s Sabria¢na eiÃsxusij (Geographia II. 3, 3. 7)
may be an attempt to reproduce this British Sabrina.
3 With this sense of ‘ditch’ or ‘water course’ Alessio also tried to link the hapax present in Hesychius’
gloss sa¢bhttoi: kw¢nwpej, since such insects breed in stagnant water.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 41
dronymy. To these seem connected the water base (c) *ab-, *au- ‘flow;
course of water; water’ (IEW1 *ab-, 78. 9 *au-), with a large number of reflexes
in Central Italy Avens (Vibius Sequester 1,8 Avens lacus Velinorum,
3, 17 Velinus inter Nar et Abentem, Vergil Aen. 7, 517/ 657, also see Servius
ad loc.), Nissen IL 312, 468, Aventia (Tab. Peutingeriana 242 Fl. Auentia,
Pisa, 289 id. Pistoia, 384 id. = Ausar, lower part of the Arno: the *aus-
theme is dealt with in Alessio 1970: 47 note 149, 82-3, 110 note 476, which
give numerous ancient and mediaeval examples), Aventio with Friulian examples.
See also Pellegrini Toponomastica 1990: 93 who adds French
Avène, as well as Avena in the gulf of Taranto. In this last case Trumper, Di
Vasto, De Vita 2000: 228 claim that Vèna, the Trebisacce river, derives directly
from Latin vēna, corresponding to the many Vina watercourses in
Calabria. One might, instead, add Avanti from Mid Calabria (Pindar, Fragment
70a 9 “nt’ ῎Abantoj”, Plutarch, Life of Pompey 35, ῎Abaj: ῎Abantoj).
It is difficult not to associate all these with (d) IEW 51-2 *ap- ‘watercourse;
water’ (Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1994, I. 186, 193, 238 etc. *Haap-/
*Hap- 4 ), which does not seem represented in Calabrian hydronymy, except
by extension to the ancient Calabrian river and place name 'Ayi¢aj (near
Reggio Calabria, Diodorus Siculus 8. 23. 2 5 , for which see also Cæsar’s Apsus
in De Bello Civili 3. 13 facit castraque ad flumen Apsum) and Apulian
Metaponto, with derivation from Metapo¢ntion < Meta¢pa ‘between the waters’
(form already present in Polybius, see also Stephanus Byzantinus, Ethnica
448, 12-3 “Meta¢pa, po¢lij ῾Akarnani¢aj”, with comments in Kret-
————
4 See also Bomhard 1981: 436 IE *hhap- (*ap-) “flow” = Egyptian hpi’ “go; travel; flow (of water), as a
correspondence between IE and Afroasiatic. This seems correct for the Indo-Iranic and Baltic forms
quoted, where –p- derives from –p-, though not in the case of Latin *ab-ni- > amnis, Celtic *abū (-n-
stem, cases deriving from *abon-, cf. W. afon as against Old Irish aub and aban), Tocharic āp, where
the underlying remote stop would have to be p‘. We seem to have two bases, one *Haap-, the other
*[Ha]ap‘-, as Hamp EC 12 insists, though undoubtedly related, proof of which is the historical ambiguity
of the Hittite form ha-pa-a ‘river’, which phonologically can refer to either stem. At the same
time ambiguity between two stems reigns across cultures and languages, for we have referential identity
between Babylonian Apsū and Sumerian Ab-zu, who represent river-water, in the various Gilgamesh
versions. The developments in Indo-European on this theme, as Watkins 1973 demonstrates,
are either viâ an o-stem *Haobo-, *Haob-on-, *Haob-ont- or viâ an n-stem *Haobō,
*Haob-en-, *Haobn-. Derivatives such as Meta¢pa, Metapo¢ntion (1. Metaponto, 2. Vibo Valentia)
seem to show o-stem development (*Haopo-), while ῎Abaj an n-stem one (*Haob-n-). Choices are
not necessarily always in terms of a single trend, rather there are multiple options open.
5 I.e. 'Ayi¢a $¤ potamw¤n i¨erw¢tatoj ei©j aÀla pi¢ptei ...... kata£ to£n 'Ayi¢an potamo£n ... (Apsias, most holy
of rivers that falls into the sea ...... in the direc tion of the river Apsias).

42 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
schmer 1925: 92-3 on the –ont- formant 6 ), derivative later re-etymologised
as if from ponto¢j. It is more than relevant to note that classical sources also
give Metapo¢ntion as the original name of present day Vibo Valentia
(Solinus 2. 11: “... a Locrensibus Metapontum, quod nunc Vibo dicitur ...”),
whereas later Greek ῾Ippw¢nion is a folk-etymological transformation of the
Italic name *Veib/p- (probably an ornithological base, a descriptive theme
based on the presence of cranes: Latin Vībo, near the modern port area of
Vibo Valentia, Vivuna in Calabrian dialect). Alessio RIO 2. 99 tries to derive
plant names from such bases, e.g. Latin apium (> Calabrian acciu, -ia) “appio,
pianta dei terreni paludosi o acquitrinosi”, as also rare Greek a©fi¢a
Ranunculus sp. (Theophrastus HP 7. 7. 3). The former agrees with Johansson
IF 4. 37, though LEW 1. 58 (“von den Bienen bevorzugte Pflanzen”), DELL
37 (“l’herbe aux abeilles”) and NPRA 19-20 suggest that Apiaceæ derive
their name from their being much favoured by bees: this is not necessarily
the case for all members of the Apiacea family. What is true is that all
Apiaceæ are highly nectared, while the Melissa genus is especially favoured
by bees 7 . Apium sp. do grow near water, though not all Apiaceæ, so the
derivation might equally be from a bee-root (Latin apis, without other IE
congeners, of unknown origin) or from a water-base (*Haap-/ *Hap-), in the
case of this genus. In the latter case (a©fi¢a) GEW 1. 195 declares the origin
“unerklärt”, while DELG 147 refers the whole matter to Krahe, Sprache der
Illyrier 1. 44, as being “Illyrian” or “Old-European”! With respect to the already
quoted Meta¢pa, a©fi¢a’s intervocalic –f- is most unusual and perhaps
cannot be explained as Alessio and others have hypothesised.
b ¢. The base IEW 291-2 *eg h ero- ‘lake’ (*Heeger-o-) seems to have the
following historical reflexes referring to Italy, obviously mediated by Greek
sources (g h > x, ᾽Axe¢rwn etc., Latinised as –ch-): Acheron in Strabo 6.1.5,
Vibius Sequester 1.7 (Acheron inferorum), (Acheros 3.2); Pliny, N.H. 3.73
fluvium Acheron, (Consentia) a quo oppidani Acheruntini, 4.4 amnis Acheron
(Epirus); Justinus 12.2.14 flumen Acheronte; Acerronia in Tacitus An-
————
6 For the valency of –ont- as forming watercourse elements in Celtic and so-called Illyrian see
Pokorny 1941 (ZCP 21. 65, 84 etc.), as well as in Krahe’s well known works; for its productivity
in Celtic see also Watson 1926: 445-448, Nicolaisen 1957: 234 ff. It is coupled with similar –ant-
and –ent- formants (ZCP 20. 328, ZCP 21. 75 ff., Nicolaisen 1957: 225, 234 etc.).
7 The fact that Melissa sp. is named apiāgo in Isidore of Seville, Origines 17. 9. 80, in other late authors
apiārĭa and apiastrum, would tend to favour a derivation in terms of apis.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 43
nales14.5 e 6; Tab. Peutingeriana 368/378, Aceronia Rav. 4.34, Guido 43
(p123); Aceruntia CIL 9 (417) (Ughelli, Italia Antica 9.498); Aceruntiae,
Horace, Carmina 3.4.14-15 quicumque celsae nidum Aceruntiae saltusque
Bantinos; Acherusia, Varro De Lingua Latina 7.2, Acherusia templa alta
Orci (Campania), Pliny N.H. 3.61 Acherusia palus (Campania - Campi Flegrei),
4.4 (Epirus), Silius Italicus Punici14.641 (Italy - Sicily), Strabo 5.4.5
kai£ e©n metacu£ Axerousi¢a li¢mnh (Campania- Campi Flegrei), Pomponius
Mela 1.19.103, iuxta specus est Acherusia ad manes, ut aiunt, pervius, Livy
8.24 Acherusiam aquam Pandosiamque urbem, Solinus 173,1 Acherusius
specus, Justinus 12.2.3 amnemque Acherusium, Lucanian ‘Acherontis’ in
Procopius (De Bellis 7. 23. 18 “Touti¢laj de£ frou¢rion e©n Leukanoi¤j katalabw£n
e©xurw¢taton aÃgxista¢ ph tw¤n Kalabri¢aj o¨ri¢wn kei¢menon, oÀper
‘Axeronti¢da kalou¤si ¨Rwmai¤oi”). Ancient Calabria’s Acheron (the modern
Campagnano river dividing Cosenza and Rende, 16 th century Capegnano in
Barrio) and Acherusia are obviously of Greek origin; Sila’s Cerenzia may
well be connected (< Ac[h]erentia). The Greek item as a ‘lake’ base perhaps
shows, in accordance with more ancient etymologies documented in Bekker,
Anecdota 1. 474, 5 (Axe¢rwn: potamo£j e©n $Aidou memuqeume£noj para£ to£
aÃxoj), Pseudo-Zonaras 360 ('Axe¢rwn. potamo£j o¨ e©n #Àdou. hÄ o¨ ta£ aÃxea
kai£ ta£j qli¢yeij r¨e¢wn), Apollonius the Sophist (Lexicon Homericum 49,
32: 'Axe¢rwn: potamo£j e©n $Aidou memuqeumeoj) and Suidas A 4687 ('Axe¢rwn:
potamo£º e©n #Àdou memuqeume¢noº. para£ to£ aÃxh r¨ei¤n), an original
Greek base *eÃxeroj influenced by folk etymology based on aÃxoj ‘mourning;
distress; pain’, though the origin is not **Haegero- 8 . This would seem
reasonable, given the close association with Hades and Christian ‘Hell’ in a
later period’s interpretation of the pagan past (Hesychius A 47, Gregory of
Nazianzen in PG 36, 1053A – 1056A). From such a base we also have aÃxe-
————
8 Obviously the derivation from some Semitic base as in Lewy 1895: 229, taken up after a century
in West 1997: 156 (< }OÒdaÒxf) from a base -ÒdÒxf)Ò, ‘behind; after; western’ [behind the Eastern
speaker]) would not seem to be pertinent. Levin 1995: 399 writes of a dÒxf) base of locative and
temporal meaning to which prefixes can be added as specifiers, so that this makes the N. Semitic
base unlikely as starting point for a river base which can be quite adequately dealt with in IE
terms. This particular Semitic base might even be related to Egyptian hrw- (Erman-Grapow 3.
142, Coptic outcome ehrai etc., see Černý 291-2, detailed comments in Śmieszek 1936: 60-61) as
the ‘nether-‘ item, i.e. the ‘nether river’ of the underworld, though this would be stretching parallels.
It seems preferable to stick to our acceptable IE etymology. The unexpected initial A- may
be due either to semantic pressure from aÃxoj or to mixing with an Afro-Asiatic base for
‘nether-‘ (netherworld river).

44 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
rou¢sioj -a -on ‘watery; marshy’ as in Hesychius A 8845 (aÃxerou¢sia: uÀdata
e¨lw¢dh), whence the famous Hades’ lake 'Axerousia¢j (Plato, Phaedo
113a, 113b, 113c) or 'Axerousi¢a li¢mnh (Odyssey 10. 513, Thucidydes 1.
46. 4 “e©ci¢hsi de£ par’ au©th£n 'Axerousi¢a li¢mnh e©j qa¢lassan” – whence
the Acherusa lake goes out into the sea-, this lake name’s being juxtaposed
to the “'Axe¢rwn potamo¢j”, Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1160-61 (nu¤n d’ a©mfi£
Kwkuto¢n ka©xerousi¢ouj/ oÃxqouj eÃoika qespi%dh¢sein ta¢xa - watery
banks, or the banks of the Acheron), Strabo, Geographia 5. 4. 5, where he is
quoting Ephorus’ earlier observations, or the lake as a path to the river Acheron
in Lycophron’s Alexandra vv. 90, 411, or its ‘flow’ v. 695, see also
Scholia in Theocritum II. 126 b 15-16 etc.), later given as itself the lake of a
Christian Hell (Suidas A 4686) or of passage to another world (Scholia in
Theocritum 1. 140 d). As outcome of a water base it was also productive in
Greek in plant naming, as in derived a©xerwi¢j ‘aspen’, first as the tree that
Hercules brings from Acheron, or used in similitude as in Iliad 13. 389 = 16.
482 9 (see also Scholia ad Iliadem 13. 389 “para£ to£ e©k tou¤ 'Axe¢rontoj potamou¤
komisqh¤nai”, or ad Iliadem 16. 482 where the fact of its being an aspen
is rendered explicit, “...de¢ndron oÀ kalei¤tai leu¢kh...”), Apollonius of
Rhodes’ Argonauts 4. 1476-77 10 , or referred to the Acheron’s banks in Nicander’s
Alexipharmaca 13-14 ('Axerwi¢dej oÃxqai), Harpocration 192, 5.
The classical Greek name of the aspen is continually referred to the river and
its usual water habitat, as in Apollonius the Sophist (Lexicon Homericum 49,
31 “a©xerwi¢j de¢ndrou ti ge¢noj. kai£ e©qri¢gkwsen a©xe¢rd%”), Hesychius (A
46 “a©xerwi¢j: de¢ndron ge¢noj a©ka¢rpou. leukh¢”), EM 180, 49-57, with its
long comment on 'AXERWI¢S, or Pseudo-Zonaras (362 “'Axerwi¢j: h¨ leu¢kh......”,
cf. also the Etymologicum Gudianum 99, 30 etc.) 11 .
————
9
hÃripe d’ w¨j oÀte tij dru¤j hÃripen hÄ a©xerwi¢j - he falls as falls some oak or aspen. For mediaeval comments
on the ‘aspen’ brought from the Acheron’s banks see Scholia in Theocritum II. 121 a 3-4 “para£
t%¤ 'Axe¢ronti fuome¢non th£n leu¢khn kai£ au©t$¤ a©naste¢yasqai, hÁn ῞Omhroj a©xerwi¢da kalei¤” etc.
10
... u¨po£ bwqrh£n a©xerwi¢da sh¤ma te¢tuktai / tutqo£n a¨lo£j propa¢roiqen (under a tall aspen they prepared
[him] a small tomb facing the sea).
11
The derivation of the names of plants with a strong water association from the very words for ‘water’
in Greek is dealt with in Strömberg 1940: 113-116. Perhaps the best examples are nh¢rion = nh¢reion
Nerium oleander (Dioscorides 4. 81), nh¢reion = nhreia¢dion Delphinium sp. (Pseudo-Dioscorides 3. 73
RV), nh¤ri¢j, apparently = bra¢qu in Nicander, Theriaca 531 (‘heather’, though the Scholia in Theriaca
531a-b are not explicit), while Wellmann’s note to Dioscorides 4. 81 interprets this as Nerium oleander.
Hesychius N 515 nhre¢a: mara¢qou qa¢mnoj perhaps indicates Ferula sp. GEW II. 316-7 is ambiguous
on the origin, quoting both Schwyzer and Kretschmer’s solution of nhro¢j -o¢n as a reduction of
nearo¢j ‘fresh’ and the equivalence nhro¢j = naVro¢j (‘quellend, strömend’) as derivative of na¢w. DELG
➥

