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Desiderio <strong>and</strong> Diletto: Vision, Touch, <strong>and</strong> the Poetics of <strong>Bernini's</strong> <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong><br />
Author(s): Andrea Boll<strong>and</strong><br />
Reviewed work(s):<br />
Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 82, No. 2 (Jun., 2000), pp. 309-330<br />
Published by: College Art Association<br />
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3051379 .<br />
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Bulletin.
Desiderio <strong>and</strong> Diletto: Vision, Touch, <strong>and</strong> the Poetics of<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong><br />
Andrea Boll<strong>and</strong><br />
The gods, that mortal beauty chase,<br />
Still in a tree did end their race.<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong> hunted <strong>Daphne</strong> so,<br />
Only that she might laurel grow.<br />
And Pan did after Syrinx speed,<br />
Not as a nymph, but for a reed.<br />
-Andrew Marvell, from "The Garden"<br />
In Filippo Baldinucci's Life of Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1682), the<br />
marble group of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> (Fig. 1) is cast as the<br />
youthful sculptor's first great public triumph. After invoking<br />
the topos that mere words cannot describe the "meraviglie"<br />
(marvels) that the sculpture "displayed in every part to the<br />
eyes of all," Baldinucci goes on to describe the statue's<br />
reception:<br />
[I]mmediately when it was seen to have been finished,<br />
there arose such a cry [se ne sparse un tal grido] that all<br />
Rome concurred in seeing it as a miracle [tutta Roma<br />
concorse a vederla per un miracolo], <strong>and</strong> the young artist<br />
himself (not yet eighteen years old), when he walked<br />
through the city, drew after him the eyes of all the people,<br />
who gazed upon him <strong>and</strong> pointed him out to others as a<br />
prodigy... .2<br />
The grido described by Baldinucci has barely abated in the<br />
375 years since the statue's completion-if anything, the<br />
clamor has recently increased with the reopening of the Villa<br />
Borghese (for which the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> was made <strong>and</strong><br />
where it is still displayed), the cleaning <strong>and</strong> scientific examination<br />
of the statue group, <strong>and</strong> the quadricentennial of <strong>Bernini's</strong><br />
birth. All three of these events generated catalogues<br />
containing beautiful photographs, probing essays, <strong>and</strong> bibliographies<br />
listing such a quantity of secondary literature that one<br />
might reasonably ask if anything remains to be said about the<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>.3 (Indeed, one might dispute Baldinucci:<br />
the work's visual meraviglie seem to compel words rather than<br />
inhibit them.) Yet in spite of the ample documentary evidence<br />
relating to the statue group's creation, the picture that<br />
emerges of its meaning <strong>and</strong> context is anything but clear. In a<br />
series of equally plausible arguments, the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> is<br />
said to celebrate the sense-based pleasures of art (by way of its<br />
reference to the paragone debates),4 or to be about the evils of<br />
sensual poetry (by way of the inscription on its base, warning<br />
against the bitterness of worldly beauty);5 it is an erotic<br />
artwork, made for a hedonistic patron,6 or it is a Neoplatonic<br />
allegory of the sublimation of sensual lust into art, made for a<br />
discerning cardinal;7 it is Marinist <strong>and</strong> Petrarchan in its<br />
imagery,s or it is anti-Marinist <strong>and</strong> anti-Petrarchan in its<br />
message.9<br />
That these readings can happily coexist in the modern<br />
literature (<strong>and</strong> sometimes even appear as parts of the same<br />
argument) testifies to the richness of the story of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> <strong>and</strong> to the subtleties of <strong>Bernini's</strong> statue. Indeed, one<br />
might even say that the subject <strong>and</strong> <strong>Bernini's</strong> treatment of it<br />
not only elicit paradoxical readings but that paradox is at the<br />
heart of the group's meaning. Rather than undertaking a<br />
radically new reading, this essay will focus on these paradoxical<br />
relationships-specifically, the intertwined themes of sensuality<br />
<strong>and</strong> antisensuality <strong>and</strong> of desire <strong>and</strong> artifice-that by<br />
common consensus seem to lie at the heart of the statue<br />
group.<br />
These themes will be placed in a larger Renaissance critical<br />
tradition in which a crucial role is played by vision <strong>and</strong><br />
touch--senses that Bernini uses to great effect in his statue<br />
group, <strong>and</strong> which are central to the literary tradition of the<br />
story. In this critical discourse, poetry, painting, <strong>and</strong> sculpture-sister<br />
arts, united by the common end of mimesiswere<br />
unequal in ways that hinged on their address to the<br />
senses, <strong>and</strong> on the comparative value assigned to the senses<br />
themselves, in their abilities to provoke desire, provide<br />
delight, <strong>and</strong> grant access to knowledge.10 The Renaissance<br />
hierarchy of sense (like that of the arts) was not an absolute<br />
one: if vision was often exalted for its immaterial (hence<br />
spiritual) nature, it was also the sense most easily fooled, <strong>and</strong><br />
if touch was the surest of the senses, it could also be maligned<br />
for its base association with the sexual act. These criteria were<br />
particularly significant, since not only did the three arts hold<br />
in common the deceptions of fiction, but also (as we shall see)<br />
Renaissance commentators had located the origins of poetry,<br />
sculpture, <strong>and</strong> painting in mythic stories revolving around<br />
erotic desire. The merging of artist <strong>and</strong> artwork hinted at in<br />
Baldinucci's text (the crowd's desire to see the statue gives way<br />
to the need to lay eyes on its maker) also takes us back to the<br />
intersection of art <strong>and</strong> myth: if <strong>Bernini's</strong> own transformation<br />
during these watershed years in his career is broadly analo-<br />
gous to that of <strong>Daphne</strong> (who, after all, emerges from her<br />
metamorphosis immortalized), it was the poet-god <strong>Apollo</strong><br />
who would provide the young sculptor with a template from<br />
which to fashion his mythic-artistic identity <strong>and</strong> recast the<br />
poetics of his own art.<br />
Bernini, Scipione Borghese, <strong>and</strong> Maffeo Barberini<br />
Bernini created the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> over a three-year<br />
period, with some interruptions, beginning in the summer of<br />
1622, when he was twenty-three years old.11 Commissioned by<br />
Cardinal Scipione Borghese, it was the third in a series of<br />
life-size marble sculptures he ordered from Bernini to adorn<br />
his luxurious villa outside the Porta Pinciana, the others being<br />
the Aeneas <strong>and</strong> Anchises (1618-19), the Pluto <strong>and</strong> Proserpina of<br />
1621-22 (Fig. 2), <strong>and</strong> the David (1623-24).12 The group's<br />
delivery to the Villa Borghese in the fall of 1625 not only<br />
completed that series of impressive statues, it also effectively<br />
marked the end of <strong>Bernini's</strong> large-scale work for the cardinal
310 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
1 Gian Lorenzo<br />
Bernini, <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>. Rome,<br />
Galleria Borghese<br />
(photo: Scala/Art<br />
Resource, New York)
2 Bernini, Pluto <strong>and</strong> Proserpina. Rome,<br />
Galleria Borghese (photo: Alinari/Art<br />
Resource, New York)<br />
<strong>and</strong> signaled a turning point in the lives of both patron <strong>and</strong><br />
sculptor. 13<br />
As has often been noted, Scipione Borghese's status plummeted<br />
in early 1621, shortly after the death of his uncle Pope<br />
Paul V <strong>and</strong> the subsequent accession of the Bolognese pope<br />
Gregory XV (who had not been the cardinal's first choice in<br />
the conclave).14 While Borghese eventually recovered from<br />
his fall from grace, his role had changed; he was never again<br />
the powerful Cardinal Nephew, responsible for setting the<br />
taste of the papal court, as he had been when Bernini began<br />
to work for him in the 1610s.15 We may even view <strong>Bernini's</strong><br />
<strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> as an emblem of that change in fortune:<br />
both concretely, in the apparent circumstances of its commission<br />
(it replaced <strong>Bernini's</strong> tour de force Pluto <strong>and</strong> Proserpina,<br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 311<br />
which Borghese cannily presented to the new papal nephew,<br />
Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi), <strong>and</strong> also poetically, in its subject<br />
of loss (the immense power held by the cardinal's nephewlike<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>'s human beauty-is ultimately short-lived, <strong>and</strong><br />
the eager pursuer of each is in the end but a witness to its<br />
transformation).16 <strong>Bernini's</strong> sculpted metamorphosis also<br />
coincides with a period of transition in his own career; in the<br />
mid-1620s his principal source of patronage shifted from the<br />
Borghese family-which, between Paul V <strong>and</strong> Scipione, had<br />
employed two generations of Berninis-to the newly ascen-<br />
dant Barberini family, which, after the short summer conclave<br />
following Gregory XV's death in 1623 could claim its own<br />
pope.'7 It could even be said that the change marked for the<br />
artist a sort of passage into artistic maturity, a symbolic
312 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
severing of paternal bonds (it was, after all, Maffeo Barberinithe<br />
future Urban VIII-who had first prophesied that the<br />
young Bernini would surpass his father, <strong>and</strong> it was he who<br />
took almost immediate advantage when this came to pass).18<br />
Gian Lorenzo had apparently known Maffeo Barberini for<br />
some time. According to the artist's seventeenth-century<br />
biographers, Paul V had placed the young sculptor under the<br />
care of then-Cardinal Barberini-a propitious choice to<br />
mold the young prodigy's mind, since besides being deeply<br />
learned, the cardinal was himself a practitioner of the creative<br />
arts-in this case, the art of poetry.19 In the biographers'<br />
accounts, the cardinal is cast as something of a second father<br />
figure, teaching the young Bernini the rudiments of literature<br />
even as his actual father taught him how to hold a drill.20<br />
Bernini had begun to execute several works for the Barberini<br />
family over the course of the 1610s (often in conjunction with<br />
his father, who provided statuary for the Barberini family<br />
chapel in S. Andrea della Valle).21 But if one is to believe the<br />
anecdotes of the biographers, Maffeo's interest in the sculptor<br />
became especially intense during the period that Bernini<br />
was working on the Borghese commissions.22 If he studied the<br />
young sculptor's abilities during the final years of his cardinalate<br />
<strong>and</strong> his first year as pope, it was only in the summer of<br />
1624-while Bernini was absorbed in working on the <strong>Apollo</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>2--that Barberini rewarded him with a number of<br />
large-scale commissions: remodeling the church of S. Bibiana,<br />
creating a life-size marble statue of that saint for the<br />
church's main altar, <strong>and</strong>-gr<strong>and</strong>est of all-designing the<br />
baldacchino for the crossing of St. Peter's.24 I reiterate this<br />
rather familiar history to underline the fact that the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> may be placed at crucial turning points in the lives of<br />
three men: the artist who carved the work (<strong>and</strong> for whom it<br />
would be the last of the mythological groups that had<br />
characterized his youthful artistic production), the worldly<br />
cardinal who commissioned it, <strong>and</strong> finally Maffeo Barberini,<br />
who was cardinal when the work was begun <strong>and</strong> leader of the<br />
Roman Catholic world when it was finished.25<br />
It is within this nexus that the poetic meaning of the story,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the implications of that meaning, must be placed. Let us<br />
begin to locate that meaning by examining the text on which<br />
the statue group is most likely based.<br />
The Ovidian Story <strong>and</strong> the Metamorphosis of Sense<br />
The canonical poetic treatment of the story of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>-certainly available to Bernini in either Latin or<br />