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 45
————
751 follows Strömberg 1940’s explanation and hypothesises nhro¢j < naVro¢j, quoting Baltic parallels.
The Doric item naVro¢j, both ‘flowing’ and ‘water’, has a certain time depth to it (Sophocles Fr. 559,
Campbell II. 536: pro£j nara£ kai£ krhnai¤a xwrou¤men pota¢; Aeschylus Fr. 338: nara¤j te Di¢rkhj;
Phrynicus 29, Rutherford pp. 113-4: Nhro£n uÀdwr mhdamw¤º, a©lla£ pro¢sfaton, a©kraifne¢º, Lycophron
896, many codices e©n xqono£j nhroi¤j muxoi¤j - in the watery recesses of earth, in accordance with the
text quoted in EM 604, 51-2, though critical editions prefer e©n xqono£j neiroi¤j muxoi¤j - from the deepest
recesses of earth, Scheer vol. 2 pg. 289, Ciani neiro¢j). From the first to the third centuries AD authors
develop the ‘fresh’ type, probably a mix between nhro¢j (flowing; wet) and nearo¢j (recent,
fresh), as in Xenocrates (Idler 77 “... oi¨ tarixeuo¢menoi kalou¤ntai h¨mi¢nhroi...”) or Athenaeus 3. 118f
– 119a (twice). Late lexicographers insist on the ‘wet’ source, both Hesychius (N90 naro¢n: [sa¢ron,
ko¢rhma.] plhsmonh¢n. u¨gro¢n) and the author of the Etymologicum Magnum (EM 604, 40 ff.), while
both Campbell note II. 559 ( “.naro¢j.. ‘Flowing’, which is interesting because of its connection with
the modern Greek nero¢ ‘Water’ ...”) and Rutherford pp. 113-4 (“... there can be no doubt of its true
origin. The history can be traced for about 3000 years. It is presupposed by the names Nhreu¢j and
Nhrhi¢j, and in modern Greek survives as nero¢j ...”) suppose an adjectival development *SNAH-RO-
‘flowing; swimming’. My concluding hypothesis is that we are dealing with the spread of a basic ‘water’
word (< ‘flowing’), on one hand as ‘fresh’, on the other into plant terminology (water-dependent
plants), which still survives into modern Greek. Alessio RIO 2. 104-6 also suggests that a rare ‘reed’
item of the glossaries, perhaps ‘aspen’ as well, as in Hesychius I 384 iÃqana: sxoini¢a (that
leuke¢a = leukai¢a may include ‘rushes’ as well as ‘aspen’ seems to be the case from Athenæus 5. 40.
23 [ei©j de£ sxoini¢a leuke¢an me£n e©c 'Ibhri¢aj...], Hesychius L722 [leuke¢a: sxoi¤noj], S648 [sillo£n:
leukai¢aj sxoini¢on]), also mirrors a præ-Indo-European water base (*IT-, *IDH-), given Hesychius I
379 iÃqa: h¨ qhli¢a tw¤n u¨da¢twn fu¢sij..., and Bask and Sardinian dialect items (idile), compared with
tonz ‘ditch’ of the archaic Calabro-Lucanian dialect area (*IT-ONT-IA, according to Alessio).
Though there may be a connection with Greek i©qaro¢j ‘pure, limpid’, usually associated in ancient
texts with water (Alcæus Fr. 58 vv. 18-9 “...]pontes, kai¢ k’ i©qarw¢teroi / ...] en i©lla¢enti qumwi ...”, of
difficult interpretation, though the sense of the comparative of i©qaro¢j is reasonably clear; Callimachus
Fr. Aetia III Fr. 85, 14-5; Simias of Rhodes, Anthologia Græca 15. 22, 6, where the water association
is explicit: a©ll’ a©po£ krana¤n i©qara¤n na¤ma ko¢mize dusklh¢j; late lexicographers like Hesychius
associate it with ‘pure’, ‘beautiful’ and the ‘aspen’ word, the tree that grows by water, cf. I. 386:
i©qarai¤j: ...... kalai¤j. kaqarai¤j ...... leuke¢aij). GEW I. 715 presents an Ablaut relation i©qar-: ai©qh¢r-,
and with DELG 459 supposes some sort of relationship of i©qaro¢j with aiÃqw, so the whole problem of
underlying iÃqa seems rather moot. A more promising item, as far as its spread into plant terminology
is concerned, is late Latin berula (Marcellus Empricus 614, 5 “herbam ... quam Latine berulam,
Græce cardamin uocant”, REW 1054 “bĕrŭla ‘Brunnenkresse’ [Latinisiert aus gall. *berura, vgl,
kymr. berwr”], outcomes in French and Spanish etc.), undoubtedly a Gaulish element in Latin, with
congeners in Irish (Old biror / bilor, Modern biolair), Welsh (berwr, berw, singulative beryren),
Breton and Cornish (beler) congeners, which cover a number of Apiaceæ and an amazing number of
Cruciferæ (Ellis 1983, Ellis et al. 1994, Davies & Jones 1994): it is obviously derived from IEW 132.
2 *B H ER-U- as a water base (connected with Irish topur ‘well’ < *to-oss- ber-u in Thurneyson GOI
108, 526, < *DO-UKS-BERU-, cf. also Irish fobar/ sobar, W. diferion ‘drops’, diferaf –u, gofer,
Breton beraff, gouver etc., Loth RC 37. 306-311 [1917-19] for W. gofer, Breton gouver < *upo- b h ero-).
Its extension covers plants that grow near water, require a great deal of water or need watery or
marshy soil. For similar extensions see Dauzat REA 42. 611-2, Provençal sagno ‘marécage’ > ‘roseau’,
French osier < *aus-ārĭus, from an *AU-SA- water base (but concluding “Encore un problème
à elucider”), or Swiss French avan ‘willow’, which he derives from *ab-anko-, though a better solution
would be in terms of *AB(-ON)-(I)KO- ‘belonging to the river’, with an adjectival derivation
from the Celtic river base. Alessio 1970: 110 note 476 lists Catalan avenc, OFr. avenc > French aven,
which, instead of simple *av-, can be better taken to the Celtic adjectival *abon-ko- The Catalan form,
however, still presents problems. Another case is verna, REW 9232, Bolelli ID 18. 72-3, 207: Alessio
RIO 2. 241 wanted a water or marsh base *vara-, *vera, a base that, in its Celtic outcomes, Lidén 1906
(IF 18. 486), Vendryes 1929 (RC 46. 134-37), Dauzat 1940: 611-12 had already connected to *vara
‘water’, better IEW 1169 *wer-(e)nā ‘Pappel’ (‘Sumpfbaum’), present as Gaulish loanword in late
Latin. For a more correct evaluation of the base of the Celtic outcomes see E. Hamp, IF 86. 191-3
➥

46 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
g ¢. In Italic hydronymy, to some extent endorsed by Greek sources
(Magna Græcia), we seem to have a variable base *AK w - ‘flow; water’ with
a meaning akin to that of (b ¢), with formants –R/ L-, *ak w -iro-, *ak w -ilo-
supposed in Hamp EC 12. 549-50. We have the derived form Ac[i]ris, in
Greek dress ῎Akirij, ᾽Aki¤rij found in ancient inscriptions (the Heraclea or
Policoro Tablets 1. 17, 88: Ruiz, Olivieri, Tabulæ Heracleenses, Schwyzer
62, 17), Strabo 6.114 (potamoi£ du¢o plwtoi£ Aki¤rij kai£ Si¤rij), Pliny NH
3.97 inter Sirim et Acirim Heraclea aliquando (Policoro), Itin. Ant. 89.8
Agris (in Sicily), Hesychius A 3892 ῎Akirij, RAV.5.23(100.43) Acris (in
Sicily), Guido, Geogr. 60.17 (127.20) Acris (in Sicilia), with variant Ki¤rij/
Ciris in Archilocus Fragment 21 (Tarditi 1968: 73), in CIL X.1.25, Lycophron.
Alexandra 946 Ki¤rij (Agri). The modern outcome of the river name
is Agri. The presence of –k- in the Greek forms would seem to indicate that
we have an underlying Italic form, which has been integrated into Greek during
Doric colonisation. Here the Italic form would not be technically Oscan,
in which case we would expect –p- as in Greek. Another river of similar
Italic origin is Acchio (dialect Ácchj, comunes of Santa Maria del Cedro,
erstwhile Cipollina, and Diamante, see DTOC 3). In Toponomastica
Calabrese (2000: 228) we derived this from aquĭlus ‘dark’ (see IEW 8), i.e.
‘dark water’, in the same way that Latin aquĭla might be derived from a
‘dark’ base, if the root term referred to ‘vultures’ and not to ‘eagles’ (extension
to eagles could occur in a pastoral society where both genera represent a
danger to shepherds by preying on new-born lambs). Hamp 1971 (EC 12.
550) had argued that Latin aquilo originally represented ‘rain-wind’, aquila
the ‘sea-eagle’ (Pandion sp.). Unfortunately, the sea-eagle in Latin is almost
always indicated as aquila marina, as far as I can see (details of the item
aquila in both André 1967 and Capponi 1979 with in-depth discussion of
its occurrences), so sea-eagle cannot function as starting point in the discussion
12 . This certainly does not invalidate *AK w - as a ‘water’ base and the
————
(1981) on *WERES- (< IEW 78-81 *awer- ) ‘wet, damp’ > *WERS-N-EH- (> W./ Bret. gwern, OIr.
fern, mod. fearnóg) and De Bernardo Stempel 156, who take up Vendryes’ arguments. Obviously Albanian
verrë derives from this base.
12 Calabrian Romance dialects have differing referents for outcomes of aquilus –a, e.g. Pollino conservative
dialects have ácciulu as Buteo buteo, Buteo lagopus (buzzards), innovative southern Ionian dialects
have áchjula, ágghjula as Pandion sp. (sea-eagle), with the exception of Stilo which has ágghjula
‘buzzard’. Obviously the Latin starting point is a large bird of prey, which particular one is a more
moot point. For details see Trumper & Prantera (in print).

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 47
possibility that our river names may derive either from a straightforward
‘water’ base or from a ‘dark’ theme (cf. Greek a©xlu¢j etc.). More difficult
than envisaged is the derivation of this last from the former. To this type we
might add Acalandrus which appears in Strabo 6.3.4 “kata£
to£n ᾽Aka¢landron potamo¢n” (modern Salandrella, between the Busento
and Agri rivers), also Pliny N.H. 3.97 flumina Acalandrum, Casuentum, oppidum
Metapontum, though the question is sub iudice.
d ¢. Extensions of a *PIS- ‘water’ base: river Pesipo (dialect Pìesipu),
Piscerò (DTOC 247), Piscardo (DTOC 325 ?), Pisciagutti (DTOC 247),
Pisciarìeddu (DTOC 247), Pisciateddu (DTOC 247). This is probably the
origin of classical Pisaurus (river) > Pisaurum (city) > Italian Pésaro, i.e.
*pis- ‘water’ + *aw-[e]ro- ‘watery’, rather than *(e)pi-isauro- (*isauro- =
*isairo-), as argued by some.
e ¢. *SALO- ‘water’: Salandra, Salandrella (Alessio STC p. 363 item
3522 *sala [præ-Latin] ‘canale d’acqua’: La Sala, 3523a *sal-andra < *sala >
Salandria, Salandra, Salandrella in Calabria and the South) 13 . It is even possible
that the same base is present in the Greek river name Sa¢lhc (-hkoj)
mentioned both in Philostratus (5. 1. 11) and later in Photius (Bibl. 328a28),
derived as adjective in -Öak- as sa¢lhc = Doric sa¢lÖac < sa¢lÖa. In fact we
find a form sa¢loj or sa¢lh, Doric variant sa¢lÖa, in Greek, the masculine
variant being the more common. It is present in Sophocles, Philotectes 271
————
13 This base appears to be compounded with –ap- (< *Haap-) in the name of the town in the gulf of Manfredonia,
Apulia, i.e. Salapia (modern Salpi), mentioned in Livy (24. 20 “Salapiam ut uenit...”, 24. 47,
26. 38, 27.1, 27. 28 “Paulo ante his nuntius consulis Salapiam uenerat ...”, twice), Vibius Sequester
(Parroni 5. 11: “Salpina in Hadriatico”), Lucan’s Pharsalia 5. 377 (“Salpina palus et subdita Sipus”),
Strabo 6. 3. 9 (“plhsi¢on de£ kai£ Salapi¢a, to£ tw¤n 'Argurippi¢nwn e©pi¢neion” – nearby also Salpi, port
of Argyrippa), Pliny (NH 3. 11. 16), Appian’s De Bello Civili (1. 52. 227 “e©pelqw£n Salapi¢an ...”)
etc., Nissen IL II, 2. 849. The base *salo- has an outcome in Latin sălus (m.) or sălum (n.), not to be
confused with sāl, sălis ‘salt’, and has an ancient enough pedigree, e.g. Ennius, Hecuba Fragment 202
(“... undantem salum...”). It has congeners in Celtic (Irish sál, sáil, with unusual lenghthening, feminine
in –i-, for which see sál in DIL S-40, discussion in Stokes, Urkeltischer Sprachschatz 321,
wrongly traced to *svâlos, i.e. the *SWEL- ‘swell’ base, rectified in LEIA S-16). Alessio STC 3523a,
given the referential equivalence between modern Salandra and the form Xela¢ndra in the year 1125
(Trinchera 127, at Policoro: “eij to£n potamo£n th¤j xela¢ndraj”), insists that the river name be taken to
*sala- “con valore idronimico”. Caracausi 1990: 621, instead, proposed as etymon xara¢dra ‘letto
asciutto e pietroso di un torrente, crepaccio, burrone’. The use of a *sal- ‘sea; water’ base in waternames
throughout Western IE is discussed for the similar use of Celtic *sal-iā in Pokorny ZCP
20 (1936), 21 (1941), Ekwall ERN 188-189 Engl. Hail, Hayle, W. Hail rather than Heli, Watson
1926: 76 Scottish Seile (Engl. Shiel), Nicolaisen 1957: 234 ff.

48 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
(“e©k pollou¤ sa¢lou” – from much tossing and turning: the basic idea is
troubled, stormy water, used in metaphors), Antigone 163 (poll%¤ sa¢l%),
Oedipus Rex 24, in Euripides, Iphigenia in Taurica 46, 1443 (“ponti¢%
labw£n sa¢l%” – in the sea’s surge ), Hecuba 28 (“e©n po¢ntou sa¢l%” – in the
swell of the sea), Orestes 994 (“ponti¢wn sa¢lwn” – the sea’s turmoil or
swell), Lysias 6. 49 (“e©pista¢menoj e©n poll%¤ sa¢l% kai£ kindu¢n% th£n
po¢lin” – knowing the city to be in turmoil and danger), Polybius (1. 53. 10
“a©li¢menon me¢n, sa¢louj d’ eÃxon...” – no harbour but a sea-road), the LXX
(Sirach 40, 5 “qumo£j kai£ zh¤loj kai£ taraxh£ kai £sa¢loj kai£ fo¢boj qana¢tou”),
Diodorus Siculus (3. 44. 4 “ouÃte ga£r limh£n ouÃte sa¢loj e©p’
a©gku¢raj” – there is neither harbour nor sea anchorage), Lucian (Toxaris 19,
Hermotimus 28, where sa¢loj corresponds to the swell and surge of the sea),
Antoninus Liberalis, Metamorphoses 26. 2 (“kai£ e©ge¢neto xeimw£n kai£ sa¢loj”
– there was stormy weather and a strong swell), Plutarch’s Dialogue on
Love (metaphorically in 758 E “o¨ toiou¤toj sa¢loj yuxh¤j” – such a turmoil
of the soul, 763 A “daimo¢nioj sa¢loj th¤j yuxh¤j” – a supernatural agitation
of the soul), with further metaphoric extension in Parallel Lives (Alexander
32, 5: eÃsxe ga£r o¨ a©gw£n u¨pertroph£n kai£ sa¢lon; Lucullus 10. 2: “sa¢lon
eiÅxen h¨ qa¢lassa” - the sea began to swell and surge: the sense is the primary
one), and in the Moralia, To an Uneducated Ruler 782 E (iÃliggoj
iÃsxei kai£ sa¢loj), Philo, De Cherubim 12. 4, De Posteritate 22. 2, (agitation,
turmoil), De Sobrietate 45. 4 and 48. 1 (turmoil), more with its original
sense of ‘troubled sea’ in Philo, De Somnis 2. 225. 2 (e©n %Â sa¢loj kai£ klu¢dwn
a©ei£ kuka¤tai - with its perpetual turmoil of surging and billowing waters:
a reference to the ‘stormy waters’ of everyday affairs), or more concretely
in Agatharchides, De Mari Erythræo § 92 (“ou© sa¢loj e©p’ a©gku¢raj”
– there was no sea anchorage), Arrian, Periplus Maris Erythræi §7 (“...kai£
sa¢loij eÃxonta tou£j oÀrmouj kata£ kairou£j e©pithdei¢ouj”- having anchorage
for times of necessity in the open sea), Photius, Bibl. 457b29 (“ou© sa¢loj
e©p’ a©gku¢raj” – there is no anchorage), in medical writers such as Soranus
(1. 46. 76-77, Burguière et al. vol. 1. 46b: o¨ sa¢loj tw¤n u¨grw¤n a©pogalhnwq$¤
- till the turmoil of the humours be calmed), Galen (9. 174. 15:
sa¢loj e©n t$¤ kinh¢sei tw¤n a©rthriw¤n - agitation in the movement of the arteries,
cf. also 9. 732. 15, 9. 802. 18, 9. 812. 11-12), Oribasius 6. 23. 15, as

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 49
also glossaries, e.g. Pollux 1. 109 ºa¢loº, Hesychius S 21, Zonaras 1627, 2,
Suidas S 58 14 . The feminine variant occurs in Æschylus (Fragments),
Sophocles (Ajax 353 has “foini¢aj u¨po£ za¢lhj”, i.e. [lashed] by cruel squall,
where some would read sa¢lhj) and in grammatical writers (Herodian in
Grammatici Græci 3, 1. 318, 16: ºa¢lh h¨ fronti¢º, oÀqen a©ºalh¢º o¨ a©me¢rimnoº.
A©i©ºxu¢loº “a©ºalh£º mani¢a” kai£ a©ºali¢an Sw¢frwn ...) and glossaries
(EM 151. 47-50, Suidas S 59 ´a¢louºa: ......ºa¢la ga£r h¨ fronti¢º) 15 . There
are derivatives such as aÃsaloj (Plutarch, Moralia, The Cleverness of Animals
981C “kai£ to£ aÃsalon diw¢kontej” – seeking calm water), a©sa¢lhj,
e©pi¢saloj (Arrian, Periplus Maris Erythræi §§ 8, 12: oÀrmoj e©pi¢saloj, sea
anchorage, etc., Theophylactus Simocatta 4. 13. 9, Pseudo John Chrysostom,
In Venerabilem Crucem, PG 50. 817, 74 etc.), euÃsaloj (Arrian, Periplus
Maris Erythræi § 24 good anchorage at sea), saleu£w etc. which demonstrate
the productivity and vitality of this base. Alessio 1970: 82 had proposed
attributing here the Calabrian place name Salanca (also Ligurian and
Provençal), as well as place names based on Salanga and Salandra (1970:
101); he goes further, attempting to add to this base Tuscan Italian sala, salistio,
Old Tuscan salicchio, as plant names associated with water (reeds), as
————
14 The theme is well represented in later authors, e.g. Origen, In Psalmos PG 12. 1305, 22 (Ps. 32)
“Sa¢loj e©stin e©paineto£j yuxh¤j logikh¤j a©po£ kaki¢aj”, PG 12. 1500, 51 (Ps. 65) “Ei©j sa¢lon
e©do¢qhsan oi¨ po¢dej Ka¢i+n” (Cain’s feet are given to agitation, they are agitated), Clement of Alexandria,
Stromata PG 8. 988, 17-18 “῾Ermhneu¢etai de£ h¨ me£n Nai+¢d, sa¢loj, de£ ©Ede£m trufh¢”, S. Basil the
Great, In Psalmum 61, PG 29. 473, 3-4 “Ou© mh£ saleuqw¤: a©nqrwpi¢nwj o¨mologei¤ to£n sa¢lon”, 29. 473,
11 “kai£ o¨ sa¢loj e©pitei¢nesqai pe¢fuke. Kai£ oi¨ me£n e©pi£ plei¤on saleu¢ontai”, a passage taken up verbatim
in Symeon Metaphrastes’ De Peccato (PG 32. 1197, 41), in S. Basil’s Letters, cf. PG 32. 968, 1-
2 (... genh¢setai, fhsi£, ti£j kai£ peri£ th£n sh£n yuxh£n sa¢loj..., reference to the soul’s turmoil), in
Epiphanius’ Panarion Hæresium III. 117, 10 (“to££ sa¢loj to££ para£ th£n oÃxqhn th¤j qala¢sshj” the surge
and swell near the sea shore), as in S. John Chrysostom’s sermons, e.g. In Genesim (PG 53. 167, 20;
55. 358, 10), In Ps. 124 (PG 55. 358, 10), In Acta Apostolorum (PG 60. 131, 46 and 60. 133, 42), in
Evagrius, Historia Ecclesiastica 6. 12 (PG 86/ II. 2861, 7-8: oÀte to£n nhi+thn u¨mw¤n klo¢non kai£ to£n
e©nteu¤qen sa¢lon - when your ship has been tossed by storm and surge), repeated verbatim in
Gregorius Theopolitanus in his Concio ad exercitum (PG 88. 1884, 21-22), S. John Damascene, Sacra
Parallela, PG 95. 1281, 18 (kai£ sa¢loj, kai£ fo¢boj qana¢tou - turmoil and the fear of death), and in
many other patristic writers and church historians (numerous examples from late and middle Greek in
the Thesaurus Linguæ Græcæ). One of the last, most relevant, examples is in George of Pisidia, Ei©j
to£n a©nqrwpino£n bi¢on v. 30 “r¨eu¢masin a©ndrome¢oisi sa¢lon qana¢toio kuli¢ndon” - the storm and turmoil
of death on the tide of human life.
15 Theocritus’ example of the derived verb in Idyll 2. 85 “a©lla¢ me¢ tij kapura£ no¢soj e©cesa¢lacen” (but
some parching fever put me in a turmoil) supposes Doric sa¢lÖac, which could come from either
sa¢loj or sa¢lÖa.

50 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
well as Latin salix, saliunca (Valeriana celtica 16 ) and the rare Greek items
a©liou¢ggia and a©lioua¢ska. Krahe 1947: 208 had already discussed this
‘water’ base as ‘Illyrian’ in place names, as well as its other IE congeners.
The Tuscan cases had been, however, taken to a decided Longobard origin
by Meyer-Lübke (REW 7524, salaha ‘Weide’), while salix (LEW II. 469)
has a very common IE origin in *swel-, discussed at length in Friedrich
1970. Saliunca is a more likely candidate: for in-depth discussion, see, for
example, LEW II. 469 (not Celtic but Ligurian, as Kretschmer in Kuhn’s
Zeitschrift 38. 119 ff., not Illyrian and not based on salix), DELL 4 590
(“celtique ou ligure?”), NPRA 224 (“herbe des Salii” does not seem very appropriate).
The rare items a©liou¢ggia and a©lioua¢ska, variæ lectiones for
saliou¢gka in Dioscorides 1. 7, by some dubbed ‘Illyrian’, are also possible
candidates (Whatmough, in PID 2. 160-161), despite Frisk’s comments.
Strömberg 1940: 115 and Carnoy DENGP 17-18 (“... est, à tort, par Hésychius
rattaché à aÀlj “mer”. Il s’agit d’une plante d’eau douce”) refuse Hesychius’
etymology of aÃlisma, decidedly a water plant, in terms of aÀlj 17 ,
an etymology more suited to aÀlimoj (Atriplex halimus). The plant name
aÃlisma might perhaps be discussed under *salo- ‘water’. As far as Latin
salus –um is concerned, DELL 4 591 considers it a possible loan from Greek
sa¢loj -h, with meaning shifts due to Latin, LEW II. 471 presents a possible
development from the base *swel-, though the question is considered sub
iudice. DELG 985-6 considers the Latin borrowed from Greek: the question
is, however, left open because of the conservation of initial s-. GEW II. 673-
4 admits it as technical lexicon, of obscure origin (“Fachwort der Seemannsprache,
ohne überzeugende Etymologie”), though possibly from *swel-.
The census of opinion seems to favour a Greek origin and, notwithstanding
Alessio’s præ-Indo-European hypothesis, an Indo-European origin for the
Greek item(s), however difficult to establish with certainty.
j ¢. The rather banal use of ACQUA with modifier: Mid Calabria Acqua
Limpida, Acquapesata, Acquafredda, see Rohlfs DTOC 2-4 and for North
Calabria details Trumper 2000: 141.
————
16
For occurrences see Vergil, Bucolics 5. 17 “Puniceis humilis quantum saliunca rosetis”, Scribonius
Largus, Compositiones §155 “Eryngii, pyrethri, saliuncæ, calcifragæ...”, Theriaca Secunda § 166 “saliuncæ
X p’. quinque”, Pliny 21. 43 etc., Marcellus Empiricus, 10 occurrences, etc. (see PID 2. 160-1).
17
Hesychius A 3013 “[a©lismoi¤j kai£] a¨li¢moij. bota¢naij dendroeide¢i para£ qa¢lassan [hÄ chroi¤j to¢poij].

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 51
z ¢. A tautological ‘river’ river: the number of cases of the Latinisation of
potamo¢j, pota¢mion, potamh¢sioj, mauropo¢tamoj, chropo¢tamoj, *mesopo¢tamon
(DTOC 192), r¨u¢ac/ r¨ua¢kion (DTOC 267, 270, 272), *mesorua¢kion
(DTOC 197) in Calabrian river names is staggering, we have 2 + 6 + 1 + 1 +
7 + 1 + 22 (r¨u¢ac + r¨ua¢kion) + 2 = 42 cases 18 . For the same use of derivatives
of Latin flūmen we have noted only 12 cases, though we might add
Nicà (between Crucoli and Cariati, locally Jumara Nicà), if from a Byzantine
hybrid *Floumenika¢ < flūmen + -ika¢ formant, by wholesale reduction
according to Rohlfs (DTOC 112, the ancient river Hylias), rather than simple
aphaeresis, and not from a Doric Nika½¢ = Nikh¢ to commemorate some victory,
as local enthusiasts would have it. A similar development is to be observed
in the extensive use of Greek bru¢sij ‘stream’ (i.e. streams defined as
‘stream’): Brisi (dialect Vrisi: DTOC 29), Vrisa (DTOC 373), Vrisi (DTOC
373 bis), for North Calabria see Trumper- Di Vasto- De Vita 2000: 226.
1. The ‘sacrality’ of water: water is intrinsically holy, a natural
means of lustration and purification. Reflexes of water’s sacrality
in regional hydronymy.
Water ever since classical times is associated with oracular capacity
(Livy 1. 21. 3; Plutarch, Numa 13: the spring provides uÀdwr i¨ero¢n which
serves to purify and assist the oracle, etc.), it is lustral, purificatory (Varro,
De Lingua Latina 6. 22: the Fontanalia Feast is an Armilustrium “id ab ...
lustro”; Ovid’s Fasti 4. 721-805: the shepherd ‘purifies’ his sheep in the waters,
cf. 735-6 “pastor oues saturas ad prima crepuscula lustra: / unda prius
spargat ...”, 759-60 “tu, dea, pro nobis fontes fontanaque placa/ numina ...”,
and so on. Water is so intrinsically holy as to justify animal sacrifices’ being
offered it, as in Livy 1. 45. 3-7 (oxen offered to the purifying Tiber god).
The intrinsically ‘sacral’ character of water, whether as fountains, sources,
wells or running streams and rivers is ever present, in Greek sources also, as
is evident in the epithets given rivers and courses of water in the oldest
————
18 Alessio 1954: 64 had already dealt with the type ‘Torrente Potame’ < pota¢mi[on] in Sicily, Alessio
1954: 84 with the historical type -ru¢ac in the compound chroru¢ac (in documents Curoru¢ac) in Sicilian
hydronymy.