Italian-is found in book 1 of Ovid's Metamorphoses (lines<br />
452-567).26 The tale follows the stories of the origin of the<br />
cosmos, the re-creation of the human race from stones by<br />
Deucalion <strong>and</strong> Pyrrha, <strong>and</strong> the slaying of the Python by<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong>; it is introduced, almost parenthetically, to explain the<br />
origin of <strong>Apollo</strong>'s laurel crown. <strong>Daphne</strong> is said to be <strong>Apollo</strong>'s<br />
primus amor, <strong>and</strong> the tale of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> is also Ovid's<br />
first full-scale love story in the Metamorphoses; perhaps fittingly,<br />
he begins his epic-scale poem with a tale told on the god of<br />
poetry.<br />
The story begins with a fateful insult: Phoebus <strong>Apollo</strong><br />
chides Cupid for playing with adult weapons (his weapon-<br />
the bow, with which he had just killed the Python), <strong>and</strong> in<br />
return Cupid wounds <strong>Apollo</strong> with a golden arrow, inducing<br />
love, <strong>and</strong> wounds <strong>Daphne</strong>-a young nymph who had already<br />
declared a desire for perpetual virginity-with a leaden arrow,<br />
causing flight from love. "Phoebus," writes Ovid, "loves<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> at sight, <strong>and</strong> longs to wed her."27 The love that begins<br />
with sight continues to be fueled by vision: "He looks at<br />
[spectat] her hair hanging down her neck in disarray, <strong>and</strong> says:<br />
'What if it were arrayed?' He gazes at [ videt] her eyes gleaming<br />
like stars, he gazes upon her lips, which but to gaze on does<br />
not satisfy [videt oscula, quae non est vidisse satis]" (lines<br />
497-500). <strong>Apollo</strong> tirelessly pursues the nymph, but just as he<br />
is at the point of overtaking her (having "breathed on the<br />
hair that streamed over her neck [crinem sparsum cervicibus<br />
adflat]"), <strong>Daphne</strong> begs her father, the river god Peneus, to<br />
rescue her by destroying the beauty that inspires her pursuer.<br />
Thus begins the frightful transformation of her soft flesh to<br />
thin bark, her unbound hair to fluttering leaves, her outstretched<br />
arms to upturned branches. Yet despite the plea to<br />
her father, her beauty remained (lines 553-65):<br />
But even now in this new form <strong>Apollo</strong> loved her; <strong>and</strong><br />
placing his h<strong>and</strong> upon the trunk, he felt [sentit] the heart<br />
still fluttering beneath the bark. He embraced [complexusque]<br />
the branches as if human limbs, <strong>and</strong> pressed his<br />
lips upon the wood [oscula dat ligno]. But even the wood<br />
shrank from his kisses [refugit tamen oscula lignem]. And the<br />
god cried out to this: "Since thou canst not be my bride,<br />
thou shalt at least be my tree. My hair, my lyre, my quiver<br />
shall always be entwined with thee, O laurel.... And as my<br />
head is ever young <strong>and</strong> my locks unshorn, so do thou keep<br />
the beauty of thy leaves perpetual."<br />
Ovid's narrative of desire <strong>and</strong> pursuit is punctuated by<br />
references to the senses of touch <strong>and</strong> vision. While the story is<br />
implicitly set into motion with two touches-the arrows that<br />
wound both beloved <strong>and</strong> would-be lover-its affective content<br />
begins with frustrated vision <strong>and</strong> ends with frustrated touch.<br />
Sight kindles in <strong>Apollo</strong> a desire that it alone ultimately cannot<br />
satisfy ("videt oscula, quae non est vidisse satis"), <strong>and</strong> when<br />
the desire is finally rewarded through touch, the object<br />
obtained is no longer the same as that which was desired<br />
("oscula dat lignum"). Even the one point at which desire<br />
<strong>and</strong> its initial object interact is one of frustration: <strong>Apollo</strong> can<br />
only touch the locks of <strong>Daphne</strong>'s hair with his insubstantial<br />
breath.<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> statue group spectacularly captures this culminat-<br />
ing transformative moment precisely in terms of the ex-<br />
changes between touch <strong>and</strong> sight. In a sort of doubled trope,<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> turns her head to gaze back toward her would-be<br />
captor even as she begins to turn into a new substance, the<br />
laurel. This detail is not found in Ovid, yet it is a suggestive<br />
addition with regard to the play between the senses: the<br />
mutual gaze that has begun to be realized is the one instance<br />
in which sight actually matches the reciprocity inherent to the<br />
sense of touch.28 The expression that passes over <strong>Daphne</strong>'s<br />
face at that instant likewise seems to betray a transformation:<br />
the fear of being caught gives over to horror at the means by<br />
which she will avoid capture (Fig. 3). <strong>Apollo</strong>'s mouth also falls
3 Bernini, <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>, detail (photo: Alinari/Art<br />
Resource, New York)<br />
open as <strong>Daphne</strong> begins her transformation (Fig. 4). Yet it<br />
would seem that his sense that something is desperately<br />
wrong is informed not primarily by his gaze (which is fixed, at<br />
close range, on the still-human face that turns toward him),<br />
but rather from the sensations on his flesh: the roots beneath<br />
his toes, the branch that goads his loins, <strong>and</strong> finally--most<br />
strikingly--what his left h<strong>and</strong> reveals to him. The h<strong>and</strong> that<br />
reaches toward the soft flesh of <strong>Daphne</strong> (which <strong>Apollo</strong> still<br />
sees), touches a surface of rough bark (Fig. 5).29 Thus, the<br />
transformation that Bernini portrays is not only that of the<br />
object but also of the means of knowing that object: sight <strong>and</strong><br />
distance, with their sweet promises, give way to touch <strong>and</strong><br />
proximity, with their harsh realities.<br />
Art historians have pointed out a variety of possible visual<br />
sources for <strong>Bernini's</strong> statue group. The turn of <strong>Daphne</strong>'s<br />
head <strong>and</strong> the flourish of drapery off <strong>Apollo</strong>'s shoulder both<br />
recall Cherubino Alberti's engraving after Polidoro da Cara-<br />
vaggio (Fig. 6), <strong>and</strong> the position of <strong>Apollo</strong>'s left arm may<br />
derive from the woodcut by Master IB with the Bird (Fig. 7).30<br />
Yet identifying the quotations is in some ways less interesting<br />
than measuring the distance from those models. Bernini<br />
reduces the distance between the pair-doubtless in part to<br />
render the sculptural group more stable, but this change also<br />
allows him to wrap <strong>Apollo</strong>'s arm fully around <strong>Daphne</strong> <strong>and</strong> to<br />
fix his gaze on her face, making more obvious the discrepancy<br />
between vision <strong>and</strong> touch.<br />
These nuances of sight <strong>and</strong> touch, of inaccessibility <strong>and</strong><br />
possession that Bernini explores are vital to the accretion of<br />
MW<br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 313<br />
4 Bernini, <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>, detail (photo: Alinari/Art<br />
Resource, New York)<br />
meanings the story had acquired over the centuries between 7<br />
C.E. <strong>and</strong> 1622; indeed, they are important factors in the story's<br />
role as an emblem of the origin <strong>and</strong> functions of the art of<br />
poetry. Already for Ovid, the story seems emblematic: just as<br />
he begins his collection of love stories with <strong>Apollo</strong>'s decree<br />
that his beloved laurel shall live in eternal verdure <strong>and</strong><br />
provide a crown for poets, so he concludes the Metamorphoses<br />
with a claim for the eternity of his own poetic work <strong>and</strong> his<br />
own consequent immortality (Fig. 8).31 For Bernini (<strong>and</strong> for<br />
his audience), the Ovidian story came wrapped in even more<br />
complex veils of meaning.<br />
Distance <strong>and</strong> Desire: Marino, Petrarch, Barberini<br />
A number of art historians have suggested that a figure more<br />
immediate than Ovid may have provided Bernini with a<br />
model for his representation of the <strong>Daphne</strong> story: the<br />
Neapolitan poet Giambattista Marino, who treated the myth<br />
on at least six occasions throughout his career.32 The claims<br />
for Marino's influence rest largely on the similarities of<br />
virtuosic <strong>and</strong> ornate treatment of transformation--on the<br />
meraviglie pursued by both poet <strong>and</strong> sculptor.33 Beyond<br />
providing a repertoire of effects that are at least mirrored by<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> sculpture, one particular example of Marino's<br />
retelling of the myth can also give us a clue as to the meaning<br />
this story held for an early seventeenth-century audience.<br />
This significance emerges in the final lines of Marino's<br />
longest <strong>and</strong> final treatment of the theme, the eclogue<br />
"Dafni" in his collection La sampogna (Paris, 1620). After a
314 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
5 Bernini, <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>, detail (photo: Istituto Centrale<br />
per il Catalogo e la Documentazione, Rome)<br />
long account of the chase <strong>and</strong> transformation, the poet ends<br />
the story of <strong>Apollo</strong>'s pursuit with these lines:<br />
Cola fermossi, e con sospiri e pianti<br />
tra le braccia la strinse, e mille e mille<br />
vani le porse, e 'ntempestivi baci.<br />
Indi de' sacri et onorati fregi<br />
del novello arboscel cinto la fronte,<br />
coronatane ancor l'aurata cetra,<br />
del'avorio facondo in atto mesto<br />
sospeso il peso al'omero chiomato<br />
e col dolce arco dala destra mosso<br />
tutte scorrendo le loquaci fila,<br />
cant6 l'istoria dolorosa e trista<br />
de' suoi lugubri e sventurati amori.<br />
(There he stopped, <strong>and</strong> with sighs <strong>and</strong> tears, he embraced<br />
her in his arms, <strong>and</strong> offered her thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> thous<strong>and</strong>s<br />
of vain <strong>and</strong> ill-timed kisses. Then, having girt his temples<br />
with the sacred <strong>and</strong> honored ornaments of the new tree,<br />
he also crowned with them his golden cithera; <strong>and</strong> with the<br />
eloquent ivory weighing on his tressed shoulder <strong>and</strong> the<br />
sweet bow in his right h<strong>and</strong>, gliding over the loquacious<br />
strings, he sang the dolorous <strong>and</strong> sad story of his mournful<br />
<strong>and</strong> unfortunate loves).34<br />
Marino enlivens the Ovidian tale with some characteristic<br />
touches (the "thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> thous<strong>and</strong>s" of kisses are a fitting<br />
addition from the author of the Canzone dei baci), but it is in<br />
his conclusion that Marino most interestingly builds on his<br />
model. In essence, he ties the end of the poem to its<br />
beginning: the "istoria dolorosa" in the penultimate line is<br />
implicitly the poem that we have just read, <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>'s hair,<br />
which in Ovid's version <strong>Apollo</strong> had so wished to arrange<br />
artfully ("quid, si comantur?"), is now woven, as leaves, into<br />
the instrument that provides the accompaniment to her<br />
artfully combed <strong>and</strong> curled story.35 Marino treats the conflation<br />
of the metamorphosed <strong>Daphne</strong> with the poet's instrument<br />
<strong>and</strong> song at length, perhaps in order to strengthen the<br />
connection with the eclogue that directly follows it in his<br />
collection, entitled "Siringa." There, in her desperate attempt<br />
to flee the satyr-god Pan, the nymph Syrinx is transformed<br />
into reeds, which ultimately become the instrument<br />
by which Pan will himself effect a transformation: his rueful<br />
sighs (he is literally dispirited) pass through the hollow shafts<br />
of Syrinx's new body <strong>and</strong> emerge as sweet music.36 The two<br />
stories are linked by a common poetic theme: the sweetness of<br />
art issues from (<strong>and</strong> in some sense compensates for) the<br />
bitterness of loss. As another seventeenth-century poet, An-<br />
WWI!)<br />
6 Cherubino Alberti, after Polidoro da Caravaggio, <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>. London, British Museum (photo: o British Museum)
drew Marvell, has it in the lines quoted at the beginning of<br />
this essay, the metamorphosed beloved may be more desirable<br />
than the original.37<br />
Marino's delicacy in treating <strong>Apollo</strong>'s sad tale is-at least in<br />
light of his reputation as a poet of the lascivious-somewhat<br />
unexpected, yet it demonstrates the special status of the<br />