52 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
Greek epic poetry, e.g. di¤oj ‘divine’ of the Scamander (Xanthus) in Iliad
12. 21, of the Cesiphus in Iliad 2. 522, dii+peth¢j ‘of divine provenance;
divine’ of the Spercheius in Iliad 16. 174, diotrefh¢j ‘nurtured of the
gods; divine’ of the Scamander (Xanthus) in Iliad 21. 223, qei¤oj ‘divine’
of the Enipeus in Odyssey 11. 238, or used of the Æsepus, Ardescus and
Scamander, in Hesiod’s Theogony vv. 342-345, qeo¢j ‘god’ used of the
Scamander (Xanthus) in Iliad 5. 77-8 19 , i¨ero¢j ‘holy, sacred; divine’ of
the Alpheius in Iliad 11. 726. An example valid for all, and pertinent from
the Magna Græcia point of view, would be Theocritus, for whom the water
that comes from the Nymphs’ grotto is in itself holy (Idyll VII. 136-137: to£
de£ e©ggu¢qen i¨ero£n uÀdwr/ Numfa¤n e©c aÃntroio kateibo¢menon kela¢ruze,-
near at hand the sacred water from the Nymphs’ grotto fell splashing), the
river Acis is itself holy (Idyll 1. 69: ῎Akidoj i¨ero£n uÀdwr - Acis’ sacred
stream), as is the very current of the Alpheus (Idyll XXV. 10: i¥ero£n qei¢oio
para£ r¨o¢on 'Alfeioi¤o - by divine Alpheus’ sacred stream). But ‘water’ and
the Lower World are inexorably linked, so that water and the Naiads are also
forces to be afraid of (Idyll XIII. 43-44: uÀdati d’ e©n me¢ss% Nu¢mfai xoro£n
a©rti¢zonto/ Nu¢mfai a©koimhtoi, deinai£ qeai£ a©groiw¢taij - the sleepless
Nymphs, goddesses feared by country folk; the water is dark, fearful, v. 49
the youth falls e©j me¢lan uÀdwr). As Seppilli 1990 2 : 66-67 observes, the ritual
plunge into ‘sacred water’ is a ritualised entry into the Other World, a kind
of anticipation of death or passage rite (“... implicitamente significa un lancio
nel mondo infero”). Earlier epic literature, much earlier than the
Latin cases mentioned, also underlined the fact of rivers’ being born of
the gods (the Xanthus in Iliad 14. 434 = 21. 2 = 24. 693), and that it was
right and fitting that sacrifices be made them as gods, e.g. the sacrifices
offered to the divine Alpheius in Iliad 11. 725-729 and to the divine
Spercheius in Iliad 23. 142-148.
The intrinsic sacredness of water is also a common theme in the
structuring of river names in Celtic, and, apart from the close association
between goddesses and river names in the ancient Celtic world
(Hamp 1971: 549 “... striking correlation, in fact identity, in early Celtic
culture between rivers and their female deities: Sabrinā, Mātronā, Bou-
————
19 The epithet goes best with the river name rather than with the officiating priest (a©rhth¢r), in the
pertinent passage “...... oÀj r¨a Ska¢mandrou / a©rhth£r e©te¢tukto, qeo£j d’ wÁj ti¢eto dh¢m% ”.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 53
indā, etc.”), the English river Dee, W. Dyfrdwy, that gave its name
originally to the border town of Chester (Itinerarium Antonini Pii 469.2,
482. 5/ 8 DEVA, Ptolemy’s Geographia II. 3. 2. 5 Dhou¢a potamou¤
e©kbolai¢ supposing British *Dēwā, Cosmagraphia Ravennatis 1066. 44
DEVA VICTRIS, see also Miller I. 15, comments in Holder ACS 1.
1273-1276, 1289, Rhys 1892 (1886): 117-118, Anwyl 1906: 37, Williams
1945: 35, Jackson LHEB 375, 629, Ekwall 1960: 141a) means ‘goddess’.
The W. Dyfrdwy is literally ‘water goddess’. For the generic ‘goddess’ =
‘source’, ‘stream’, ‘river’ in Celtic cf. also Vendryes 1948: 279 “... un
culte naturiste que se se rattachent les divinités des fleuves et des
sources ...... Plusieurs sources portaient le nom de Devona, la “divine”, le
plus souvent latinisé en Diuona, à Bordeaux, à Cahors, à Laudun
(Gard), à Tonnerre. Beaucoup n’ont pas livré le nom de la divinité qui y
était vénérée ... ” 20 . Such cases are common enough and need no further
exemplification, since probably too much has already been written on
the theme of the Gaulish water goddess’ ‘goddess’ title Diuona, Diuannona,
which, easily confused with Latin Diana, explains the widespread
acceptance of the Diana cult in ancient Gaul and its association with the
existing water cult, cf. Fleuriot 1982: 122 “... le culte des fontaines en
Gaule ... depuis qu’Ausone ... a chanté ..., on a beaucoup écrit sur le sujet”.
We mention the case only to remind readers that *deiwā ‘goddess’
>*dēwā (> Gaulish *dīwā > Diuona) is also the remote origin of British
Celtic river names (Dwy, Dyfrdwy etc.).
The ‘sacred’ and ‘purifying’ (lustral) character of water courses has obvious
reflexes in our regional place names and can be exemplified in cases
such as:
a ¢. Ávato: DTOC 18; STC item 3 aÃbatoj ‘sacred’ rather than aÃbaJoj
‘deep’, which should have given an *Ávatto outcome if ancient.
b ¢. Italic *ais-, IEW 16.2 *ais- < *Haeis- ‘sacred’. Pokorny lists Germanic
and Italic outcomes (Oscan Abl. Pl. aisusis, marruc. aisos, Dat. Pl.
————
20 Perhaps the best known ancient example to which Vendryes referred was that at Bordeaux
which Ausonius celebrated in his Ordo Urbium Nobilium n° 20 vv. 32-33 “Salve, urbis genius,
medico potabilis haustu, / Diuona Celtarum lingua, fons addite diuis”.

54 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
Pelign. aisis etc.). The word seems part of the rarer Latin lexicon (Anthologia
Latina 195, Shakleton Bailey = 204 Riese: 195. 10-12 “Servande in parte
misera nabrastanos aesis/ vitivalvas valmam vitiduis tanda vitritam”). Most –
as Pokorny’s observation “Stamm aus dem Etruskischen” - seem to follow
the more traditional hypothesis of an Etruscan loanword first proposed in
Suetonius (XII Caesares, Aug. 97), repeated in Hesychius (A 2124 ai©soi¢:
Jeoi¢ u¨po£ Tur©r¨h¢nwn), which Alessio 1970: 43-44 turns back to in the case of
Old Calabrian Æsarus (“può essere riportato alla stessa base che appare
nell’etr. Ais ‘sacro, divino’, dato il carattere sacro che aveva il confine”).
The sacrality is not being questioned, the Etruscan origin is. Of differing
opinion, for example, is Devoto in Studi Etruschi 5. 299 ff., as before him
Buck GOU 1904, 1995 2 : 12, n° 15.3 AIS- ‘sacer, divinus’: “Perhaps related
to Germ. Ehre (Goth. *aiza), and to Goth. aistan ‘revere’, Lat. aestimo, from
aiz-d-”. In his discussion of the Gaulish divine name Æsus or Esus, basically
following Pedersen VKG 1.56 and Holder ACS I. 1479, Gray EC 6 (1952).
70 stated “…s’il ne soit mieux de le lier à l’osq. aisusis “sacrificiis”, marruc.
aisos, pélign. aisis ‘dis’, volsc. esaristrom ‘sacrificium’, omb. esono- ‘divinus’
(W-H i. 20. 419), tous empruntés à l’etrusque aesar ‘deus’ …… Il auraient
été donc “le Dieu” par excellence, plutôt que “le Vieux” …”. It certainly
cannot derive from *wesu-s ‘good’ (IEW 1174) etc., as Guyonvarc’h
1969 hypothesised, because
(1) such outcomes represent Marspiter’s title or epithet, with equivalence
Marspiter = Neptunus, the water god (Holder ACS III. 259 Vesontius,
“G. beiname des Mars”: Besançon, CIL 13. 5368 GE[NIO] MAR[TIS]
VESO[NTI(I)], 255-259 Ves-onti-ō(n) 21 , as well as III. 262 Vesu-nna
as god of springs 22 , and not generic ‘god’,
(2) #we- is not reduced to #e- in Celtic 23 .
————
21
See Cæsar, De Bello Gallico 1,38; Ptol. Geogr. 2.9.10; Dio Cassius 38. 34.6 etc. for the form.
22
Cf. Vergil, Aen. 10, 707, Strabo, Geogr. 4.6.
23
Cf. in terms of Holder, ACS III. 260 *vēsu- ‘worthy; fit; suitable’ = ACS III. 410 *vīsu- (*weHs-)
> Irish fíu, W. gwiw (Old Breton Uuiutihern ‘worthy prince’, as Proper Name), with usual outcomes.
Watkins 1973: 88 discusses alternation between Indo-European forms with initial *w-,
forms without: “Apparent doublets with and without initial *w- ... are too numerous in Indo-
European to be dismissed as rhyme-forms”, giving exceptionally few forms such as *wers-: *ers-
, *wesu-: *esu-. This is, however, within Indo-European at some extremely remote stage, where
*wes-: *es- ‘to be’ is emblematic. Within Celtic the only apparent examples are Old/ Middle
Irish errach ‘Spring’ showing *wesr-: *esr- (Pokorny’s comment here “lenierte Form von
➥

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 55
Compare also Ellis Evans GPN 1967: 201 on the divine name Esus, basis
of insular Celtic regal names such as Ir. Eógain > Eóghain, OW. Eugein
> MW. Owein, Ywein > modern Ywain (Anglicised as Owen), all from *Esugenio-s.
He compares with the Latin and Italic forms just quoted, i.e. “Certain
Italic forms in ais-/ es- …… have also been equated with Gaul. Esus,
(H)Æsus …… However, these Italic forms are commonly supposed to be
Etruscan in origin”. Since outcomes of *Haeis- are widespread both in Germanic
and in Celtic theonymic practice (Ēsus), it would seem more plausible
that Etruscan æsar is an Italic loanword than the contrary! That water or water
courses be named ‘holy’ is not absent from other cultures 24 . The fact of
the ‘holiness’ or ‘sacrality’ of water, linked in the Celtic world with Æsus
who mediates between the god Cernunnos of the Lower World (Dis) and
Taranis of the Upper World (Jupiter) 25 , passes into the attributes of the great
Celtic Saints, e.g. Saint David of Wales is ‘waterman’ (Vendryes 1955: one
might also add the patron of Llandaf, Saint Dyfrig, an obvious water deri-
————
*ferrach” shows evident embarrassment), Old Welsh uceint (> ugain) ‘20’ versus Irish fiche
(gen. fichet), or Welsh ucher < *woiksero- < *weipsero-/ *weispero- ‘evening’. The exiguity of
such forms is underlined in Lewis-Pedersen 1937: 130 (§224, 5) “More rarely an old f- is analogically
dropped: Ir. errach ‘Spring’ § 26, 3, espartain ‘twilight, evening’ from Latin uespertīna
(hōra)”, so little weight can be given similar cases. It might even be held imprudent to base
a theory on them.
24 In the case of Celtic see Rhys 1877, Lecture VI pg. 325 on the W. name of the Dee, DYFRDWY ‘water
goddess’, with last element dwy[f] < *deiwo-: Rhys argues that the form present in Giraldus Cambrensis,
DEVERDOEU (Itinerarium Kambriæ II. Xi “Transvadato tandem Deiæ fluuio sub Cestria,
quem Kambri Deverdoeu dicunt...”, Descriptio Kambriæ I. v “De lacu Pemmelesmere Deverdoe [v. l.
Devardoeu], quam Angli Deiam uocant...”), demonstrates this and argues against an origin ‘water of
the two [rivers]’. The shift ‘sacred water’ > ‘water god’, ‘water courses’ god’, and vice versâ, is not at
all uncommon, cf. in the ancient and modern Celtic world the spread of the *glano- ‘pure; holy’ base
in hydronymy, equally present in the ancient world as now, cf. classical Glanum, (matres) Glanicæ, as
in the famous Gaulish inscription MATREBO GLANEIIKABO, and for comments on the “déesses
mères” that are Glanicæ see Benoit 1959: 89-90. For the very concept of ‘sacred’ applied as such to
healing springs see also the relevant parts of Ch. Laudes et al. 1992. For Scottish and Irish equivalents
of Dyfrdwy (‘goddess water’), i.e. Uisge Dé/ Dee, see Watson 1926: 49, 59, 230.
25 That there is a close link between water and the Lower World is illustrated by the genealogy of the exgod
Mabon in the early 12 th century Porthawr poem of the Llyfr Du Caerfyrddin (Evans, 96. 6, 12, f°
XLVIIb): in line 6 he is ‘Mabon am Mydron’ (Mabon, son of Matrona), in line 12 ‘Mab am Melld’
(Mabon son of Melld). Melld cannot be identified with the W. word mellt ‘lightning’, but, instead,
with the Irish Melld/ Mell as in the Inis na Mell ‘Island of the Blessed’ or Other World or Underworld
(see, e.g., Lebor na hUidre 121a, lines 10096-97). An equivalence of reference between Modron/ Mydron
and the Inis na Melld implies identity of the Matrones or watersprites with elements of the Lower
World, paralleling the relationship between the Italic Ammaí Kerríaí and Ceres and the twofold nature
of Ceres, watergoddess and underworld goddess. Modron = Matrona is equivalent of Ceres, or collectively
of the Ammaí Kerríaí ‘mothers of Ceres’.

56 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
vate, Latinised as Dubritius), in Ireland Saint Patrick commands the water
(Book of Lismore, Tripartite Life of Patrick 1. 56), as also Saint Coluimb
Chille (Book of Lismore 311. 28-30, 312. 1 ff.; the Amra Choluim Chille
passim; Heneby’s Betha Coluimb Cille ZCPh 4. 302-304, 5. 59). There is an
extremely close association between great holiness, the sacral character of
water and the command of such water.
For Italic attestations of our base see Buck GOU 1904 (19952) inscriptions
15.3, 19.7 [Capua: putiiad nip hu[n]truis nip/ supruis aisusis putiians/
pidum putiians ufteis] etc., Vetter HID 1953 inscriptions 204, 218, 222, 225,
243-6, LIA 2 89, Tabulæ Iguvinæ VIa3, 112, 119, etc. For Aesis as ‘lustral
water, sacred spring’ that gives its name to a river of the Marche see Livy
5.35.3, Strabo 5.2.10, 5.4.2, 6.3.10, Pomponius Mela 2.4.64, Pliny 3.113-4,
Ptol. 3.1.53, Tab. Peutingeriana 389, Itinerarium Antonini 316, 4, Guido 53,
55, as well as the mediaeval Capitularia Spuria (PL 97 col. 679), and so on.
The modern Esino, Greek Ai©si¤noj, already appears in Appian’s De Bello
Civili 1. 395 (“... peri£ to£n Ai©si¤non potamo£n ... a©gw£n kartero£j e©ge¢neto” –
near the river Esino there was a furious battle), name commented as Aesīnus
in Holder ACS 1.53, Devoto 1967: 71, 75. Similar river names seem to occur
in the former Celtic parts of Northern Italy, cf. the historical items *Aesĭnus,
*Aesĭna signed CM, in Toponomastica, UTET p. 261: fl. Esseno a. 977 Brescia,
994 loco Esene > Èsine (Brescia), Èsino Lario (Como) a. 994 Esene, a.
1290 loco Isino. CM comments: “nome di persona *Aesina di origine
etrusca”. Rather than with doubtful Etruscan (obscurum per obscurius), we
wonder whether connection may be made with Italic Aesis or with Gaulish
Esus/ Hæsus. From the extreme South we have the Calabrian river AiÃsaroj
= Esaro, though modern dialect Ìsuru, at classical and modern Croton. For
the historical documentation see Theocritus, Idyll 4. 17 (e©p’ Ai©sa¢roio - ‘on
the banks of the Esaro’ is a reference to Crotone’s river 26 ), Diodorus Siculus
8.17.1, Dionysius Periegetes 370 (Eustathius’ Commentaries 1. 160), Ovid’s
Metamorphoses 15. 22-3, Strabo 6.1.12, Lycophron’s Alexandra vv. 911-2.
By contrast Pliny 3.14 gives a variant Isaurus, that will plausibly explain the
modern dialect form. In the 16 th century we find in Barrio’s De Antiquatate…
IV. 6 the form Aesaris, which represents (a) the river Esaro at Croton
————
26
Scholia in Idyll 4. 17 “AiÃsaroj potamo£j pararrewn th£n Kro¢twna. eÃsti kai£ aÃlloj potamo£j
Sikeli¢aj”.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 57
(KR: local Calabrian Ísuru), (b) the more northerly river Esaro (CS: local
Calabrian Ghèsaru), IV. 21 Aesarus, Crotone, with Aceti’s explanatory
comment 344 “Aesarus. Aliis Aesar. Ab Hebraico d#). Esar. Latine Beatus.
Apud Etruscos Deum significat”. The dialect form Ìsuru seems directly connected
to Pliny’s Isaurus, for which cf. also Vibius Sequester 1,20, Lucan,
Pharsalia 2, 406 Isaurus; it may possibly be linked to the ῎Isairoj/ Isairus
we find as river name implicit in Pésaro. See details in PID 343, LIA 2 224,
Picenian [polem isairon]. Durante explained the historical origin of this as
*[e]pi-isairon > Pisaurum > Pésaro, for which see also Pellegrini, Toponomastica
1990: 74 ff. The outcome at Croton is probably to be linked with
such Italic forms: this already gives some idea of the complex relations between
Italic indigenous groups and Greek colonisers in classical Magna
Græcia. Geographically contiguous places demonstrate this conflict in their
very names, for example Greek Kro¢twn (on coins ³RO), nearby Ma¢kalla,
evidently Ma½¢kalla deriving from ma½¢kwn 27 , Doric equivalent of mh¢kwn
‘poppy’, opposed to the nearby rivers of evident Italic origin called respectively
now Crocchio (classical Crotalus: onomatopoeic, notwithstanding
Alessio 1970: 42, note 13 tried to attach this river name to Kro¢twn and Kro¢talla)
and Esaro (dialect Ísuru/ Ísaru, classical and mediaeval Isaurus/
Isairus/ Isarus, from a base *eis-, *is- ‘swift, rapid’). Perhaps the best example
is that of the river AMATO < Doric LÖa¢mÖatoj (Koiné La¢mhtoj), Doric
Greek rendering of an Italic *lāmāt-[o]s = lāmātus < lāma, ‘mud’ (Horace,
Epist. 1. 13, 10 “Viribus uteris per cliuos, flumina, lamas”- muddy marshes,
Paulus ex Festo 104, 14-5 “Lacuna, id est aquæ collectio, a lacu derivatur,
quam alii lamam...”) 28 . The outcome is altered by folk etymology in a contrary
sense in Lampe¢thj, Lampe¢teia [Lycophron 1068-70; Stephanus
Byzantinus 409, 17], where the influence of the verb la¢mpw is evident, so
we have ‘muddy water’ > ‘clear water’. A mud base (clam-) is re-introduced
————
27 Nowithstanding the observations of Alessio STC 232 item 2298b Doric ma¢kwn “da escludere del
tutto”, referred instead to item 2298a proper name Ma¢khj (“formazione in -wnej”) or, alternately, to
a formation in -maxoj, and Rohlfs DTOC 168 (“discendenti di un Makos cogn. in Grecia”), this may
well prove to be the remote origin of the three examples of Màconi as a place name in the modern
provinces of Vibo Valentia and Catanzaro.
28 Passim in the glossaries, cf. CGL 5. 655, 45 (Glossæ Iuuenalianæ, 10 th century) “Lama lacuna”, CGL
2. 120, 39 “Lamæ phlÖwdeiºtÖopoi”, for the adjective CGL 5. 469, 37/ 5. 508, 1 (9 th – 10 th centuries)
where “Oblitus latatus lam[n]atus” is probably to be read “Oblitus lutatus lamatus”.

58 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
in Clampetia ‘muddy water’ 29 [Livy 29. 38, 30.19, Pliny NH 3. 72, Pomponius
Mela 2. 69]. A bilingual or mixed language play on words is also
manifest in the case of the river Lao Laus = La¤oj, related in Greek sources
to lao¢j: the pun is strengthened by the equivalence La¤oj as derived place
name Laus = Italic Nerulum. Both the base of Nerulum (*HNER- ‘warrior,
male’, IEW 765, cf. Greek a©nh¢r, Oscan - Umbrian ner-, Latin Nero etc.) and
that of lao¢j is ‘military group’ > ‘people’ (cf. Hittite lahhu: for etymology
and discussion see Juret 1940: 199). In a Doric colonial situation (6 th – 5 th
centuries BC) all males of a certain age were necessarily militarised. To this
mixed language situation (Doric and Italic) are dedicated our observations
on Naiads and river names.
2.0. Greek hydronymy in Calabria: ‘sacrality’ and Naiads,
Poseidon’s daughters in our rivers.
For Poseidon not as a marine god but as the divinity of springs and river
sources see Dumézil 1973, Dumézil 1986 2 , Scott Littleton 1973 30 . Both explain
Apollodorus 11, 14 and Hyginus 169 as myths to do with the creation
of springs, with Poseidon as equivalent of Indian Apām Napāt, Avestan
Apąm Napāţ, Latin Neptūnus, Irish. Neachtán/ W. Nwython, all of whom are
the ‘lords of running water’, ‘spring sprites’, or rather ‘lords of spring water’,
‘river lords’. They represent in some sense the male dimension of fire in
water (dynamism of surging water), they are the ‘bull’ who charges impetuously,
the violence of breakers, but they are also kinship terms. Dumézil e
Scott Littleton insist that the terms derive directly from IEW 764 *nept-,
nepōt- and connect them with the passive, female spirit of water that descends
sluggishly through the plains to the sea, the ‘cow’ river, passive and
sluggish, not ‘full of kine’, as some would have it. There is a necessary,
————
29
Semantically there are parallels with the spread of the ‘mud’ item phlo¢j in Calabrian river naming,
i.e. Pilla -o (dialect Pidda), DTOC 244.
30
In particular p. 425, as “reflex[es] of a common I-E divinity concerned with the source and proper
distribution of water, especially channelized or flowing water”. The same may be said for Roman
Neptūnus, as documented in Catullus 31. 1-3 “Pæne insularum, Sirmio, insularumque / ocelle,
quascumque in liquentibus stagnis / marique uasto fert uterque Neptunus”: ‘O Sirmio, darling of islands
and peninsulas, Neptune in ponds of water as in the open sea ...’, where the significant phrase is
“in liquentibus stagnis”.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 59
mythological connection between the Irish river Boyne (< Bóand < *gwouwindā-,
the ‘white cow’) and the name given the upper part of the river near
its source, i.e. Neachtán (= W. Nwython, formal equivalents of Latin Neptūnus
31 , < *HNEB-T-ON- IEW 315) and Núadha (= W. Nudd or Lludd,
Gaulish Latin Nōdēns: for a fuller discussion see Trumper, in print). There is
a precise correspondence with Indian mythology dealing with the Ganges.
We might note that several Calabrian rivers are called Vaccuta [Diamante,
CS], Vaccarile [affluent of the Amato], Vaccarizzu [the mid and lower
reaches of the river called Beltrame, but in dialect Suvaratu, which gives its
name to the village of Soverato CZ], Fosso delle Vacchere [near Orsomarso,
CS]. Alessio (STC) and Rohlfs (DTOC) are probably wrong both phonologically
and semantically in attributing such river names to the etymon vacuus
‘empty’.
The etymology proposed here for Latin Neptūnus and Celtic Neachtán =
Nwython is composite and complex per contaminationem, i.e. IEW 764
*nept-, *nepōt- (‘[water-] born of/ descendant’, ‘[water] parent’) crossed
with IEW 315-6 *Hen[e]b-t- ‘water’. More complex the case of Gaulish and
British Nōdēns or Nōdōns, chthonic king and divinity of the second Indo-
European function but also Fisher-King, source of waters’ god who signals
the entrance to the Lower World, a role hypothesised in Vendryes RC 39.
384 and Hatt REA 67 (1965). The etymology proposed in Vendryes 1948:
255 fis in terms of a participial construction: “Le mot nodons (ou nodens) est
proprement le participe d’un verbe dont le correspondant germanique
s’appliquait à la pêche (cf. got. nuta traduisant a¨lieu¢j). Or, sur le monument
qui lui est dédié, le dieu Nodons est pourvu des attributs d’un pêcheur
(RC 39, 384). C’est probablement l’ancêtre du roi pêcheur de la légende arthurienne”.
The argument is taken up in Sterckx 1994: 46 “A la suite de
Vendryes, un grand nombre entendent trouver dans le gaulois Nodens le participe
d’un verbe dont le correspondant germanique s’applique à la pêche:
Nodens et ses cousins seraient donc des ‘Pêcheurs’, …”, or similarly pg. 64
“l’une des étymologies vraisemblables du théonyme celtique Nodens/
Nuadha/ Nudd est celle de “Pêcheur”, et que la mythologie galloise connaît
un Roi Pêcheur …”. In this case one might also postulate a complex con-
————
31
Cf. De Vries 1963: 111 “Necht est la forme irlandaise de ‘Neptune’ ...” etc., Le Roux-Guyonvarc’h
1986, item Nechtan.

60 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
taminatio of various elements, i.e. IEW 971-2 *sneu-d- ‘stream; course of
water; flowing; swimmer’ and IEW 768 *neud- ‘fisher’. The two items are
formally necessary to create the mix, since a shift *sn- > n- would be quite
unusual in Irish, though not in British Celtic. The second element is present
in Germanic, too, Gothic nuta ‘fisher’ (Holthausen, Gotisches EW 76-7 niutan,
nuta), OHG giniozan > MHG geniezen > genießen (comments in Kluge
– Seebold 1999 23 : 313-4 genießen; for Old Norse see De Vries AEW 410,
njóta, also Njótr as one of the names of Odin, including parallels with Irish
Nuadhu, W. Nudd, reference to IEW 768), as well as in other elements in
Celtic, e.g. Irish nudal ‘prey’ that Stokes, Amra Choluimb Chille RC 20 pp.
408. 14 and 411 takes to *nūd- < *neud- 32 . One can plausibly refer to this
base the Celtic words for the lymph of plants, e.g. Gaelic snodhach ‘lymph’
(Macbain 301), W. nodd ‘lymph’, with a use already generalised in the early
16 th century, derivative noddyn ‘pond’ used in the same period.
Following Scott Littleton 1973 and others, we accept as etymology for
Poseidon Poseidw¢n < Poseida¢wn < *poti- (IEW 842) ‘lord; husband;
sire’+ -daH- ‘river’, i. e. ‘lord of rivers’ rather than a derivative of -da- < -
ga- = gh¤ ‘lord of the earth’. A certain ambiguity, nevertheless, remains, even
from the Italic point of view, since Dhmh¢thr < DÖamÖa¢thr; even if the ‘earth
mother’ is also the ‘mistress’ of fresh waters, she is the female, receptive
role of water, like her Italic counterpart Ceres. In Italic tradition the Ammaí
Kerríaí are in a sense ‘mothers’ but are ‘Ceres’ daughters’, too, they are
river Naiads or water sprites. They are also Neptune’s children (Vergil, Æn.
7. 691 “Neptunia proles” etc.). Greek Naiads are, in similar fashion, ‘Poseidon’s
daughters’. There are strict parallels with the Matres/ Matræ, Matrones/
Matronæ as lesser water divinities in the early Celtic world: we note
Modron, Mydron in Middle Welsh legend, mother of the youth god Mabon
(Gaulish Maponos < *Maquo-no), the water goddess is at the same time
‘mother’ of Gwydion, who is also Nudd’s son [Nuadha] in the Taliesin cycle,
while even in modern Welsh Y Mamau (the mothers) are the spirits of
erstwhile ‘holy wells’ (Anwyl 1906: 41-2). As ‘consort’ of NŌDĒNS she
might be identified with Danann/ Dôn, who, just like Ceres, is ‘mother of the
waters’ mothers’, a sort of mediation that is both chthonian and aquatic with
————
32 Other outcomes are possible: for a fuller discussion see Trumper, in press.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 61
the Lower World. We note that both Neptune and Poseidon are represented
in ancient place names of Apulia and Calabria: Neptunia 33 is the name of the
Roman colony founded at the port of Taranto in 123-122 BC, cf. Horace,
Odes 1. 28. 29 “Neptunoque sacri custode Tarenti” for the dedication,
Velleius Paterculus 1. 15. 4 for the name 34 , and Poseidonia, apart from the
classical colony of Sybaris later called, by Oscan reduction, Pæstum (Scymnus,
Periegesis 248-9 “... me¢xri th¤j Pos[e]idwnia¢doj w©onmasme¢nhj / hÀn
fasi Subari¢taj a©poiki¢sai protou¤”, Strabo 5. 4. 13 “ei©j to£n Poseidwnia¢thn
ko¢lpon, oÁj nu¤n Paistano£j kalei¤tai, kai£ h¨ po¢lij h¨ Poseidwni¢a
Paisto¢j, e©n me¢s% t%¤ ko¢lp% keime¢nh”, Cicero, De officiis 3. 2 Posidonium
= Poseidonium = Pæstum, Pliny NH 3. 71 “Oppidum Pæstum,
Græcis Posidonia appellatum, sinus Pæstanus”, Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticæ
14. 6.4), seems to have been the original name of Reggio Calabria, according
to a tradition recalled by Strabo (6. 1. 6 “a©po£ de£ Kai¢nuoj me¢xri tou¤ Poseidwni¢ou,
th¤j ῾Rhgi¢nwn stuli¢doj ...”: see Nissen IL II, 2. 892 for the relevant
‘daughter-of-Poseidon’ concept applied to place names, i.e. “Sie heißst eine
Tochter von Sybaris [Skymnus 249] und bedient sich der dorischer
Mundart”). This tradition is mentioned not by Barrio in the 16 th century but
by Aceti in his 18 th century edition of Barrio, during his discussion of Reggio’s
historical names, op. cit. 1. 2 pg. 7: “Rhegium porro POSIDONIA aliquando
dicebatur, ut nobis testantur Numismata a Goltio, aliisque relata, quæ
Neptunum cum tridente exprimebant, hac epigraphe POSEDONEA Posedonea
... [Strabo VI] ... me¢xri t¨ Poseidwni¢¨ th¤j ῾Rhgi¢nwn stuli¢doj”.
There is a classical memory of Neptunus as a freshwater God, the male
‘river sprite’ of the source that springs from the rock (Cicero, ad Herennium
10. 4, applies the attribute to inland lakes, ponds etc.: “Neptunias lacunas”,
Vergil, Georgics 4. 29 gives fresh water the name Neptune, Lucretius, De
rerum natura 2. 472-4 calls both fresh and salt water Neptune), parallel to
Poseidon’s original role as river god. Cf. also the conclusions reached in
————
33 ‘Neptunia’ also covers both fish, e.g. it is the equivalent of pistrix in Cicero (In Arat. 440), and plants
such as Mentha puleium (Pseudo-Apuleius 57). Neptunus is occasionally used for the life-form ‘water’
as such, cf. Peter II. 13, 19-20 who takes up Varro, De gente populi Romani quoted in S. Augustin,
De Civitate Dei 18- 9, i.e. “... respondit, quod olea Mineruam significaret, unda Neptunum”.
34 Strabo 6. 3. 4 mentions the foundation of the colony, without mentioning the name (“uÀsteron d’
a©poiki¢an ¨Rwmai¢wn deca¢menoi”): further details in Pauly-Wissowa NEPTUNIA and Nissen IL II. 2,
874 etc.