subject among love stories <strong>and</strong> also, I would argue, betrays the<br />
still-potent force of a poetic model from whom Marino<br />
otherwise attempts to distance himself: Petrarch.3 Petrarch's<br />
vernacular poetry turns on the ultimate inaccessibility of the<br />
beloved <strong>and</strong> on writing's function as consolation for that<br />
distance; the myth of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> provided him a<br />
means of endlessly refiguring that equation." While the<br />
centrality of the myth to Petrarch's Rime sparse is signaled by<br />
the name of his beloved (Laura-the laurel-is of course<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>), specific narrative elements of the Ovidian tale are<br />
scattered more sparingly throughout his canzoniere. One of<br />
the more overt examples-in which the myth is tersely<br />
retold-is poem 6, "Si traviato e '1 folle mi' desio." In this<br />
poem, mad desire pulls the weary poet after she "che 'n fuga<br />
e volta" (who is turned in flight), finally bringing him to the<br />
point of spiritual death:<br />
sol per venir al lauro onde si coglie<br />
acerbo frutto, che le piaghe altrui<br />
gust<strong>and</strong>o affligge piui che non conforta.<br />
7 Master IB with the Bird, <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>. Berlin,<br />
Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer<br />
Kulturbesitz<br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 315<br />
44''<br />
offi<br />
. )O- -- lIv -<br />
AGAPITVSI ERJVLI CIOAi NO DONO DEIT.<br />
8 Petrus van der Borcht, Portrait of Ovid, from R Ovidii Nasoni<br />
Metamorphoses, argumentis brevioribus ex Luctatio Grammatico<br />
collectis expositae, Antwerp, 1591 (photo: Getty Research Institute,<br />
Research Library)<br />
(only to come to the laurel, from whence is gathered bitter<br />
fruit that, being tasted, afflicts the wounds of others more<br />
than it comforts them.)40<br />
Petrarch refigures the moment when the lover comes<br />
together with his newly transformed beloved: <strong>Apollo</strong>'s unan-<br />
swered kisses in Ovid's tale are here cast as bitter fruit, the<br />
sense of taste substituting for the related sense of touch. It is<br />
striking that the poet himself does not seem to sample this<br />
fruit (it "is gathered"-in the passive voice-<strong>and</strong> it afflicts the<br />
wounds "of others"); in effect, he denies himself even the<br />
frustrated embrace granted <strong>Apollo</strong>. In fact, consummation<br />
with the beloved-bitter or otherwise-is not to be found<br />
within the Rime sparse. The absent or unreachable beloved is a<br />
leitmotif for Petrarch, <strong>and</strong> he overtly thematizes its relation to<br />
writing in several of his poems-providing the model for<br />
Marino's elegant turn on the <strong>Apollo</strong> story in "Dafni."41 This<br />
idea is nowhere more evident than in the group of canzoni<br />
numbered 125, 126, 127, <strong>and</strong> 129. In the last of these, "Di<br />
pensier in pensier," the poet shadows forth the absent Laura's<br />
face onto various objects he sees, <strong>and</strong> then, when even that<br />
dolce error (sweet error) is dispelled, sits down, "cold, a dead<br />
stone on living rock [pietra morta in pietra viva-a petrous pun<br />
on his own name], like a man who thinks <strong>and</strong> weeps <strong>and</strong><br />
writes [pensi et pianga et scriva]."42 The poet is metamorphosed,<br />
as are his figurations of desire (seeing becomes<br />
thinking) <strong>and</strong> his means of expression (weeping turns into<br />
writing).<br />
Adelia Noferi has written suggestively on this relationship<br />
of poetic discourse <strong>and</strong> absence in Petrarch's verse, both<br />
generally <strong>and</strong> with regard to his use of the <strong>Daphne</strong> myth. She<br />
notes the latter's similarity to, as well as difference from,<br />
another myth central to the art of poetry, that of Orpheus, in<br />
which:<br />
Eurydice, under the gaze of Orpheus (of the poet-<br />
Orpheus) descends again into night <strong>and</strong> death, removing
316 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
herself forever from his sight <strong>and</strong> from his possession to<br />
disappear into shadow. In the myth of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>,<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> (Laura-<strong>Daphne</strong>) also perpetually flees the "desire"<br />
of <strong>Apollo</strong> ... escapes his pursuit, but does not<br />
disappear from sight, swallowed up by shadow. Instead, she<br />
is transformed (in the same moment in which she has been<br />
caught up with, touched) into something other than<br />
herself: into the laurel, the evergreen plant, sacred to<br />
poets, poetry itself, both visible <strong>and</strong> tangible in its objective,<br />
material, literal presence, but which in this presence<br />
peculiarly confirms the irreparable absence of the lost<br />
object of desire. The "letter" of the name of Laura<br />
becomes an emblem, an image-a literal image in <strong>and</strong> of<br />
poetic discourse.43<br />
As Noferi suggests, this distance between lover <strong>and</strong> beloved<br />
is articulated in Petrarch's poetry through a play between<br />
sight <strong>and</strong> touch-very much like that found in Ovid's treatment<br />
of the <strong>Daphne</strong> story. Laura remains untouched, yet is,<br />
almost in consolation, the constant object of sight-of first<br />
the external vision of the poet's eye, <strong>and</strong> then the potent <strong>and</strong><br />
inexhaustible internal gaze of his memory <strong>and</strong> imagination.<br />
The vocabulary of vision in the Rime sparse is of course<br />
inherited from the late thirteenth-century poets of the dolce<br />
stil nuovo, yet Petrarch stretches it to its limits: vision becomes<br />
more acute, <strong>and</strong> also more complex, in the absence of its<br />
companion erotic sense, touch.44 If occhi (or eyes, both<br />
Petrarch's <strong>and</strong> Laura's) is one of the most common nouns in<br />
the canzoniere, one of the uses to which those eyes are<br />
put-the mirar fiso (intent gaze), with its combination of<br />
wonder (admiratio or meraviglia) <strong>and</strong> immobility-crystallizes<br />
the collection's intertwined themes of desire <strong>and</strong> its inhibition.45<br />
Yet vision is not merely a means for fixing on the object<br />
of desire; sight implies space (forjust as touch does not admit<br />
distance, vision fails with contact), <strong>and</strong> it functions as a means<br />
for recognizing, even measuring (as in canzone 129) the aria<br />
(air) that separates the poet from the beloved.46 Ultimately,<br />
another sense is brought into play in the Rime sparse, for if<br />
Petrarch's desire for base touch is first sublimated into the<br />
higher sense of sight, it is finally refigured within the equally<br />
elevated sense of hearing: the sonorous words of his sonnets<br />
<strong>and</strong> canzoni, evoking the absent beloved, finally offer a<br />
substitute for the tactile pleasures of consummation. The<br />
corporeal, mortal beloved (Laura) is lost, yet she is reconsti-<br />
tuted in the sounds, the sighs, of the lover's poetry (literally,<br />
in l'aura, the air), <strong>and</strong> in return she bestows immortality on<br />
the lover, as the laurel crown (lauro) of his eternal fame.<br />
Petrarch's recasting of the story of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong><br />
provided a lens through which not only Marino but all<br />
Renaissance readers, writers, <strong>and</strong> even artists viewed the<br />
classical myth; it may be argued that any subsequent represen-<br />
tation of the myth carries with it an implicit reference to the<br />
great trecento poet.47 Yet the Petrarchan treatment of the<br />
myth (<strong>and</strong> Petrarchan poetics generally) may have also held a<br />
special significance at the moment that Bernini made his<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong> group-a meaning we may begin to underst<strong>and</strong> by<br />
looking more closely at the poetic inscription composed by<br />
Maffeo Barberini that adorns the statue's base. The sculptor<br />
recalled the occasion for its invention many years later:<br />
Barberini, viewing the sculptural group in the company of<br />
Scipione Borghese <strong>and</strong> Cardinal Escoubleau de Sourdis,<br />
defended the sensuously nude <strong>Daphne</strong> to the sc<strong>and</strong>alized<br />
French prelate by composing the following verses:<br />
QVISQVIS AMANS SEQVITVR FVGITIVAE GAVDIA FORMAE<br />
FRONDE MANVS IMPLET BACCAS SEV CARPIT AMARAS<br />
(Whoever, loving, pursues the joys of fleeting beauty fills<br />
his h<strong>and</strong>s with leaves or seizes bitter berries)48<br />
The distich transforms the seminude marble couple into an<br />
adornment proper to a cardinal's villa, although Barberini's<br />
conceit differs strikingly from the interpretation more typi-<br />
cally found in moralizing literature, where <strong>Daphne</strong> is allegori-<br />
cally read as a figure for Chastity.49 Here, the poet Barberini<br />
puns on the bitterness of love (the traditional paronomasia of<br />
amarus <strong>and</strong> amare), as well as the double meaning of fugitivus<br />
(<strong>Daphne</strong>'s literally fleeing form also st<strong>and</strong>s for the fleeting,<br />
time-bound beauty of all pleasures experienced through the<br />
senses). The rejection of worldly sensuality is in keeping with<br />
the tone of much of Barberini's poetry, whose principles are<br />
laid out in the "Poesis probis et piis ornata documenti,<br />
primaevo decori restituenda," published in 1631-a poem<br />
that Marc Fumaroli has called his "encyclical" on Christian<br />
poetics.50 Barberini's language may derive from an epigram<br />
on <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> by his Tuscan predecessor Politian,<br />
which concludes with the lines:<br />
Utque novas gustu baccas tentavit: e<strong>and</strong>em<br />
heu mihi servat (ait) nunc quoque amaritiem<br />
(And just as he tested the fresh berries by tasting, alas (he<br />
says) now still she delivers the same bitterness to me.)51<br />
The ultimate source for the conceit of bitter berries in<br />
Politian's poem (as Lodovico Castelvetro had pointed out in<br />
his commentary on the Rime sparse) was Petrarch's sonnet "Si<br />
traviato," cited above.52 Here, then, Barberini actually has it<br />
both ways: the warning against the pleasures of earthly beauty<br />
in the distich adorning <strong>Bernini's</strong> statue is expressed through<br />
imagery (the bitter fruits) that ultimately derives from the<br />
sensual realm of secular poetry.<br />
Urban's use of a Petrarchan conceit is not altogether<br />
surprising; in his youth he had composed amorous poetry,<br />
<strong>and</strong> he continued to use language with a Petrarchan flavor<br />
even in his later, moralizing vernacular poems.53 Inasmuch as<br />
Urban "emphatically rejects the vain ambition of acquiring<br />
fame by means of the poetic craft" (as Ludwig von Pastor has<br />
it), by the 1630s <strong>Apollo</strong>'s laurels were almost as much a part of<br />
his personal iconography as they had been of Petrarch's.54<br />
Why Barberini would choose to emulate a Petrarchan<br />
conceit at this particular moment may be explained by a<br />
closer look at the immediate literary context.55 It has been<br />
noted that in 1620, even as the first edition of Maffeo<br />
Barberini's Poemata was being printed in Paris, another poetic<br />
work, of much different character, was being prepared for the<br />
French royal printer: Marino's L'Adone, which finally came out<br />
in April 1623.56 The work's popularity (not to mention<br />
notoriety) was quickly established, <strong>and</strong> the editio princeps was<br />
followed by a succession of Italian editions.57 Vehement<br />
attacks on the Adone <strong>and</strong> its author also began to appear, the
first published salvo being the poet Tommaso Stigliani's<br />
Occhiale of 1627. Though the anti-Marinist tracts attacked the<br />
Adone primarily for faults of style <strong>and</strong> language, it was<br />
Marino's c<strong>and</strong>id celebration of sensual pleasures-especially<br />
those of touch <strong>and</strong> its concomitant, sexual consummationthat<br />
made the work a target for the censors.58 This frankness,<br />
however, also had the effect of rescuing at least one aspect of<br />
Petrarch's legacy, for not only did the latter provide a stylistic<br />
alternative to Marino (<strong>and</strong> Petrarch's style was praised by<br />
Stigliani himself in the 1623 edition of his own Rime, dedicated<br />
to Cardinal Borghese), but also his chaste sublimation<br />
of sight's desires into poetic utterance served as one alternative<br />
to the excess of baci <strong>and</strong> abbracci in the Adone.59 The<br />
anti-Petrarchists of the late cinquecento <strong>and</strong> early seicento<br />
may have cast aspersions on the courtly ideals that dominate<br />
the Rime sparse, yet Marino's humid evocation of physical love<br />