62 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
Grenier 1948: 107 (“... un dieu de l’eau, assurément, mais de l’eau
douce”). Salacia is the female water deity that matches the ‘male’ water
spirit Neptune (Pauly-Wissowa, SALACIA “Eine römische Göttin, die in
Kult meist als Gattin des Neptunus erscheint”: Varro, Antiquitates, Res Divinæ
16. 242 from S. Augustine, Cicero Univ. 11; Vergil Georgics 1. 31;
Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticæ 13. 23, 2 ff., Servius ad Aen. 10. 76; Festus
326-7). Usually she is the ‘sea’ (Varro, De Lingua Latina 5. 72 “Salacia
Neptuni ab salo”, Cicero, Timæus 178b, §39 “oceanum Salaciamque...”,
Apuleius, Metamorphoses 4. 31 “... grauis piscoso sinu Salacia”, Apuleius,
De magia 31, S. Augustine, De Civitate Dei 4. 10 “quid est quod mare Neptuno
tribuitur, terra Plutoni? Et ne ipsi quoque sine coniugibus remanerent,
additur Neptuno Salacia, Plutoni Proserpina. Nam ... tenet ita inferiorem
maris Salacia et terræ inferiorem Proserpina”, De Civitate Dei 7. 22 “... habebat
Salaciam Neptunus uxorem, quam inferiorem aquam maris esse dixerunt
... Salacia, quæ in salum redit”) 35 , sometimes generic ‘water’ (Pacuvius,
Fragment 7-8 Ex Incertis Fabulis “Hinc sæuitiam/ Salaciæ fugimus”,
Festus 436, 14-18 “ salum ciet an ... uocabulo
poe Pacuuius ...”, Paulus ex Festo 437, 6-9
“Salaciam dicebant deam aquæ, quam putabant salum ciere” – it is the substance
‘water’ that moves the sea), and she is closely linked with the Nereids
in late glossaries, i.e. CGL 2. 177, 21/ 3. 9, 22/ 3. 168, 13/ 3. 291, 41, dating
from the 9 th century to 1164. Sometimes she is both fresh and salt water, like
Neptune, an ambiguity we find in Servius, ad Æn 1. 144 [Thilo 1. 62, 1-3],
ad Æn. 10. 76 [Thilo 2. 394, 19-21]. There is a natural extension to place
names, as in Portugal’s erstwhile Salacia (Alcacer do Sal): Strabo 3. 2. 6,
Pliny NH 4. 116, Pomponius Mela 3. 8, Ptol. 2. 5. 2 (Sala¢keia), Marcianus
of Heraclea II. 13 (“᾽Apo£ de£ Kali¢podoj potamou¤ e©kbolw¤n ei©j Sa¢lakra”,
which despite its Salacra pro Salacia is a reference to the same place), Itinerarium
Antonini 422, Anon. Rav. 4. 43. Our Salandra/ Salandrella as possible
derivative has already been dealt with in § 0. e ¢. Just as Neptūnus derives
from combined ‘water’ and ‘relative’ (derived/ originating from) themes, i.e.
neptū-no (-no- ‘belonging to’, ‘pertinence’) < IEW 315 ff. *hneb-tu- ‘water’
X IEW 764 *nept- ‘relative’, so Sălācĭa might well derive from an adjectival
————
35 Appian refers to her merely as ‘Sea’ in De Bello Civili 5. 100. 416 “a©ll’ eÃque mo¢non qala¢ss$ kai£
Poseidw¤ni...” [but he (Pompey) sacrificed only to ‘Sea’ and Poseidon].

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 63
structure sălax , -ācem < sălum (coined on the model of Doric sa¢lÖac <
sa¢lÖa = sa¢lhc < sa¢lh, sa¢loj), as belonging or pertaining to ‘sea’ or ‘water’
36 .
2.1 Specific Megalohellenic Naiads
Thurio or Thurion, ancient name of an area that corresponds more or less
to modern Corigliano (plus a part of Rossano, which was its port, cf. Procopius,
The Gothic War, Wars 7. 28. 8 “e©ntau¤qa me£n para£ th£n a©kth£n
῾Rouskianh¢ e©sti to£ Qouri¢wn e©pi¢neion...” – not far from here, on the coast,
is Rossano, Thurium’s naval harbour), and which appears in a variety of
forms (Qouri¢a, Qou¢rion, Qouri¢oi: Thucydides VI. LXI. 6-7, VI.
LXXXVIII. 9, VI. CIV. 1-2, VII. XXXIII. 5-6: Qouri¢a),derives from that of
a nearby spring, as explained in Diodorus Siculus 12. 10. 6, Strabo 6. 1. 13
(C 263: th£n de£ po¢lin [sc. Sybaris] ei©j eÀteron to¢pon mete¢qhkan plhsi¢on,
kai£ Qouri¢ouj proshgo¢reusan a©po£ krh¢nhj o©mwnu¢mou), Scholia ad Aristophanem,
Clouds 331-2 (Dübner p. 98, 42-49, comments on the precise sense
of qourioma¢nteij in Aristophanes). The hydronymic is in some way a synonym
or equivalent of Sybaris. That Thurio/ Thuria is hydronymic in origin
(«kai£ kti¢santej po¢lin w©no¢masan a©po£ th¤j krh¢nhj Qou¢riou»), that its
sense is basically ‘brass conduit’ («xa¢lkeon... me¢dimnon») and that it is synonymous
with Sybaris, is re-iterated by Stephanus Byzantinus (Ethnica 315,
16 - 316, 8). The name Thuria is also associated with that of Antheia (“[eÃsti
kai£ Messhni¢aj po¢lij] Pausani¢aj de£ ῎Anqeian au©th¢n fhsi”), in Stephanus
as in Pausanias 4. 31. 1. 7.8. The spring and ‘conduit’ are brought to
mind in the 16th century in Barrio, De Antiquitate et situ Calabriæ V. 10,
accompanied by Aceti’s comment in the 18th century, cf. op. cit. p. 387:
«Cumque haud procul Sybari investigatione solicitis fons occurrisset, cui
Thuriæ nomen erat, latices erumpentes ærea fistula sueverant, ...» etc. It
would thus seem to be the case that we are dealing with two symmetrical
Naiad-type names for the hot springs of Nicastro - Lamezia (῎Anqeia) and
the Cassano – Corigliano area (Qouri¢a).
As far as “῎Anqeia is concerned, Homer gives it as a city name (Iliad 9.
————
36 Notwithstanding Grenier 1948’s attempt (pg. 108) to derive the goddess’ name from the verb
sălīre ‘to ascend’, I feel that an ultimate origin in sa¢lh, sa¢loj to be more pertinent.

64 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
149-151, 293), a city near the seaboard (e©ggu£j a¨lo¢j), as divine name we
find it in ancient inscriptions as epithet of Hera (see below). Homer is followed
by Pausanias (4. 31. 1. 7. 8), Stephanus Byzantinus 96, 1-6 and others.
Some comments are needed. “῎Anqeia is a water nymph or water sprite
(Lysias, Fragment 59), according to Solinus 56, 14 Anthia and Cardamyle
are sprites associated with Diana’s cult, it is the name of an ‘hetaira’ derived
from a divine name (Harpocration 1. 37, 5-6 “῎Anqeia: o¿ti me£n e¨tai¢ra
dh¤lon: mh¢pote de£ ῎Anteia grapte¢on dia£ tou¤ t, e©pei£ ouÀtwj euÀromen para£
Lusi¢#”; Suidas A. 2501 ῎Anqeia po¢liº kai£ oÃnoma e¨tai¢raº, Becker, Anecdota
1. 403, 27 “῎Anqeia: oÃnoma e¨tai¢raj. tine£j de£ a©nti£ tou¤ q ῎Anteia
gra¢fousin”), it is the name of a spring and is directly associable with that of
the spring Qouri¢a (Herodianus, De prosodia catholica, Grammatici Græci 3,
1. 276, 28-32), she is Poseidon’s daughter but at the same time is a local
Aphrodites, ergo water divinity (Hesychius A 5105 “῎Anqeia: po¢lij th¤j
Peloponnh¢sou kai£ 'Afrodi¢th, para£ Knwsi¢oij”, given as title of Juno/
Hera in EM 108, 47). The equivalence with Hera in some local Greek traditions
is of ancient date, for we find mention of the name as epithet of Juno in
the Mileton inscription given in Schwyzer 1923: 725, 6 (῞Hrhi ©Anqe¢hi), she
is the goddess to whom a column is raised in Messene ((“...῎Anqeia a-| [--pol]e¢mwi
diap- | --- menoi ...” etc.)for having saved the 30 knights ([i¨]ppe¢aj
tria¢konta), as in Schwyzer 70, 1 ff. These are referred to the 5 th century
BC. That her nature is that of a fish is confirmed by Athenæus, given the
equivalence ῎Anqij = “῎Anqeia (Athenæus 13. 586b, and given that certain
fish [a©fu¢ai] are defined ‘hetairas’ “peri£ wÂn o¨ proeirhme¢noj 'Apollo¢dwro¢j
fhsi: “Stago¢nion kai£ ῎Anqij a©delfai¢: auÂtai 'Afu¢ai e©kalou¤nto, o¿ti
leukai£ kai£ leptai£ ouÅsai tou£j o©fqalmou£j mega¢louj eiÅxon” ...”), in the
same way that we have the fish name qouriano¢j derived from Qouri¢a. Her
name is a river name if we accept the editors’ correction ῎Anqij for ῎Arhj in
Lycophron’s Alexandra 729. In this regard we note the myth of the foundation
of the city of “῎Anqeia by ῎Anqaj, Poseidon’s son, as told in Pausania 2.
30. 8, to which, perhaps, Apollodorus is referring when he uses 'Antai¤oj as
the name of one of Poseidon’s sons (Bibliotheca 2. 5 “tau¢thj e©bai¢leue
pai¤j Poseidw¤noj 'Antai¤oj) 37 . The only attempt to etymologise the Naiad’s
————
37 She is not to be identified, instead, with the divine Antheia (di¤’ ῎Anqeia) mentioned in Iliad 6. 160,
who is obviously the Antheia subject of Apollodorus, Bilbliotheca II. 2.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 65
name, “῎Anqeia, is that of Herodianus (Grammatici Græci 3, 2. 453, 26:
“῎Anqeia < a©nqw¤ [< aÃnqoj ?]). To conclude, Antheia is the name of a minor
water deity, representing the female power of water (receptive and calm)
with respect to that of Poseidon’s masculine irruency.
Silvestri 1988: 213-4 proposes associating the name for the hot springs
at Nicastro found in the Tabula Peutingeriana 369 (Aque Ange) with the
Italic Naiad Angitia and the lake name Angitola. Documents give the following
variants: Aque Ancie in Guido 123, 21, Aque Anatie in Anon. Rav. 72, 30
(IV. 34), with further variants Aqueanasie, Aqueancie (cod. C), Aqanatie
(cod. B). Variable forms with –gie, -cie, -tie, -sie seem to indicate the early
formation, in the period 200-400 AD, of affricates such as /ts/ developing
from stop + ĭ /j/. Variants documented seem to point to a base form *Antiæ
as name of the hot springs, name that, given the Megalohellenic ambience,
might well derive from a Greek base “῎Anqeia, name of the water sprite
studied in the previous lines. The hypothesis appears confirmed by the name
of the ‘contrada’ where that part of the Bagni river whose water aliments the
Caronte Thermal Baths flows, the ‘Contrada Anzara’, phonologically
/an’tsara/ in particular dialect subareas (S. Biase – Nicastro –S. Eufemia)
where post-nasal voicing of consonants does not occur, i. e. where ‘gamba’
(leg), ‘quandu’ (when), ‘sangu’ (blood) are conserved as such, without progressive
nasalisation in ‘gamma’, ‘quannu’, ‘sau’, and where, more importantly,
‘campu’ (field), ‘quantu’ (how much), ‘granciu’ (crab), ‘penza’
(thinks), ‘rùanzu’ (pond) do not show post-nasal voicing of consonants, as
do dialects to the north of this area 38 . Angitia hence seems excluded. Is there
some relation between “῎Anqeia and aÃnqoj? For the original sense of aÃnqoj
see Aitchison, Glotta 41 (1963). 271-278, i.e. ‘to flower, bud, grow’ (a©nqw¤
of plants) > ‘plant’ (generic), perhaps referred later to a fertility goddess,
chthonian and subordinated to Demeter ‘mother-earth’. The meaning
‘flower’, as Aitchinson shows, is a much later development. The remote ori-
————
38 In other words /kámpu, kuántu, gránt∫u, pèntsa/ are pronounced with phonetic [p, t, t∫, ts] and not with
phonetic [b, d, d, dz ~ b, d, d, dz], as would be the case in dialects north of Grimaldi and Lago (CS).
This of course means that a phonological /an’tsara/ remains in pronunciation [an’tsara] and does not
become *[an’dzara] in this dialect, nor can it represent in any way /an’dzara/. The fact that the subarea
Anzara between Nicastro and S. Biase is phonologically /an’tsara/, with a post-nasal voiceless affricate,
implies that it cannot derive either from Angia (Angitia) or from Arabic anğār ‘terrace’ etc., differently
from the cases to be discussed in dialects of the province of Reggio Calabria.