brought the alternative rather too clearly into focus.60<br />
If the insurmountable distance between lover <strong>and</strong> beloved<br />
in Petrarch, figured in the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> myth, marks<br />
the birthplace of the poetic art (<strong>and</strong> even Marino's evocation<br />
of the Ovidian/Petrarchan myth, as we have seen, follows this<br />
reading), much of Marino's love poetry resolves itself in a<br />
proximity that threatens to meld the participants into a single<br />
identity.61 This can be seen in his rendering of Venus's <strong>and</strong><br />
Adonis's courtship, <strong>and</strong> it is seen in its most concentrated<br />
fashion in the notorious "Canzone dei baci" (which Marino<br />
in fact quarried for his description of the lovers' pleasures in<br />
canto 8 of the Adone).62 In the penultimate stanza of the<br />
canzone, Marino writes:<br />
Miro, rimiro ed ardo,<br />
bacio, ribacio e godo,<br />
e mir<strong>and</strong>o e baci<strong>and</strong>o mi disfaccio.<br />
Amor tra '1 bacio e '1 guardo<br />
scherza e vaneggia in modo<br />
ch'ebro di tanta gloria i' tremo e taccio;<br />
ond'ella che m'ha in braccio,<br />
lascivamente onesta,<br />
gli occhi mi bacia, e fra le perle elette<br />
frange due parolette:<br />
-Cor mio!-dicendo, e poi,<br />
baci<strong>and</strong>o i baci suoi,<br />
di bacio in bacio a quel piacer mi desta,<br />
che l'alme insieme allaccia e i corpi innesta.63<br />
(I gaze, gaze again, <strong>and</strong> burn, I kiss, kiss again <strong>and</strong> take<br />
pleasure, <strong>and</strong> in gazing <strong>and</strong> kissing, I am undone. Love,<br />
between the kiss <strong>and</strong> the gaze, plays <strong>and</strong> mocks in such<br />
fashion that, drunk with such glory, I tremble <strong>and</strong> fall<br />
silent; whence she who has me in her arms, lasciviously<br />
modest, kisses my eyes, <strong>and</strong> amidst exquisite pearls crushes<br />
two little words: My Heart! Saying, <strong>and</strong> then kissing her<br />
kisses, from kiss to kiss she stirs me to that pleasure that<br />
binds together souls <strong>and</strong> grafts body on body.)<br />
Gazing <strong>and</strong> kissing alternate distance <strong>and</strong> proximity, desire<br />
<strong>and</strong> pleasure; in this duel, the latter finally triumphs as the<br />
beloved kisses the poet's eyes <strong>and</strong> renders him, at least<br />
momentarily, sightless. Utterance here, such as it is ("Cor<br />
mio!") is born of blindness, as a cry in the heat of passion. At<br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 317<br />
this climactic moment, distance <strong>and</strong> difference are con-<br />
quered simultaneously, <strong>and</strong> the two lovers become one body,<br />
a hermaphrodite of sorts.64 A more forcefully modern rejection<br />
of the courtly Petrarchan tradition could scarcely be<br />
made.65<br />
If Barberini's inscription for <strong>Bernini's</strong> statue group has its<br />
place in the opposition between Petrarchan poetics <strong>and</strong><br />
Marinismo, it is equally likely that Bernini made his statue,<br />
with its carefully worked-out exchanges between vision <strong>and</strong><br />
touch, in full awareness of the literary debates going on<br />
around him.66 For all the gloriously polished marble flesh that<br />
the statue group displays, it is at base an illustration of erotic<br />
frustration-<strong>and</strong> implicitly of the translation of sight's desires<br />
into art. If the art that emerges from <strong>Apollo</strong>'s frustration is<br />
poetry, we might ask what the implications of this formula<br />
were for the young sculptor who was on the verge of his own<br />
transformation at the h<strong>and</strong>s of the new pope (the poet-pope,<br />
at that). Surely the topic of the two arts' relationship would<br />
have been of interest to a young man who from childhood was<br />
held to be the reincarnation of that superb artist <strong>and</strong> poet<br />
Michelangelo, the "nuovo <strong>Apollo</strong>, e nuovo Apelle" (new<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> new Apelles) of his age.67 It is worth recalling that<br />
the first edition of Michelangelo's strongly Petrarchan poems-bearing<br />
a dedication to Urban VIII-was published in<br />
1623, during the course of <strong>Bernini's</strong> work on the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>.68 And if he wished to find a connection between the<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> myth <strong>and</strong> the origins of his own art, Bernini needed<br />
look no further than the explanation provided by Leon<br />
Battista Alberti, at the beginning of De statua (composed in<br />
the fifteenth century but first published, in Cosimo Bartoli's<br />
vernacular translation, in 1568):<br />
I think that the arts of those who wished to apply themselves<br />
to expressing <strong>and</strong> portraying the effigies <strong>and</strong> resemblances<br />
of bodies created by nature had their origin in this<br />
way: that they by chance sometimes discerned either in<br />
tree trunks or in clods of earth, or in other similar bodies,<br />
certain lineaments by means of which certain similarities<br />
could be transmuted into them, thus rendering them<br />
similar to those faces made by nature. They then began,<br />
applying all their diligence, to consider mentally <strong>and</strong><br />
examine, <strong>and</strong> to try <strong>and</strong> strive to see what they might add<br />
or take away, or whatever might be needed so that it might<br />
not appear that anything was lacking, in making that effigy<br />
appear almost to be truly the thing itself [da far apparir<br />
quasi uera & propria quella tale effigie], <strong>and</strong> to finish it<br />
perfectly. Thus, by... emending ... now the lines, <strong>and</strong><br />
now the planes, <strong>and</strong> cleaning <strong>and</strong> repolishing, they obtained<br />
their desire, <strong>and</strong> this truly not without delight for<br />
them [ottennero il desiderio loro, & questo ueramente non senza<br />
loro diletto].69<br />
Here is a reversed version of the <strong>Daphne</strong> myth: a tree (or a<br />
clod of earth) is metamorphosed into human form by the<br />
sculptor's act of looking <strong>and</strong> then of pleasantly touching-<br />
forming <strong>and</strong> polishing with his tools.70 This reversal is<br />
important, for it suggests a gap between poetry-which,<br />
according to the Petrarchan model, begins with the absence<br />
or loss of a physical, tangible, object-<strong>and</strong> sculpture, whose<br />
mental <strong>and</strong> manual labors produce just such an object.
318 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
9 Van der Borcht, Pygmalion, from R Ovidii Nasoni<br />
Metamorphoses.... (photo: Getty Research Institute, Research<br />
Library)<br />
Indeed, while sculpture might be included in general comparisons<br />
of poetry <strong>and</strong> the visual arts, it nonetheless usually fell by<br />
the wayside, ceding place to painting when these comparisons<br />
were pursued in any depth: ut sculptura poesis was far from a<br />
commonplace formula.71 In the second part of this essay, I will<br />
suggest that these two facts are related: that the irreducible<br />
physicality of sculpture-verified in part by its ability to give<br />
pleasure <strong>and</strong> to grant certain knowledge through the sense of<br />
touch-played a part in its exclusion from the sorority shared<br />
by poetry (which had been, at least since Petrarch, an art of<br />
vision, if not a visual art) <strong>and</strong> painting. Thus, <strong>Bernini's</strong><br />
sculptural rendering of the foundational myth of Petrarchan<br />
poetry-figured as an exchange of touch <strong>and</strong> vision-may be<br />
read in light of (<strong>and</strong> as a response to) these issues. I will end<br />
by returning to the relationship between artist <strong>and</strong> artwork<br />
addressed in the passage by Baldinucci with which the<br />
paper began, suggesting that the statue sealed the young<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> credentials as a poetic sculptor, nuovo <strong>Apollo</strong> e nuovo<br />
Michelangelo.<br />
Bernini <strong>and</strong> Cinquecento Tradition: The Origin <strong>and</strong><br />
Comparison of the Arts<br />
The alternation of looking <strong>and</strong> touching in Alberti's explanation<br />
of sculpture's origins is of course a feature of any factive<br />
art, <strong>and</strong> it need not be read with any connotations of Eros. Yet<br />
there is evidence that, in his early years especially, Bernini<br />
characterized his own art in just such erotically charged<br />
terms. We see this in a pair of anecdotes in Domenico<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> Vita of his father. According to Domenico, in his<br />
youth Gian Lorenzo would often spend whole days in the<br />
Vatican collections, drawing those ancient statues that he<br />
referred to as his "Innammorate" (girlfriends).72 If it was love<br />
of sculptural models that lay behind his desire to make art,<br />
this love apparently also extended to the process <strong>and</strong> products<br />
of his own art. When asked how he achieved the marvels<br />
in his Villa Borghese statues, Bernini reportedly replied that<br />
"in working he felt so inflamed, <strong>and</strong> so enamored by that<br />
which he was doing that he devoured, rather than worked<br />
[divorava, non lavorava] the marble."73<br />
There were in fact time-honored classical examples of such<br />
passion for works of art by both spectators <strong>and</strong> artists. The<br />
story of the stain left by a young man on Praxiteles' Cnidian<br />
Venus was a well-known (if sc<strong>and</strong>alous) example. A more<br />
poetic <strong>and</strong> suggestive account of the erotic appeal of statues<br />
could be found in the mythical tale of the sculptor Pygmalion,<br />
who swore off real women but became enamored by the<br />
beauty of one of his own creations.74 Moreover, the canonical<br />
account of Pygmalion's story-in Ovid's Metamorphoses-is<br />
rich in its exchanges between vision <strong>and</strong> touch. The sculptor<br />
is first enamored by sight: he "looks in admiration <strong>and</strong> is<br />
inflamed with love for the semblance of a form" (10.252-53).<br />
He then proceeds to exercise various forms of touch upon it<br />
(10.254-58):<br />
Often he lifts his h<strong>and</strong>s to the work to try whether it be<br />
flesh or ivory. He kisses it <strong>and</strong> thinks his kisses are<br />
returned. He speaks to it, grasps it <strong>and</strong> seems to feel his<br />
fingers sink into the limbs when he touches them <strong>and</strong> thus<br />
he fears lest he leave marks of bruises on them [credit tactis<br />
digitos insidere membris et metuit, pressos veniat ne livor in<br />
artus].<br />
Seized by his love of her, the sculptor even makes a bed for<br />
his statue <strong>and</strong> "rests its reclining head upon soft, downy<br />
pillows, as if it could enjoy them" (10.268-69). Pygmalion's<br />
concern for the statue's comfort is rewarded when Venus<br />
answers his prayers <strong>and</strong> brings her to life, a miracle that is<br />
certified, but also apparently accomplished, through touch<br />
(10.282-86):<br />
Again he kissed her, <strong>and</strong> with his h<strong>and</strong>s also he touched<br />
her breast. The ivory grew soft to his touch <strong>and</strong>, its<br />
hardness vanishing, gave <strong>and</strong> yielded beneath his fingers,<br />
as Hymettian wax grows soft under the sun <strong>and</strong>, moulded<br />
by the thumb is easily shaped to many forms <strong>and</strong> becomes<br />
usable through use itself.<br />
Ovid's tale ends happily with marriage <strong>and</strong> finally (through a<br />
more traditional means of procreation <strong>and</strong> animation) the<br />
birth of a daughter.<br />
The vocabulary of tactility used here ranges from the<br />
artificer's manipulations (which begin as the carving <strong>and</strong><br />
polishing of ivory <strong>and</strong> end, metaphorically, as the modeling of<br />
wax) to the lover's erotic touch.75 The implicit similarities<br />
between the two types of touch are played on in the myth's<br />
illustration in an edition of Luctatius's Ovidian Argumenta of<br />
1591 (Fig. 9).76 With this rich array of touch, it is not<br />
surprising that the story found its way into the background of<br />
a mid-sixteenth-century allegorical print of that sense (Fig.<br />
10).77<br />
Pygmalion's virtuosic artifice, which even seduces him into<br />
believing his own fiction, would doubtless make him a fitting<br />
mythic role model for any ambitious young sculptor, <strong>and</strong><br />
elements in <strong>Bernini's</strong> early works suggest that he was a rather<br />
closer student of the story than most. In addition to Scipione<br />
Borghese's commissions for new sculptures, Bernini was<br />
asked in the late 1610s to carry out restorations on the<br />
cardinal's ancient statue of a Sleeping Hermaphrodite (Fig. 11).
10 Jacob de Backer, Sense of Touch. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum<br />
(photo: ? Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam)<br />
Beyond repairing the creature's body, he also created a<br />
stunning base for its eternal rest: a plush marble mattress<br />
carved <strong>and</strong> polished with extreme delicacy.78 Whether or not<br />
the idea of resting the statue on a bed was inspired by the tale<br />
of the mythic sculptor, the Ovidian example would have<br />
suited the young Bernini in an even broader sense. Certainly<br />
one of the hallmarks of the artist's style-his ability to<br />
transform materials from actual hardness to the appearance<br />
of softness-recalls Pygmalion's miraculous feat of making<br />
the hard ivory yield "beneath his fingers, as Hymettian wax<br />
grows soft under the sun ... " Here it is not soft flesh into<br />
which his superhuman skills seemingly transform marble, but<br />
cloth-<strong>and</strong> it is noteworthy that an eighteenth-century visitor<br />
tells of passing his h<strong>and</strong> over it <strong>and</strong> believing it to be "a real<br />
mattress of white leather or satin which has lost its sheen."''7<br />
Bernini borrows Ovid's words in his criticism, recorded by<br />
Baldinucci, of those sculptors who did not "have it in their<br />
heart to render stone as obedient to the h<strong>and</strong> as if it were<br />
dough or wax," an expression echoed by the seventeenthcentury<br />
critic Luigi Scaramuccia, who describes the sculptor's<br />
finished marbles as appearing to be modeled in wax.80 The<br />
demonstration piece for the artist's abilities to achieve just<br />
this transformation is from the period immediately after the<br />
Hermaphrodite restorations <strong>and</strong> before the <strong>Apollo</strong> group: the<br />
Pluto <strong>and</strong> Proserpina (Fig. 2). In that piece, Pluto's grasping<br />
h<strong>and</strong>s in fact appear to create indentations on Proserpina's<br />
marble flesh-imprints that, as Paul Barolsky has noted, seem<br />
the very echo of those which Pygmalion feared to leave on his<br />
beloved ivory maiden.81<br />
Even if Bernini had not been reading his Ovid <strong>and</strong> Pliny, he<br />
could have become familiar with the tale of Pygmalion (as<br />
well as the anecdote of the Cnidian Venus) in a different<br />
context, since both were cited throughout the art literature<strong>and</strong><br />
especially the paragone arguments-of the previous century.82<br />
Rudolf Preimesberger has demonstrated that these<br />
debates were current in <strong>Bernini's</strong> youth, <strong>and</strong> while it is true<br />
that they may have lost some of their freshness by the end of<br />
the sixteenth century (some fifty years after Benedetto Varchi's<br />
Due lezzioni, published in 1549, formally kicked off the<br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 319<br />
11 Sleeping Hermaphrodite, Roman copy of 2nd-century Greek<br />
original, with base carved by Bernini. Paris, Musee du Louvre<br />
(photo: Giraudon/Art Resource, New York)<br />
discussion), the fact that they were constantly <strong>and</strong> canonically<br />
invoked points to the centrality of the issues they address.83<br />
These issues included the validation of artifice through<br />
difficulta, art's address to the senses through imitation of the<br />
substance <strong>and</strong> external particulars of things, <strong>and</strong> perhaps<br />
most important, its ability to suggest what lies beneath the<br />
surface of living things-the invisible anima or spiritus that<br />
distinguishes a living, breathing being from mere inert<br />
matter.<br />
The two stories of statue love were used in the paragone<br />
arguments to support the sculptors' claims that threedimensional<br />
imitation was more convincingly lifelike (since it<br />
fooled erotic sense) than the two-dimensional kind, <strong>and</strong> that<br />
their art surpassed its pictorial counterpart by providing a<br />
more complete sensory experience, pleasing not only sight<br />
(as did painting) but also touch. Here, erotic gratification-the<br />
caress, the kiss, the sexual embrace-was allowed to<br />
st<strong>and</strong> emblematically for the powers of touch, <strong>and</strong> inasmuch<br />
as sculpture was an art associated with that sense, it was also<br />
implicitly linked to a particularly physical evocation of love.<br />
Paintings can also yield erotic delight, yet since the object of<br />
delectation itself does not repay touch, these pleasures must<br />
ultimately remain more chaste. In one of his sonnets on<br />
Simone Martini's portrait of Laura (cited by Varchi as an<br />
illustration of painting's capacity to produce vaghezza <strong>and</strong><br />
diletto, or charm <strong>and</strong> delight), Petrarch even seems to acknowl-<br />
edge that limitation, expressing his envy toward Pygmalion,<br />
who "received a thous<strong>and</strong> times what I yearn to have just<br />
once.'"84 There were those who objected to the use of such<br />
stories (Raffaele Borghini remarked that "di cose tanto<br />
stemperate e disoneste non si pu6 far derivare nobiltAi ne<br />
perfezzione" [one can draw neither nobility nor perfection<br />
from such intemperate <strong>and</strong> shameful things]), yet they<br />
provided a model for writers who wished to convey the<br />
affective powers of modern sculpture.85 For instance, in I<br />
marmi (published 1552, reprinted 1609), Anton Francesco<br />
Doni writes of a visitor's suggestive pronouncement before<br />
Michelangelo's Aurora in the New Sacristy: "Oh what stupen-<br />
dous things are these! I touch her in stone, <strong>and</strong> she moves my
320 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
flesh [mi muove la came] <strong>and</strong> delights me more than if I were<br />
to touch living flesh; indeed, I am marble <strong>and</strong> she is flesh."'86<br />
If the mythological tale of Pygmalion, as used by cinque-<br />
cento theorists, grounds the mimetic powers of sculpture in<br />
the erotic appeal of touch, it st<strong>and</strong>s in stark contrast to the<br />
amorous myth that had been earlier used, in Alberti's De<br />
pictura, to explain the origins of painting.87 This is, of course,<br />
the tale of Narcissus. The story is cited near the beginning of<br />
book 2; after praising painting's ability to overcome both<br />
distance <strong>and</strong> mortality, by making the absent present <strong>and</strong> the<br />
dead seem to live on for centuries, Alberti argues that<br />
painting st<strong>and</strong>s above all of the other manual arts. He writes:<br />
But principally painting was honored by the ancients with<br />
this honor, that while most of the other artificers were<br />
called Fabri, according to the Romans, the painter alone<br />
was not numbered among the Fabri. Such being the case, I<br />
am accustomed to say among my friends that the inventor<br />
of painting was, according to the meaning of the poets,<br />
that Narcissus who was transformed into a flower. Because<br />
painting is the flower of the arts, indeed it seems that the<br />
whole story of Narcissus is most well-suited to this. For what<br />
other thing is painting, than embracing <strong>and</strong> capturing<br />
[abbracciare & pigliare] with art that surface of the pool?88<br />
Alberti's use of this originary myth has been the subject of<br />
much art historical speculation; here, it will suffice to make<br />
several brief points.89 First of all, though the tale of Narcissus<br />
was never considered particularly exemplary (the moral<br />
might be that excessive self-absorption leads to death), it is at<br />
least the story of a chaste love that-unlike Pygmalion's for<br />
his statue-is never consummated, <strong>and</strong> in which even the<br />
simplest act of touch is never satisfied (when the reflection<br />
was visible, it was untouchable; when touched, it became<br />
invisible). Since Alberti links the story to the fact that painting<br />
is distinct from all the other arts ("such being the case ... "),<br />
we might even say that he is distinguishing the pure visuality<br />
of painting, its untouchability, as its hallmark--that quality<br />
that separates it from the other, more tactile arts, such as<br />
sculpture.90 Second, there is an element of displacement, or<br />
transference, at the heart of both the Ovidian story <strong>and</strong><br />
Alberti's use of it: just as Narcissus, beloved <strong>and</strong> lover, dies <strong>and</strong><br />
is transformed into a flower, so painting (likewise, as Alberti<br />
has it, a flower-that is, the product of a metamorphosis)<br />
involves a double transformation. By means of metamorphos-<br />
ing the formless substance of individual pigments, the painter<br />
is able to transform the shimmering, evanescent world into<br />
something that can be captured, even held, albeit with the<br />
metaphorical embrace of the eye, the only sense that grasps its<br />
two-dimensional illusions as if they were substance.9' As<br />
Alberti states in the passages preceding the Narcissus story,<br />
there is a presumption of absence <strong>and</strong> substitution at the<br />
heart of painting: it comes into being because its object is not<br />
present.<br />
Even as Narcissus's story is distant from that of Pygmalion,<br />
it nonetheless has something in common with the tale of<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>. At a superficial level, both involve vegetal<br />
metamorphoses, <strong>and</strong> more centrally, the fugitive reflection in<br />
Narcissus's pool (Ovid-certainly the source of Alberti's<br />
knowledge of the story-called it a simulacra fugacia) has its<br />
counterpart in <strong>Daphne</strong>'s fleeing form: both are unattainable<br />
objects of desire, stirring the mind through vision while<br />
remaining unavailable to erotic touch. That the two myths<br />
share certain features was not lost on Renaissance <strong>and</strong><br />
Baroque artists <strong>and</strong> viewers; the two tales were sometimes<br />
paired in sixteenth- <strong>and</strong> seventeenth-century paintings.92<br />
So in essence we have three mythological love stories, each<br />
of which came to be emblematically linked in the Renaissance<br />
to a different art. In two of these tales-those associated with<br />
poetry <strong>and</strong> painting--the love remains unfulfilled, grounded<br />
in vision but unredeemed by touch, while in the thirdassociated<br />
with sculpture-desire is not only satisfied but<br />
produces living progeny. While the stories offer little insight<br />
into the working procedures of artists or poets, they are<br />
nonetheless telling with regard to the generalized perception<br />
of each art by its practitioners <strong>and</strong> audience. In this trio,<br />
sculpture remains odd man out, by its physicality <strong>and</strong> its<br />
association with touch, <strong>and</strong> if the sculptors, citing the tale of<br />
Pygmalion, might claim this as a positive feature (demonstrating<br />
the convincing lifelikeness of their art), the painters<br />
might note that the virtuality of their medium (its association<br />
with the spiritual, elevated sense of sight) was one of the bases<br />
on which it could be related to the equally immaterial, aural<br />
art of poetry.93 There is a structural similarity in the transformations<br />
that occur in poetic <strong>and</strong> pictorial acts of mimesis:<br />
painting, like poetry, operates figurally, metaphorically, trans-<br />
forming a flat surface into a fully three-dimensional world in a<br />
feat of illusion that is ultimately completed in the internal<br />
vision of the viewer's imagination. Poetry also depends on<br />
figuration to transform the world through a mimetic act; it<br />
does this by employing metaphorical (rather than literal)<br />
language-words that are traslati (transferred) or trasportati<br />
(transported; "taken," as one sixteenth-century poetics explains<br />