66 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
gin remains, nonetheless, problematic.
Much attention has been paid the place names Anzara, Anzarella, Catanzaro
in the literature, as well as the lexemes anzara –u ‘mesa overlooking a
valley’, perhaps even ‘valley’ (RC, CZ), as well as RC angra. Alessio STC
24 (item 253) reports anzara (RC) ‘luogo pianeggiante che sovrasta un precipizio’
with variants, derivatives and historical sources: in STC 183 (item
1853a) he refers this to a form *anteāria < antea (Glossaries, = anchea),
while in STC 78 (item 827) he seems to be referring Catanzaro/ Catacium to
both Lat. antea/ anchea and Gk. aÃgkea (aÃgkoj), given the unsuitability of
catax as possible etymon, his first hypothesis’ being Catanzaro < kata£ +
(aÃgkoj >) a©gki¢on + -a¢rion. Place names such as Angra and usual south
Calabrian angra ‘pezzo di terra coltivata vicino al fiume’ are taken to
*a©gkre¢a ‘valle, via stretta’. (STC 9, item 72). This last term is the plausible
product of a mix aÃgkea (< aÃgkoj) X aÃkrea 39 (= aÃkra, aÃkroj). Later Alessio
1970: 90 suggested that the ancient Sicilian place name ῎Agkrina (Ptol.
3. 4. 15, between Entella and Ge[l]la) might derive from a mix of Greek
aÃgkea and Latin ancræ (= convalles) 40 . The derivatives aÃgkea and a©gki¢on
of aÃgkoj are not usually, however, associated by other researchers with the
types anzaru –a, Anzara –ella, Catanzaro. Rohlfs (DTOC 12: Anzaru, Anzari,
Anzara, common anzara, DTOC 154: Lanzari, Lanzária, DTOC 57:
Catáciu [Catacium], Catánziu, Catanzaro) reports a possible origin for the
first two types in Arabic anžār ‘terrace’, gives Alessio’s solution as *kata£
a©ntsa¢ri for the last, though referring it to Anzaru and a possible Arabism.
EWUG 2 41-2 a©ntsa¢ri, referring to Cusa 618 (1146 AD) h©j to£ a©ntzarh£n
ti¤j xaza¢naj (sic), had taken Calabrian anzara, place names Anzaro –a –i
etc., as well as Catanzaro to the Greek form quoted, which is itself etymologised
as an Arabism, i.e. anğar this time 41 . Pellegrini 1972, 1. 251 and
1. 287, referring to these same examples, supports the hypothesis of an Arabic
origin: “È verosimile l’origine dall’ar. anğār ‘terrazza’ ...”, quoting
————
39
Which underlies both the modern Greek place name ÃAkrea and the Bovese ‘contrada’ of Acria (RC:
see Rohlfs, DTOC 4).
40
Alessio 1970: 90 “... (sc. ῎Agkrina) alla cui base potrebbe stare il lat. tardo ancræ “convalles vel
arborum intervalla” (Paul.- Fest. 11; Glosse), con sopravvivenze lessicali in Siclia, Calabria e
toponomastiche in Campania ... e in Abruzzo ...”.
41
“Mit kata£ zusammengesetz Catanzáro, Provinzhauptstadt in Kalabrien, 13 Jahrh. Katantza¢rion
(latinisiert zu Catacium), so Alessio, Misc. Fr. Piccolo 25. – unklarer Herkunft. Vielleicht aus arab.
Anğar ‚terrazza’, ‚tetto di una casa’ ......”.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 67
southern Calabrian anźara ‘luogo pianeggiante che sovrasta un precipizio’,
and associating place names such as Anźaru etc. Caracausi 1986: 138 n. 360
and 161 n. 423 42 takes Calabrian a©ntca¢rin (see Ménager BZ 50. 362 t%¤
᾽Antca¢rin [11 th century] with c pro z) and Sicilian Greek to£ a©ntzarh£n, as
above, to the Arabic base anğār, as Pellegrini earlier. All Calabrian derivatives
in /andzar-/ may possibly be etymologised in terms of an Arabic base
which passes through late Byzantine mediation (a©ntza¢ri[on]), those in
/antsar-/ certainly not. Problems arise, as stated, in the case of north
Calabrian where post-nasal voicing seems to have been occurring since the
Middle Ages, so that segments such as /ants-/ and /andz-/ cannot be distinguished
but merge in favour of the latter, just as post-nasal /t/ and /d/
merge in /nd/, so that the spread of an Arabic borrowing cannot be excluded.
Nicastro and S. Biase transitional dialects with Anzara /an’tsara/ and
Mid Calabrian Catanzaro /katan’tsaru/, with a post-nasal voiceless affricate,
would seem phonologically to exclude derivation from an Arabic base with a
post-nasal voiced affricate, since such dialects distinguish voiceless and
voiced segments post-nasally, while South Calabrian (RC) Anzaro, dial.
/an’dzaru/, together with the common Reggio dialect item anźara /an’dzara/
would favour an Arabic origin. North Calabrian does not know the lexical
type, while the archaic Pollino dialects have a common lexeme /’andz/ (m.)
1. ‘vantage point’, 2. ‘advantage’ (as in Saracena’s a ppigghjèt [g]ándz
‘ha preso sopravvento’, ‘ha preso il vantaggio’, or the form [g]ándz for
‘vantage point’ used by old speakers at Trebisacce and Albidona, etc.: in
such dialects the underlying structure could be either /’ants-/ or /’andz-/), not
documented by Rohlfs (NDDC), but which might well be related to the
‘Anzo’ of this area listed in DTOC 12, given as of unsure meaning, including
the location, given the common geolinguistic origin, mentioned in “et
esci all’anzo dello Conte” (Viggianello, 1421 AD), reported in Perrone Capano
1983: 20 l. 63. Such considerations would tend to nullify the conclusions
of Caracausi 1990: 47 on the Anzo, Anzà lexical types, i.e. “Purtroppo
origine e significato di questo lessema ci sono ignoti, quantunque la posizione
del xwri¢on medievale e del moderno Anzà faccia supporre che esso indicasse
una elevazione del terreno. Ciò non lascia prendere in considerazi-
————
42
In the latter instance he is more circumspect and says “forse dall’ar. anğar ‘terrazza’ (LG 41 s., Pellegrini
251) ...”.

68 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
one, nonostante la verosimiglianza fonetica, un rapporto con la glossa ancea
‘vallis’ (CGIL II 566, 30, da gr. ant. aÃgkoj, -eoj), che l’Alessio (STC 1853°
s. v. kata¢gkion) porrebbe alla base di Katantza¢rion = lat. med.
Cata(n)cium, da lui ritenuto affine ad ©Antza¤j e ad ᾽Antza¢rin .....”. His reasoning
is absolutely correct in the case of anğār > a©ntza¢rion > /an’dzaru/
‘Anzaro’, /an’dzara/ dial. anźara, whereas /an’tsaru/ and the Anzo type cannot
be explained in terms of Arabic anğār, but require some other base. In
other words, we are obliged to rediscuss Alessio’s first solution and the possible
influence of Greek aÃgkea on particular Vulgar Latin forms (anchia/
antea, ancra/ ancria etc.).
The oldest Greek term of those discussed is aÃgkoj, which, in a geographical
sense, no longer seems to be very current after Homer, Homeric
Hymns, Hesiod etc.(DELG 10 “rares exemples après Hom.,, Hdt., E. Bacch.
1051 ...” etc.), in fact it is often glossed in commentaries; it appears to be
substituted by the derivative aÃgkea, buttressed by successive derivatives
such as misga¢gkeia ‘confluence’/ ‘valley where two or more rivers meet’/
‘ravine’, suna¢gkeia (cuna¢gkeia) id. A possible derivate of aÃgkoj, i.e.
aÃgkea, may well be present in linear B, to be precise in PY Cn 600/ Ma
123/ Na 361 dKfDmw Qimi[s]to a[g]kee (Chadwick and Baumbach,
Glotta 41. 167), where the second term may be either aÃkea ‘precinct’ or
aÃgkea ‘glen’,‘dale’. Either choice may be argued for. Apart from this doubtful
case, aÃgkea is well represented in more ancient literary sources 43 , is represented
in both Plato (Cratylus 420E, § 32: he derives a©nagkai¤on from
aÃgkoj etc.) and Aristotle (HA 599 b, 8. 16: pollai£ xelido¢nej ei©si£n e©n
a©ggei¢oij [=a©gkei¢oij] e©yilwme¢n pa¢mpan - many swallows have been seen
in the ravines without their feathers), in tragic authors such as Euripides
(Bacchanals 1051: aÃgkoj a©mfi¢krhmnon, a craggy glen) and historical writ-
————
43 In Homer Iliad 18. 321 (polla£ de¢ t’ aÃgke’ e©ph¤lqe met’ a©ne¢roj iÃxni’ e©reunw¤n - he travels through
many a glen on the tracks of a man), 20. 490-491 (῾Wj d’ a©namaima¢ei baqe¢’ aÃgkea qespida¢ej pu¤r/
ouÃreoj a©zale¢oio - as furious fire spreads through the deep ravines of our dry mountains), 22. 190
(dia¢ t’ aÃgkea kai£ dia£ bh¢ssaj - through valleys and ravines), Odyssey 4. 337 = 17. 128 (aÃgkea
poih¢enta - grass-clad valleys), in the Homeric Hymns, Demeter 380-381 (ou©de£ qa¢lassa/ ouÃq’ uÀdwr
potamw¤n ouÃt’ aÃgkea poih¢enta - neither sea nor river water nor grass-clad dales), Hermes 159 (hÄ se£
fe¢ronta metacu£ kat’ aÃgkea fhlhteu¢sein - or wander amongst ravines as a brigand), Hesiod Opera
et Dies 388-9 (oiÀ te aÃgkea bhssh¢enta- craggy ravines), Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi 178-9, 188-9,
Orphic Hymns 435 (eÃptato d’ aÃkra ka¢rhna kai£ aÃgkea dendrh¢enta/ Phli¢ou), Simonides in Anthol.
Gr. 7. 496, 4 (aÃgkea neifome¢nhj a©mfi£ Meqouria¢doj - around the ravines of snow-clad Methurias).

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 69
ers such as Xenophon (Anabasis 4. 1. 7: e©n toi¤j aÃgkesi¢ te kai£ muxoi¤j tw¤n
o©re¢wn - in the mountains’ ravines and gorges), Philo the Jew (De Somniis 1.
22), in poets such as Theocritus (Idylls 8. 33: aÃgkea kai£ potamoi¢, qei¤on
ge¢noj...), Mnasalcas (Anthol. Gr. 9. 324, 3: Ouà toi prw¤nej eÃq’ wÅd’ ouÃt’
aÃgkea, pa¢nta d’ eÃrwtej - No, there are no mountains or ravines here, all is
Love), Bion (Epitaph. Adonis 234: o©cu£ de£ kwku¢oisa di’ aÃgkea makra£
forei¤tai/ ©Assu¢rion boo¢wsa posin, kai£ pai¤da kaleu¤sa), even in later
authors such as Artemidorus Daldianus (150, 10; 193, 9-10: pl. aÃgkh =
na¢pai ‘valleys’, fa¢raggej ‘crags’, ‘ravines’), Sextus Empiricus (Against
the Professors 1. 3: kai£ bh¢ssai kai£ aÃgkea oi¨ ba¢simoi to¢poi - and valleys
and gorges actually mean accessible places), Nonnos (Dionysiaca 2. 292:
aÃgkea nh¢swn - island glens; 22. 39: paipalo¢enta kat’ aÃgkea Pa¤nej
a©lhtai...- Pan gods roaming round craggy ravines) or Quintus Smyrnæus
(Posthomerici 1. 283-4: t’ aÃgkea makra£ kai h©io¢enta Pa¢normon/
Maia¢ndrou te r¨e¢eqra baqurro¢ou; 1. 686-8: tou¤ d’ u¨po£ possi£n/ aÃgkea
ki¢nuto makra£ baqu¢rrwxmoi¢ te xara¢drai/ kai£ potamoi¢ kai£ pa¢ntej
a©peire¢oioi po¢dej ῎Idhj). We find the form in early Byzantine authors such
as S. John Chrysostom, S. Gregory Nazianzen (Poemata Moralia, PG 37.
768, 1-2: Kai£ ptero£n oÃrnin eÃqreye taxu£n, kai£ aÃgkea qh¤ra/ Baia£ ponhsame¢nouj,
fronti£j, e©phmati¢h), as well as in the glossaries 44 ; it is ever present
in the bilingual Latin-to-Greek and Greek-to-Latin glossaries, e.g. CGL
2. 17, 19 (Ancræ agkea: aulwneº), CGL 2. 492, 34 (Ancrea aulwn,
emended in the Glossæ Labæi as Ancrea aÃgkea). Derivatives with similar
meanings are well attested throughout Greek literature, e.g. misga¢gkeia
confluence of valleys, valley bottom where streams flow together (in Latin
glosses convallis), as in Homer (Iliad 4. 453: e©j misga¢gkeian sumba¢lleton
oÃmbrimon uÀdwr - in the ravine where they meet they mix their impetuous
water), Plato (Philebus 62 d 4-5: Meqiw¤ dh£ ta£j cumpa¢saj r¨ei¤n ei©j
th£n th¤j ῾Omh¢ron kai£ ma¢la poihtikh¤j misga¢gkeiaj u¨podoxh¢n; - shall I let
them all flow into what Homer very poetically calls the ‘confluence’), later
in Damascius (De Principiis 1. 292: a©lla£ tina poihtikh£n misga¢gkeian -
————
44 Scholia in Theocritum 8. 33a-g, Hesychius A 523 (derived a©gka¢j), 525 (aÃgkea: koi¢louj to¢pouj kai£
faraggw¢deij), 556 (aÃgkoj: nh¤son polla£ aÃgkh eÃxousan), Zonaras 1. 30, 17-24/ 1. 31, 1-3, Etymologicon
Magnum 10, 43-46 aÃgkh, Eustathius ad Odysseam 1. 1498, 46-47 (῎Agkea de£ to¢poi
o©reinoi£ a©nakei¢menoi oÀ e©sti xqamaloi¢. tapeinoi¢. kai£ w¨j oi¨ palaioi£ fasi£, fa¢raggej. koi¢loi to¢poi,
i.e. mountain valleys, flats overlooking valleys, bluffs, ravines etc.), Gudianum 212, etc.

70 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
but that sort of ‘confluence’ we find in poetry), Galen (2. 5, 18; 4. 616, 13-
14; 19. 482, 11: misga¢gkeia is used figuratively for a ‘mixing’ or ‘confluence’
of different substances), in Porphyry of Tyre at least five occurrences,
commented in the grammarian Herodian (Grammatici Græci 3, 2. 551, 21),
in the Anonymous Commentator to Aristotle’s Rhetorics (Rabe 1896: 173,
29-31 “h¨du£ de£ tv¤ fwnv¤ hÃtoi tv¤ e©kfwnh¢sei, ...... w¨j to£ misga¢gkeia kai£
a©tarpo¢j”), found in later commentaries and glossaries 45 , as also
suna¢gkeia (variant cuna¢gkeia, in Latin either vallis or convallis), present
in Polybius, in Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum (2. 4. 8: oÀtan
suna¢gkeia¢n tina labo¢ntej futeu¢swsin - when the plant the slopes of a
ravine), Babrius (27. 2: eÃpnigen u¨da¢twn e©n sunagki¢$ koi¢l$ - in a deep ravine),
Diodorus Siculus (3. 68. 6: the sun shines “dia£ th£n suna¢gkeian”
throughout the glen, 4. 84. 2: “suna¢gkeiaj de¢ndrwn” tree-filled glens, 5.
19. 3: “suna¢gkeiaj kai£ phga£j polla¢j” glens and springs in number, 5.
43. 2 “suna¢gkeiai de¢ndrwn u¨yhlw¤n”, 19. 21. 3: ), Strabo (12. 2. 3, C536:
dia£ tw¤n sunagkeiw¤n tou¤ Tau¢rou, through the gorges of the river Taurus),
in Plutarch (Parallel Lives, Timoleon 28. 7: “suna¢gkeiaj kai£ fa¢raggaj”
valleys and ravines), Themistio (11. 14: suna¢gkh pl. of suna¢gkoj, associated
with crags, rocks and mountain tops), Leo of Taranto (Anthol. Gr. 6.
188, 5: eÃn te sunagkei¢aisi pari¢staso deciterh¤fi), less frequently in
commentaries (but cf. EM 196, 50-51). We would seem to be dealing with a
well known Greek lexical item, well represented in all periods, except perhaps
after 1200. As far as mediaeval Calabro-Greek texts are concerned ‘valley,
glen’ seems to be represented by the type baqei¤a, ba¢qoj, ‘confluence’
by the types (s)mi¢cij, smi¢gma [u¨da¢twn], though one wonders whether fairly
————
45 Scholia in Homerum (Erbse 1 D 453: to£ aÃgkoj, oÁ mi¢gnutai oi¨ potamoi¢), Apollonius’
Lexicon Homericum (113. 4-5: misga¢gkeia to¢poj koi¤loj, ei©j oÁn katafero¢mena mi¢sgetai a©po£
pleio¢nwn o©rw¤n uÀdata. tw¤n aÀpac ei©rhme¢nwn), Hesychius M 1440 (misga¢gkeia: koi¤loj to¢poj, ei©j oÁn
pantaxo¢qen ta£ ka¢tw fero¢mena a©po£ tw¤n o©rw¤n uÀdata mi¢sgetai)/ 1443 (misga¢gkeia), Etymologicon
Magnum 588, 35-41, Photius (Naber 308, 1-2: misa¢ggia pro misga¢gkeia), Zonaras II. 1362, 11-12
(Misga¢ggeia.to¢poj koi¤loj. ei©j oÁn katafero¢mena ta£ uÀdata e©k tw¤n o©rw¤n suni¢stantai), Suidas S
1110 (Miºga¢gkeia: to¢poº koi¤loº, ei©º oÁn ta£ katafero¢mena mi¢ºgetai a©po£ pleio¢nwn o©rw¤n uÀdata.
cuna¢gkeia de£ le¢getai w¨ºau¢twº o¨ koi¤loº to¢poº), Eustathius ad Iliadem 4. 453 (vol. 1 tome 1 pg. 395:
“... o¨ ba¢qoj kai£ faraggw¢dhj kai£ oi¤loj to¢poj”, with equivalences misga¢gkeia = xara¢dra, =
su¢r©r¨oia, = u¨da¢twn mi¢cij), ad Odysseam 1. 30. 7, 1. 50. 46 (associated with the verb mi¢sgein), 1. 74.
21 “mi¢gnutai uÀdata e©j mi¢an misga¢gkeian”, Gudianum 5 (῎Agkoj, ei©j to£ misga¢gkeia), 212 (Ei©j
misga¢gkeian, ei©j ba¢qoj gh¤j. para£ to£ mi¢sgw kai£ to£ aÃgkoj oÁ shmai¢nei to£ koi¤lon kai£ to£ ba¢qu ...
etc.... e©k tou¢tou aÃgkeia kai£ misga¢gkeia) and 395 etc.

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 71
common a©ggei¤on ‘vase’ but also used as ‘hollow’ (in a geographical sense)
is not a mix with a diminutive a©gki¢on ‘hollow’, ‘glen’, ‘ravine’ ( * HaNG-, Schrijver 1991: 43, 51, 60, 319; for
previous similar solutions see LEW I. 45 ancræ, DELL 4 32 ancra, convalles,
for Greek aÃgk- GEW I: 10-12, DELG 10-11: Ancra is attested epigraphically
and in Festus (Lindsay 10, 22 “Ancras [~ Antras] conualles uel arborum
interualla”), later in glosses from the 8 th century AD on, e.g. in
Placidus’Libri Glossarum (CGL 5. 47, 14: Anchras conuelles [pro conualles]
aut arborum interualla) and in even later redactions (CGL 5. 7, 3 ancras
conualles aut arborum), as in a varia lectio of Papias AN 75. The variant angra
occurs in glossaries (Scaligero’s Pseudo-Isidore, CGL 5. 589, 33, early
Placidus CGL 5. 47, 17, as also in later redactions, cf. CGL 5. 6, 11). This
latter seems influenced by some latish Greek variant of aÃgkea, aÃgkoj,
a©gki¢on, e.g. Hesychius’ related hapax aÃgxra, and will possibly explain
Reggio Calabria dialect angra and Angra in Calabrian toponymy. We also
find variants such as antea (CGL 2. 566, 30: Antea uallis), antia (Cassinensis
401 in CGL 5. 440, 17, Cassinensis 402 in CGL 5. 561, 14: the basic
reading is Antia locus relictus hostis, a hostile, abandoned place), anchia as
in Papias AN 75 (anchias [~ ancras] conualles uel arborum interualla). Such
variation in Vulgar Latin would indicate the presence of an affricate, i.e.
/’antsa/. We also find a sort of contaminatio between ancra and anchia as
ancria in CGL 2. 470, 8. Greek aÃgkea, a©gki¢on seem to have produced
antea, antia, anchia and further mixing with Latin ancra to produce the Neolatin
forms Anzo –a, Pollino /’andz/, also angra, top. Angra, Angri, while
aÃgkea X ῎Anqeia could well have produced Nicastro’s Anzara /an’tsara/,
given the geographical identity (and meaning ‘watersource’) with late Latin
variation Aque Ancie/ Aque An[a]tie/ Aque Angie for the Nicastro thermal
springs from 200-300 AD on. Catanzaro, given phonological /katan’tsaru/ in
dialect, might well be the outcome of a derivative Cata(n)cium < kata¢gkion
< a©gki¢on, as Alessio argued (see above), while the Reggio Calabria forms
Anzaru –a with /dz/ could well represent, instead, the products of an Arabic
loan anğār.

72 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
3. Italic Naiads
ANGITIA, discussed in the preceding paragraph, is well documented in
Italic and Latin sources (Nissen 456: Angitiæ lucus = Lucus ferens), also cf.
Vibius Sequester 4.1 “Angitiæ uel Anguitiæ Lucaniæ”, Vergil Æn. 7. 759 ff.
(“te nemus Angitiæ, uitrea te Fucinus unda/ te liquidi fleuere lacus”, taken
up in Quintilian’s Institutiones Oratoriæ 9. 3. 34), Servius ad Æn. 7.750 ff.:
“hi ergo populi [sc. Marsi ecc.] Medeam Angitiam nominauerunt ab eo,
quod eius carminibus serpentes angeret”, Silius Italicus, Punici 8. 498-99
(“Aeetæ prolem Angitiam mala gramina primam/ monstrauisse ferunt...”), as
also Gellius, Annals, Fragment 150, 8 (Peter), who, commenting the goddesses
of the Marsi, names them thus: “Cn. Gellius Æetæ tres filias dicit,
Angitiam, Medeam, Circen”. Solinus 39, 3-4 also associates Angitia with
Medea and Circe (“C. Coelius Æetæ tres filias dicit Angitiam Medeam
Circen”, sic Mommsen!), and considers her a waters’ source goddess with
curative powers in 39, 5-7: “Angitiam uicina[m] Fucino occupauisse ibique
salubri scientia aduersus morbos resistentem, cum dedisset homines uiuere,
deam habitam”. In geographical writings from 200 AD on we find the river
name based on that of the goddess: Itin. Anton. 106,1 ad fluuium Angitulam,
Anon. Rav. (IV. 34) 72, 31 Angila, Guido Geogr. (§43) 123, 22 Angitula.
This particular Naiad or minor goddess is well known from Oscan sources,
cf. Buck GOU 52, p. 257 stenis. kalaviis./ anag[i]tiai. diíviiai/ dunum. deded,
per Anag[i]tia = Vetter HID 140 (“Die Göttin Angitia wurde besonders bei
den Marsern und Pälignern als Heilgöttin verehrt”), Anaceta in the Sulmona
inscriptions: Vetter HID 204, 205, 206, 207 (= Poccetti 214, re-read as Brata.
Polf. Sa/ Anacta. Ceri, though the fact that we are dealing with Angit[i]a Ceres
remains constant), 208, 211, Poccetti NDI 221 (Aquila) P. Pomponi. N. f.
/ Angitie/ donum dedit/ lubens/ dedit. It is even plausible that the Brettic inscription
found at the temple of Apollo Aleus at Crimissa (Punto Alice at
Cirò Marina) be a reference of some sort to Angitia, at least in the form
given by Vetter, HID 194 (pp. 128-9) [ÇAKARAKKLIM………. [DEI]Û[AI]
ANG(M/ IT)AI] (sacellum …. Ovidius Herius ... Angitiæ). Francisci-
Parlangeli 1960 read this as ÇAKARAKID IMAI...... WUDDIHIÇ ERIHIÇ
RANIMAI [PA..Ç. AI], as did Pisani LIA 2 : 3 (p.47). The definitive reading is
that of Poccetti NDI: 186 ÇAKARAKID IMAI...... WUDDIHIÇ ERIHIÇ
RANIMAI (Sacravit Inferæ ... Ovidius Herius ...). Whatever be the correct

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 73
reading of each element, it is nonetheless important that a Brettic defixio is
present in a Megalohellenic sanctuary, even more relevant that the god or
goddess invoked to assist one’s dead in the passage to another world is an
Italic minor water deity. This water deity is etymologically ‘water that suffocates’,
she accompanies one in the very instant of death, whether violent or
not. On this score compare Scott Littleton, Poseidon, JIES 1. 4 (1973). 427
“waters are either personified by or in the care of a figure who has the power
to frustrate, punish, or reward”. This symbiosis between two cultures, Oscan
and Doric, seems borne out, as well, by extremely recent finds, i.e.a bilingual
inscription in a defixio found recently in tombs in the Crimissa area and
in course of publication (Cirò Marina: Poccetti, Lazzeretti, p.c.).
The second important Naiad, from the Calabrian point of view, is
ARINTA. She is definitely to be associated with ARENTIKA of Oscan inscriptions,
cf. GOU (Capua) 19 (pp. 243-6), inscription of the 4 th – 3 th century.
BC (see GOU pg. 246 for comments on the non marking of double
consonants and for graphemes such as í, ú):
§1 KERI ARENTIKAI MANAFVM ‘Cereri Ultrici mandavi’,
§3 ARENTIKAI [PAKIM KLUVATIIUM],
§12 VALAIMAIS PVKLO AVT KERI ARENTIKAI AVT VLAS LEGI-
NEI ‘Valaemae filium aut Cereri Ultrici aut illius cohorti’, = Vetter
HID 6, with significant differences in the reading of the last piece, i.e.
KERI: ARENTIKAI ... VALAIMAS PVKLVM INIM VLAS LEGI-
NEI, though the dedication to Ceres Ultrix remains a constant.
Minor water goddesses, Naiads, are always found in Ceres’ train. Arentinus
in Vibius Sequester 6.13 seems a derivative, as the Proper Name Arinthæus
in Ammianus Marcellinus XV passim. For Greek commentators compare
Hecatæus reported in Stephanus Byzantinus, Ethnica 118, 3 'Aria¢nqh,
po¢lij Oi©nw¢trwn, where Meineke corrects the codices’ reading into 'Ari¢nqh.
In Calabrian Middle Greek texts (Middle Ages) we find 'Ari¢ndh in Trinchera
p. 94, which has probably provoked the false etymology of the village
name Rende (dialect Renni f. pl.) < Italic Arinta! Buck, Frisk, Chantraine
and others treat the Italic name as a Greek cultural loanword, basing their arguments
on an equivalence Arinta = 'Ar[i]a¢nth seemingly in Hesychius A

74 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
6960 a©ra¢ntisin: e©rinu¢si. Makedo¢nej. The Greek divine name 'Erinu¢j is
not only linked as epithet to Demeter 46 , but there is also a relevant link between
'Erinu£j and the Naiad Qouri¢a, Poseidon’s daughter. Pausania 8. 25.
4-6 associates both with both Poseidon and Demeter. In Hesiod (Theog. 185)
'Erinu¢j is daughter of Gai¤a = DÖamÖa¢thr. Moreover, Hesychius makes of
'Erinu¢j the mirror image of Aphrodites (᾽Afrodi¢thj eiÃdwlon). Demeter
herself seems to be current already in the Mycenean period as 'Erinu¢j, cf.
Linear B KNFp1 in Chadwick-Baumbach, Glotta 41 (1963). 194 w

J. B. Trumper, Greek Naiads amongst the Brettii, Oscan Naiads in Greek colonies: Calabrian... 75
ceased woman whose soul is being recommended by her children to the
Crati water god. The text, not documented to date in any Corpus Inscriptionum,
is clearly Doric, even in its formal and linguistic aspects, e.g.
ADELFE[A] (l. 2, = a¦delfh¢), TANFI[…..]MATERA (l. 6, = th£n Fi[…..] mhte¢ra).
Of note is the fact that the water goddess to whom appeal is made (l. 3) is the
Italic ARINTA. The examples of the Cirò and Torano defixiones constitute an
evident proof of a multicultural and mixed language society, present not only
along the Magna Græcia seaboard but also in the Mesogai¤a. The photo (1)
is ample proof of our argument 48 , though the original stone and inscription
seem to have been stolen or passed into private hands, the fate of many
original inscriptions in Calabria, so that a complete autopsy becomes impossible
until the stone has been retraced. The cult of Arinta is hence linked to
the purificatory properties of water, to the local Crati water god: the collocation
of the find and its obvious water associations make it impossible to consider
the name as origin and representation of Rende, nor can the inscription
be linked to the Arente tributary of the Crati, slightly north of Montalto Offugo,
places and water courses far too south to be included in this cult name.
The name probably remains a representation of Ceres Ultrix, Demeter the
Avenger, a name completely consonant with Scott Littleton’s observations.
The Arente tributary of the Crati should, then, more logically derive from
arēns, arĕntem (Trumper 2000: 142) and not from Arint(h)a, given the possible
semantic relation with the nearby Crati tributary Àvisu < Arabic abis
‘dry’. Our hypothesis of a close Calabrian link between Magna Græcia Naiads
(Qouri¢a, ῎Anqeia) in Calabrian thermal springs and Italic Naiads
(Angit[i]a, Arint[h]a) in the defixiones and tomb laminæ associated with
Doric temples and burials would seem then to possess a more solid basis,
postulating a closer link in the ancient world between Doric colonisers and
indigenous Italics in a mixed society than hitherto hypothesised. In support
of this P. Poccetti and M. L. Lazzarini have recently informed me (p. c.), as
already mentioned, of a new, important find in an excavated tomb in the
Crimissa area with bilingual inscriptions in Doric and the Brettic variety of
Oscan.
————
48 I wish to thank Ottavio Cavalcanti for passing me the photo of the inscription.

76 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes
Photo 1.
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88 ADRIONIAN: Visions, echoes, maps & routes