it, "from their proper signification <strong>and</strong> placed in<br />
another").94 It is in traversing the distance between the<br />
proper <strong>and</strong> the figured (in the case of painting, the proper is<br />
the flat canvas covered with pigments; the figured, the<br />
world the viewer makes of it) that one discovers that quality<br />
most sought after in late Renaissance <strong>and</strong> Baroque poetics:<br />
meraviglia.95<br />
It is noteworthy that these same terms, distance <strong>and</strong> marvel,<br />
were used to make the case for painting in the letter that<br />
Galileo wrote to Lodovico Cigoli in June 1612, apparently<br />
offering his friend a "script" to use in paragone discussions (a<br />
letter sent, as Preimesberger has noted, just at the time when<br />
Cigoli was working alongside <strong>Bernini's</strong> father, Pietro, in the<br />
Pauline Chapel at S. Maria Maggiore).96 As part of his general<br />
argument for the superiority of painting, the great scientist<br />
wrote, "The more the means by which one imitates are distant<br />
[lontani] from the thing to be imitated, the more admirable<br />
[meravigliosa] the imitation."''7 Hence painting, which imitates<br />
the three-dimensional world on a two-dimensional<br />
surface, produces greater meraviglia than sculpture. Galileo<br />
illustrates this observation with the example of a musician<br />
who can move the audience by singing the quarrels <strong>and</strong><br />
sorrows of a lover, expressing pain in the sweet medium of<br />
song (<strong>and</strong> hence imitating more admirably than someone<br />
who might simply st<strong>and</strong> on the stage <strong>and</strong> cry). A singer of love<br />
songs is not unlike a poet, as Galileo, who wrote at length on<br />
literature, wrote poetry himself, <strong>and</strong> was an avid reader of
Petrarch, well knew.98 Similar terms were used in the sixteenth<br />
century to discuss poetry, as we may see in Sperone<br />
Speroni's undated Discorso in lode della pittura. In that text the<br />
Paduan philosopher <strong>and</strong> letterato dismisses sculpture as "a<br />
much cruder thing [than painting], rough <strong>and</strong> without<br />
marvel," because it represents a body with another body-an<br />
imitative act that depends not on similarity (the achievement<br />
of which requires skill) but on essential identity. He adds,<br />
"And I give the example of poetry: to imitate prose with verse<br />
is beautiful <strong>and</strong> delightful poetic imitation, but to imitate<br />
prose with prose is neither a poetic nor a marvelous thing;<br />
rather, it delights little."99 Hence, by implication, ut pictura<br />
poesis; ut sculptura prosa.<br />
These arguments (both Galileo's <strong>and</strong> Speroni's) were<br />
specifically aimed at one of the most frequently cited justifica-<br />
tions for sculpture's superiority: that sculpture was more<br />
proper or truthful (propria) than painting in its representation<br />
of the world, <strong>and</strong> this truthfulness could be proven by the test<br />
of that most certain of senses, touch.100 This was illustrated by<br />
an anecdote which the sculptor Nicolo Tribolo gave in an<br />
especially elaborate version, responding to Benedetto Varchi's<br />
1546 survey about the comparative nobility of painting<br />
<strong>and</strong> sculpture. Tribolo contrasted sculpture's status as true or<br />
proper imitation ("la cosa propio") with painting's status as<br />
lie ("la bugia"), demonstrating his claim by means of the<br />
following example: if a blind man came upon a statue, he<br />
would underst<strong>and</strong> through touch that the sculpted man<br />
represented a man; but if he encountered a picture of a man<br />
that same sense would find nothing but a flat surface <strong>and</strong><br />
judge it to be a faulty representation.'1' This conceit was<br />
dutifully repeated over the course of the century by writers<br />
such as Raffaele Borghini <strong>and</strong> was even cited by Bernini<br />
himself, during his French sojourn of 1665.102<br />
The anecdote itself seems calculated to be read against a<br />
pair of Plinian stories (duly cited by painters) in which the<br />
fictive marvels of painting are revealed through acts of touch:<br />
Zeuxis's painted grapes, at which hungry birds attempt to<br />
peck, <strong>and</strong> Parrhasius's painted curtain, which Zeuxis attempts<br />
to lift in order to reveal the painting he believes is underneath.103<br />
In these instances, the spectator's touch certifies the<br />
painter's skills <strong>and</strong> also serves to heighten his own visual<br />
delight (for the pleasure of illusion paradoxically depends on<br />
realizing that one is deceived). Indeed, touch here deflects<br />
pleasure back to the eye, <strong>and</strong> ultimately to the imagination. If<br />
painting's delights hinge on its status as immaterial (hence<br />
untouchable) fiction, then this makes an instructive comparison<br />
with the manner in which pleasure <strong>and</strong> touch functioned<br />
in the sculptors' stories of the Cnidian Venus <strong>and</strong> Pygmalion:<br />
there, the statues give delight not only to the degree that they<br />
may be verified through touch, but also to the degree that<br />
they may function properly, as actual surrogates for the bodies<br />
they represent.<br />
Tribolo's anecdote of the blind man seems to have appealed<br />
to seventeenth-century artists <strong>and</strong> patrons, testifying<br />
to the fact that the comparative role of the senses was one of<br />
the issues that continued to provoke interest in the paragone.<br />
The first datable representation of the blind man <strong>and</strong> a statue<br />
comes from the period of <strong>Bernini's</strong> youth: Jusepe de Ribera's<br />
Sense of Touch, part of a series of the Five Senses painted in<br />
Rome about 1615 (Fig. 12).104 Though it represents the<br />
DESIDERIO AND I)ILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO ANDI) I)DAPIlNE 321<br />
12 Jusepe de Ribera, Sense of Touch. Pasadena, Calif., Norton<br />
Simon Foundation<br />
sculptor's argument for superiority, this is the work of a<br />
painter, <strong>and</strong> the artist's skillfully foreshortened painting on<br />
the foreground ledge may be read as a riposte, challenging<br />
sculpture on the criterion of difficulta. The sculptors' case is<br />
further dissected in an image, attributed to a follower of<br />
Guercino, that cleverly brings us back to the question of<br />
eroticism (Fig. 13).l05 In the undated drawing containing the<br />
motto "Della scoltura si della pittura no" (sculpture's, yes;<br />
painting's, no) the sculpted bust that the blind beggar<br />
indiscriminately touches is contrasted with a framed painting<br />
depicting a turbaned male-his h<strong>and</strong>s significantly out of<br />
sight, behind his back-who appears to be inspecting ex-<br />
amples of nude female beauty. Sculpture's claims for certainty<br />
(here, of substance; elsewhere, of sexual gratification) are<br />
answered by a painting that figures the more subtle delights of<br />
the discerning erotic gaze. It is notable that this same general<br />
period produced a number of paintings about eroticized<br />
vision with an implicit pictorial referent, in the form of<br />
Alberti's mythical inventor of painting, Narcissus.106 It was in<br />
the earliest years of the new century that Caravaggio painted<br />
his version of the story (Fig. 14), in which Narcissus is<br />
seemingly frozen in rapture-held forever at arm's length<br />
from his beloved reflection, his embrace denied (as if to<br />
reaffirm that the reflection/painting incites yet cannot satisfy<br />
desire).107 Not long after, Pietro <strong>Bernini's</strong> colleague Lodovico<br />
Cigoli produced a sketch of Narcissus (Fig. 15), perhaps<br />
inspired by the contemporary paragone discussions hinted at
322 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
?<br />
.<br />
i<br />
,?.<br />
J?..<br />
.....i<br />
13 School of Guercino, Della scoltura si, della pittura no. Paris,<br />
Musee du Louvre (photo: ? RMN-Michele Bellot)<br />
in Galileo's letter, or perhaps even related to his own treatise<br />
on perspective, in which he echoes Alberti by placing the<br />
origin of painting in the reflections of the world on a watery<br />
surface.108<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong><br />
These, then, were the issues, addressed in both literature <strong>and</strong><br />
art, that formed the backdrop for <strong>Bernini's</strong> sculptural group<br />
of 1622-25. In the statue, Bernini thematizes the two senses<br />
that were not only at the base of erotic love <strong>and</strong> at the heart of<br />
two contrasting modes of amorous poetry, but which were<br />
also a vital part of the literature on his own art. At a very basic<br />
level, <strong>Bernini's</strong> <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> is art about art: first, by way<br />
of its subject matter, the art of poetry, <strong>and</strong> second, by<br />
thematizing vision <strong>and</strong> touch, the art of sculpture itself.<br />
Bernini plays on <strong>and</strong> conflates both functions of touch found<br />
in the paragone debates, the touch motivated by erotic desire<br />
as well as the touch that certifies knowledge. Yet both types of<br />
touch, as represented here, are transformed from their<br />
normal associations with sculpture: erotic satisfaction is con-<br />
founded, rather than satisfied, by touch, <strong>and</strong> the touching<br />
h<strong>and</strong> discerns something that belies, rather than confirms,<br />
what is seen, functioning as touch did in the painters'<br />
anecdote of Zeuxis <strong>and</strong> Parrhasius. Here it is not sculpture's<br />
essential, proper truth that is suggested, but the opposite:<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong> sees soft flesh <strong>and</strong> is shocked to feel hard bark,just as a<br />
",<br />
.<br />
14 Caravaggio, Narcissus. Rome, Galleria Nazionale d'Arte<br />
Antica, Palazzo Barberini-Corsini (photo: Alinari/Art Resource,<br />
New York)<br />
15 Lodovico Cigoli, Narcissus. Paris, Musee du Louvre (photo: ?<br />
RMN-Michdle Bellot)<br />
viewer who might attempt to caress the transformed marble of<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> statue, which looks as soft as modeled wax, would be<br />
surprised to touch cold, hard stone.109 In a sense, the statue<br />
group thematizes the conditions of illusion itself: what you see<br />
is not what you get (<strong>and</strong> if <strong>Apollo</strong>'s face records his wonder at<br />
the distance between what he sees <strong>and</strong> what he feels, that<br />
meraviglia is an equally appropriate response to <strong>Bernini's</strong><br />
artifice). Bernini here makes a demonstration piece of the<br />
fact that sculpture can make the same claims to being<br />
convincing fiction as painting: the distance between the hard
marble <strong>and</strong> the reality of flesh is as great as (if not greater<br />
than) that between the flat panel <strong>and</strong> the three-dimensional<br />
world.<br />
Finally, if the <strong>Apollo</strong> group is about poetry <strong>and</strong> about<br />
sculpture, it is also in some sense about the relationship<br />
between the two. Bernini uses his gifts of metamorphosing<br />
marble to create a work that is less remarkable for its propria<br />
dire than for its metaphorical, poetic speech. His ensemble<br />
also plays on the most charged element of the story at the<br />
level of its poetic meaning: the space between lover <strong>and</strong><br />
beloved, pursuer <strong>and</strong> pursued (in Petrarch, that space in<br />
which poetry arises). Here the gap between the marble<br />
statues is not merely empty but is depicted as filled with<br />
breath-the gasp of astonishment that seems to issue from<br />
the opened mouths of both <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> the turning <strong>Daphne</strong>.<br />
Instead of the kiss that <strong>Apollo</strong> ardently wishes might bond<br />
them together, there is immaterial spiritus, or in Petrarchan<br />
terms, aria.<br />
The <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> followed immediately on <strong>Bernini's</strong><br />
sculpture of a rape scene (Fig. 2), an image of desire<br />
rewarded, cleverly sculpted to echo the artifice of the sculptorlover<br />
Pygmalion. But <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> presented different<br />
challenges, <strong>and</strong> perhaps through the agency of Maffeo<br />
Barberini-the "<strong>Apollo</strong> Vaticanus"-Bernini was able to<br />
ponder other models. The famous story that Cardinal Barberini,<br />
while visiting <strong>Bernini's</strong> studio, held up a mirror in<br />
which the young artist studied his face while sculpting the<br />
David is doubtless a topos of the biographers, but it was a<br />
cleverly chosen one, for Barberini (who, after all, wrote love<br />
poems in his youth) was the instrument with whose help<br />
Bernini refashioned his artistic identity."?0 The mirror image<br />
(reflecting what Baldinucci refers to as a "terribile fissazione<br />
d'occhi," a fearsomely intent gaze) recalls Alberti's use of the<br />
Narcissus story, though here the Albertian formula is complicated<br />
with a second participant: the love <strong>and</strong> self-knowledge<br />
from which art is born is facilitated by a mentor. As in the tale<br />
of Narcissus, the reflecting medium (the mirror, but also,<br />
metonymically, the man who holds it) is transformed by the<br />
reflected object. Urban's oft-quoted statement to Bernini-<br />
"it is your great fortune, Cavaliere, to see Maffeo Barberini<br />
pope, <strong>and</strong> even greater is our fortune that Cavaliere Bernini<br />
lives in our pontificate"-suggests the reciprocity of the<br />
relationship between the two <strong>and</strong> underlines the fact that<br />
Bernini provided a means for Urban to fashion his own<br />
identity."' Indeed, if <strong>Bernini's</strong> emulation of Michelangelo<br />
guaranteed him a place in the Roman court, it also provided<br />
the Tuscan Maffeo Barberini the opportunity to cast himself<br />
as Julius II as well as to emulate a fellow countryman (<strong>and</strong><br />
fellow poet): Michelangelo's first mentor, Lorenzo de' Medici.<br />
Thus, the quotation of Petrarch via Politian in Barberini's<br />
distich on <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> not only stakes a claim for a<br />
particular poetic ideal but also creates a linkage to an<br />
illustrious Tuscan tradition that intertwined spirituality, po-<br />
etry, <strong>and</strong> the laurel.<br />
When he began the sculptural group that filled all Rome<br />
with the need to regard both artwork <strong>and</strong> artist, Bernini was<br />
something of a modern Pygmalion (sculptor as lover); at its<br />
completion, <strong>and</strong> with Urban VIII's full support, he could<br />
DESIDERIO AND DI)ILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 323<br />
16 Bernini, Ecstasy of Saint Teresa. Rome, S. Maria della Vittoria,<br />
Cornaro Chapel (Alinari/Art Resource, New York)<br />
additionally be fashioned, like Michelangelo before him, a<br />
new <strong>Apollo</strong> (an unrequited lover; sculptor as poet). Pygma-<br />
lion may get the girl but he loses the statue, his art conquered<br />
by love; <strong>Apollo</strong>'s art, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, is born of love's loss.<br />
Pygmalion generates human children; <strong>Apollo</strong>, works of art."12<br />
Coda: Sense <strong>and</strong> Spirit<br />
The particular circumstances by which the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong><br />
has recently received so much scholarly attention have also to<br />
a degree determined the nature of that attention. The group<br />
has been placed within the context of the artist's early<br />
sculptural production-so spectacularly showcased at the<br />
Galleria Borghese exhibition-<strong>and</strong> it has also been read in<br />
light of the ambitions <strong>and</strong> tastes of the patron who commissioned<br />
it. This scholarship has the great virtue of intricately<br />
tying the work to its historical moment, a goal in large part<br />
shared by this article. Yet by treating the sculpture as "metacritical"-a<br />
comment on the poetics of sculpture itself-<strong>and</strong><br />
by suggesting that it marks a moment of passage for the<br />
sculptor, this essay should also have relevance for the discussion<br />
of <strong>Bernini's</strong> later works <strong>and</strong> shed light on the mixture of<br />
sensuality <strong>and</strong> spirituality that is at the core of so much<br />
seventeenth-century art. While this is not the place to elaborate<br />
on these themes, I would like to conclude by touching<br />
briefly on one last, very familiar, work.<br />
Although at first glance <strong>Bernini's</strong> Ecstasy of Saint Teresa for<br />
the Cornaro Chapel (1647-51, Fig. 16) has little in common
324 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
with the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>, the two works are compellingly<br />
linked, forming a kind of parenthesis around the most<br />
intense period of <strong>Bernini's</strong> friendship with Urban VIII (which<br />
ended with the pope's death in 1644).113 The two stories, in<br />
fact, have structural affinities: if the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> is about<br />
frustrated erotic love that is spiritualized through its transformation<br />
into the art of poetry, the Teresa could be said to be<br />
about spiritual love that is translated (by Teresa, in her<br />
autobiography, <strong>and</strong> by Bernini, in his statue group) into the<br />
physical language of Eros. In the later group this love is<br />
between a chaste mortal woman <strong>and</strong> an incorporeal, invisible<br />
God (similar to, but also distant from, the radiant sun-god<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong>). Unlike the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>, amorous reciprocity<br />
<strong>and</strong> even consummation are suggested in the Ecstasy; yet, as in<br />
the earlier group, the one point of physical contact between<br />
the lover (here, a surrogate lover, God's messenger) <strong>and</strong> his<br />
beloved is played out not across flesh but across an integument<br />
that is its metaphorical substitute. In the <strong>Daphne</strong> group,<br />
<strong>Apollo</strong>'s left h<strong>and</strong> caresses the bark that has begun to encase<br />
<strong>and</strong> protect the chaste nymph, while in the Ecstasy, the angel's<br />
left h<strong>and</strong> delicately grasps a fold of the voluminous drapery<br />
that both shields <strong>and</strong> replaces Teresa's enraptured body.114 It<br />
is worth noting that one of the central late medieval defenses<br />
of poetry-articulated, among others, by Petrarch-defines<br />
that art as a play between sensible, seductive surface (often<br />
referred to as a garment or rind) <strong>and</strong> substantive, philosophical<br />
truths to be penetrated (not by sense but by intellect)<br />
beneath.115 The displaced caresses of both <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> Teresa's<br />
angelic visitor allude to (<strong>and</strong> redeem) sculpture's<br />
tactility, but they also thematize sculpture's poetic nature in a<br />
broader sense. If sculpture is in the end a medium of<br />
inviolable surfaces, those carefully worked surfaces are at the<br />
same time the viewer's cognitive opening to its deeper<br />
truths-whether poetic or theological.<br />
Bernini himself underwent a spiritual transformation with<br />
age, although, judging from his biographers, the youthful<br />
themes of his mythic self-fashioning were subtly shifted rather<br />
than ab<strong>and</strong>oned.116 Both Baldinucci <strong>and</strong> Domenico Bernini<br />
inform us that in the artist's old age, he still worked longer<br />
hours than many of his younger assistants, <strong>and</strong> when the latter<br />
tried to get him to rest, he would respond, "Leave me alone<br />
here, [Can't you see] I'm in love?" He would then remain at<br />
work, Baldinucci tells us, "fixated [fisso], so that he seemed<br />
ecstatic, <strong>and</strong> it seemed as though from his eyes he wished to<br />
send forth a spirit which would ensoul the stone.""117 Even in<br />
his advanced years, Bernini still recalls the Pygmalion myth,<br />
but here it becomes spiritualized, transformed by the language<br />
of poetic desire <strong>and</strong> sublimation (the Petrarchan mirar<br />
fiso), <strong>and</strong> by the loving gaze of Narcissus.118<br />
Andrea Boll<strong>and</strong> received her Ph.D. from the University of North<br />
Carolina at Chapel Hill <strong>and</strong> is currently assistant professor of art<br />
history at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. She has published on<br />
Italian art <strong>and</strong> art literature of the fourteenth <strong>and</strong> fifteenth centuries<br />
[Department of Art <strong>and</strong> Art History, University of Nebraska-Lincoln,<br />
207 Nelle Cochrane Woods Hall, Lincoln, Neb. 68588-0114].<br />
Frequently Cited Sources<br />
Baldinucci, Filippo, Vita di Gian Lorenzo Bernini, ed. Sergio Samek Ludovici<br />
(Milan: Edizioni del Milione, 1948).<br />
Barocchi, Paola, ed., 1960-62, Trattati d'arte del cinquecento fra manierismo e<br />
contrariforma, 3 vols. (Bari: Laterza).<br />
, 1971, Scritti d'arte del cinquecento, vol. 1 (Milan: Ricciardi).<br />
Bernini, Domenico, Vita del cavalier Gio. Lorenzo Bernino (Rome: R. Bernabb,<br />
1713).<br />
Chantelou, Paul Fr6art de, Diary of the Cavaliere <strong>Bernini's</strong> Visit to France, ed.<br />
Anthony Blunt, annot. George C. Bauer, trans. Margery Corbett (Princeton:<br />
Princeton University Press, 1985).<br />
Coliva, Anna, <strong>and</strong> Sebastian Schfitze, eds., Bernini scultore: La nascita del barocco<br />
in Casa Borghese, exh. cat., Galleria Borghese, Rome, 1998.<br />
D'Onofrio, Cesare, Roma vista da Roma (Rome: Liber, 1967).<br />
Giraud, Yves F.-A., Lafable de Daphni, Histoire des Id6es et Critique Littiraire,<br />
vol. 92 (Geneva: Droz, 1968).<br />
Herrmann Fiore, Kristina, "<strong>Apollo</strong> e Dafne del Bernini al tempo del<br />
Cardinale Scipione Borghese," in <strong>Apollo</strong> e Dafne del Bernini nella Galleria<br />
Borghese, ed. Kristina Herrmann Fiore (Milan: Silvana, 1997), 71-109.<br />
Lavin, Irving, "Five New Youthful Sculptures by Gian Lorenzo Bernini <strong>and</strong> a<br />
Revised Chronology of His Early Works," Art Bulletin 50 (1968): 223-48.<br />
Mirollo, James V., The Poet of the Marvelous: Giambattista Marino (New York:<br />
Columbia University Press, 1963).<br />
Pastor, Ludwig von, The History of the Popes, 40 vols. (London: Kegan Paul,<br />
Trench, Trubner, 1894-1953).<br />
Petrarch, Francis, Petrarch's Lyric Poems: The 'Rime sparse' <strong>and</strong> Other Lyrics, ed.<br />
<strong>and</strong> trans. Robert M. Durling (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,<br />
1976).<br />
Preimesberger, Rudolf, "Themes from Art Theory in the Early Works of<br />
Bernini," in Gian Lorenzo Bernini: New Aspects of His Life <strong>and</strong> Thought, ed.<br />
Irving Lavin (University Park, Pa.: Penn State University Press, 1985), 1-18.<br />
Notes<br />
This article develops arguments first presented at the Midwest Art History<br />
Society Conference in Dallas, 1997. I thank Heather Dubrow <strong>and</strong> Frances<br />
Huemer for the suggestions <strong>and</strong> encouragement they offered on reading the<br />
text of that paper. I am deeply grateful to Carolyn Allmendinger, Elizabeth<br />
Teviotdale, Christin Mamiya, Wendy Katz, <strong>and</strong> especially Mary Pardo for<br />
reading <strong>and</strong> commenting on this manuscript at various stages of its composition<br />
<strong>and</strong> revision. I also thankJohn Paoletti, Irving Lavin, <strong>and</strong> an anonymous<br />
Art Bulletin reviewer for helpful suggestions <strong>and</strong> for probing <strong>and</strong> difficult<br />
questions, which will continue to bear on my work. I had the good fortune<br />
some years ago to take a seminar on artists' biographies from Catherine<br />
Soussloff, in which I was introduced to some of the broader issues addressed<br />
here; if I do not do them justice, it is nonetheless thanks to that experience<br />
that I have had the courage to take them on. Finally, my gratitude goes to<br />
Susan Arthur, who encouraged me to pursue the topic of visuality <strong>and</strong> tactility<br />
in art, <strong>and</strong> whose paintings demonstrate its continuing relevance. Translations,<br />
unless otherwise noted, are my own.<br />
1. Andrew Marvell, The Complete Poems, ed. Elizabeth Story Donno (New<br />
York: Penguin, 1996), 100.<br />
2. Baldinucci, 78-79.<br />
3. See Anna Coliva, ed., Galleria Borghese, trans. Donald Garstang <strong>and</strong><br />
Edward Steinberg (Rome: Progetti Museali, 1994); Coliva <strong>and</strong> Schiitze;<br />
Kristina Herrmann Fiore, ed., <strong>Apollo</strong> e Dafne del Bernini nella Galleria Borghese<br />
(Milan: Silvana, 1997); as well as the volume-published immediately before<br />
the artist's anniversary, though not overtly occasioned by it-by Charles Avery,<br />
Bernini: Genius of the Baroque (Boston: Bullfinch Press, 1997).<br />
4. Preimesberger, 9; idem, "Zu Berninis Borghese-Skulpturen," in Antikenrezeption<br />
im Hochbarock, ed. Herbert Beck <strong>and</strong> Sabine Schulze (Berlin: Mann,<br />
1989), 122-24; <strong>and</strong> Hans Kauffmann, Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini: Diefigiirlichen<br />
Kompositionen (Berlin: Mann, 1970), 76.<br />
5. Preimesberger, 12-13; idem, 1989 (as in n. 4), 124; idem, "David," in<br />
Coliva <strong>and</strong> Schiitze, 218; Anna Coliva, "<strong>Apollo</strong> e Dafne," in Coliva <strong>and</strong><br />
Schfitze, 262; Herrmann Fiore, 79.<br />
6. See Francis Haskell, Patrons <strong>and</strong> Painters: Art <strong>and</strong> Society in Baroque Italy, 2d<br />
ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), 27-28, on Cardinal Scipione<br />
Borghese as a "man of few intellectual attainments" with a collection that "to<br />
the modern eye, appears to have been formed on no guiding principle other<br />
than an enthusiastic <strong>and</strong> undiscriminating appetite," <strong>and</strong> whose villa was the<br />
"centre of the most hedonistic society that Rome had known since the<br />
Renaissance."<br />
7. Coliva (as in n. 5), 262-63. For a rather different reading of the sculpture<br />
that nonetheless emphasizes Cardinal Borghese's seriousness as patron (by<br />
arguing that the work was part of a decorative program exalting the Borghese<br />
family's role in the renewal of Rome), see Herrmann Fiore, 72-73, 78. For an
interpretation of the villa <strong>and</strong> its works of art generally in this vein, see idem,<br />
"Villa Borghese <strong>and</strong> the Public Image of the Borghese Pontificate," in Coliva<br />
(as in n. 3), 360-81.<br />
8. While Stanislao Fraschetti had already made a general comparison<br />
between Bernini <strong>and</strong> the early 17th-century poet Giambattista Marino in 1900<br />
(II Bernini: La sua vita, la sua opera, il suo tempo [Milan: Hoepli], 417), the<br />
suggestion that <strong>Bernini's</strong> <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> reflects the spirit of Marino's<br />
verses was first put forward by Howard Hibbard (Bernini [New York: Penguin,<br />
1965], 235-36); who was followed by Kauffmann (as in n. 4), 73; <strong>and</strong> by Joy<br />
Kenseth, "<strong>Bernini's</strong> Borghese Sculptures: Another View," Art Bulletin 63<br />
(1981): 195, 200-201. On Petrarch's significance for the story of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>, see Coliva (as in n. 5), 264.<br />
9. Preimesberger, 12-13; Herrmann Fiore, 78-79.<br />
10. From practically the moment they were separated into discrete entities<br />
<strong>and</strong> associated with specific bodily organs, the senses were configured into<br />
various hierarchies, with their ordering determined by the concerns of the<br />
particular writer. With regard to the period being discussed here, a number of<br />
scholars-largely, though not entirely Francophone <strong>and</strong> ranging chronologically<br />
<strong>and</strong> methodologically from Lucien Febvre to Rol<strong>and</strong> Barthes to Walter<br />
Ong-have maintained that sight's position at the top of the hierarchy<br />
(replacing hearing, smell, <strong>and</strong>/or touch) is a relatively recent acquisition,<br />
occurring in t<strong>and</strong>em with the development of a scientific method relying<br />
more heavily on visual observation, the invention of the printing press, <strong>and</strong><br />
the formulation of Counter-Reformation devotional practices. Hence, the<br />
changes in sense hierarchy in the early modern period would seem to be<br />
bound up with changes in the systematization <strong>and</strong> hierarchy of knowledge<br />
itself. Some of this literature is discussed in Ezio Raimondi, "La nuova scienza<br />
e la visione degli oggetti," in his I sentieri del lettore II: Dal seicento all' ottocento<br />
(Bologna: SocietA Editrice il Mulino, 1994), 9-60; for arguments against the<br />
idea that vision was not highly valued or trusted in the Middle Ages <strong>and</strong><br />
Renaissance, see David C. Lindberg <strong>and</strong> Nicholas H. Steneck, "The Sense of<br />
Vision <strong>and</strong> the Origins of Modern Science," in Science, Medicine <strong>and</strong> Society in<br />
the Renaissance: Essays to Honor Walter Pagel, ed. Allen G. Debus (New York:<br />
Science History Publications, 1972), 29-45; <strong>and</strong> Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The<br />
Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley: University of<br />
California Press, 1993), 34-36. The simple dichotomies that have been said to<br />
structure the hierarchy of the senses have been problematized by recent works<br />
addressing the complex history of the senses in the early modern period; see,<br />
for instance, David Summers, The Judgment of Sense: Renaissance Naturalism <strong>and</strong><br />
the Rise of Aesthetics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Charles<br />
Burnett, Michael Fend, <strong>and</strong> Penelope Gouk, eds., The Second Sense: Studies in<br />
Hearing <strong>and</strong> Musical Judgement from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century (London:<br />
Warburg Institute, 1991); Claire J. Farago, Leonardo da Vinci's<br />
"Paragone": A<br />
Critical Interpretation with a New Edition of the Text in the Codex Urbinas (Leiden:<br />
E. J. Brill, 1992); <strong>and</strong> W. F. Bynum <strong>and</strong> Roy Porter, eds., Medicine <strong>and</strong> the Five<br />
Senses (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).<br />
11. The payment records for the group begin in Aug. 1622 <strong>and</strong> end in Oct.<br />
1625. The relevant documents for the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> were published by<br />
Italo Faldi, "Note sulle sculture borghesiane del Bernini," Bollettino d'Arte 38<br />
(1953): 140-46; idem, "Nuove note sul Bernini," Bollettino d'Arte 38 (1953):<br />
310-16; <strong>and</strong> by Howard Hibbard, "Nuove note sul Bernini," Bollettino d'Arte 43<br />
(1958): 181-83; this material is republished in Marina Minozzi, "Appendice<br />
documentaria: Le opere di Bernini nella collezione di Scipione Borghese," in<br />
Coliva <strong>and</strong> Schfitze, 437-40.<br />
12. The David was apparently originally commissioned by Aless<strong>and</strong>ro<br />
Peretti, Cardinal Montalto (for whom Bernini also made his Neptune <strong>and</strong><br />
Triton, Victoria <strong>and</strong> Albert Museum, London), rather than Borghese, but the<br />
latter obtained the unfinished block after Montalto's death in June 1623; see<br />
Coliva (as in n. 5), 261.<br />
13. See Minozzi (as in n. 11), 439. Bernini did undertake one last project<br />
involving the cardinal in 1632: the marble portrait busts of Scipione Borghese<br />
now in the Galleria Borghese. See Anna Coliva, "Scipione Borghese," in<br />
Coliva <strong>and</strong> Schfitze, 276-89.<br />
14. See Haskell (as in n. 6), 28; <strong>and</strong> most recently, Anna Coliva, "Casa<br />
Borghese: La committenza artistica del Cardinal Scipione," in Coliva <strong>and</strong><br />
Schfitze, 412-14; on the conclave of 1621, see Pastor, vol. 27 (1938), 29-41. On<br />
Scipione's political <strong>and</strong> financial position in the years after his uncle's death,<br />
see V. Castronovo, "Borghese Caffarelli, Scipione," in Dizionario biografico degli<br />
Italiani, vol. 12 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1970), 622; <strong>and</strong><br />
Volker Reinhardt, Kardinal Scipione Borghese (1605-1633): Vermigen, Finanzen<br />
und sozialerAufstiegeines Papstnepoten (Tiibingen: M. Niemeyer, 1984), 169-81.<br />
15. On Borghese's role as collector <strong>and</strong> patron during his time as "Cardinal<br />
Nephew," see most recently Coliva (as in n. 14), 391-420; <strong>and</strong> idem, "The<br />
Borghese Collection: Its History <strong>and</strong> Works of Art," in Coliva (as in n. 3),<br />
28-35.<br />
16. For the suggestion that the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><strong>Daphne</strong>was made as a replacement<br />
for the Proserpina group (or that the promise shown in the early stages of the<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> group reassured Borghese about giving the earlier work away), see<br />
Hibbard (as in n. 8), 48. The Proserpina was transported from <strong>Bernini's</strong> studio<br />
to the Villa Borghese on Sept. 23, 1622, <strong>and</strong> moved to the Villa Ludovisi<br />
possibly as early as a month later; see Coliva (as in n. 14), 414; but see also<br />
Matthias Winner, "Ratto di Proserpina," in Coliva <strong>and</strong> Schiitze, 187.<br />
17. Camillo Borghese-Pope Paul V-commissioned a number of works for<br />
the Pauline Chapel in S. Maria Maggiore from Gian Lorenzo's father, Pietro,<br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 325<br />
shortly after the family's arrival in Rome in 1605-6: a relief of the Assumption of<br />
the Virgin (executed between 1607 <strong>and</strong> 1610) as well as caryatids <strong>and</strong> a relief of<br />
the Coronation of Clement VIII for that pope's tomb monument (1611-13).<br />
Between 1616 <strong>and</strong> 1617, Pietro also made sculpture for the entrance to the<br />
Pauline Chapel in the Quirinal Palace, <strong>and</strong> from 1616 to 1620, he created<br />
decorative sculptures for Scipione Borghese's villa. See Valentino Martinelli,<br />
"Contributo alla scultura del seicento IV: Pietro Bernini e figli," Commentari 4<br />
(1953): 133-54; <strong>and</strong> more recently, Pietro Bernini: Un preludio al Barocco, exh.<br />
cat., Teatro la Limonaia <strong>and</strong> Villa Corsi-Salviati, Sesto Fiorentino, 1989. In<br />
addition to the help Gian Lorenzo provided his father on the decorative<br />
sculptures (see Alberta Campitelli, "Erme," in Coliva <strong>and</strong> Schfitze, 18-37),<br />
<strong>and</strong> to the life-size sculptures he then made for the Villa Borghese between<br />
1618 <strong>and</strong> 1625, the young artist made a series of portrait busts for the<br />
Borghese, probably beginning in the late 1610s (see Rudolf Wittkower,<br />
Bernini, 3d ed. (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1981), 175-77, 180-81).<br />
Gian Lorenzo's early Goat Amalthea Nursing Zeus (Villa Borghese, Rome) was in<br />
the cardinal's collection by Aug. 1615, though it is unknown whether it was<br />
actually commissioned by Scipione; Minozzi (as in n. 11), 429.<br />
18. Barberini's prediction to Pietro Bernini (made, according to Bernini,<br />
when he was eight years old) is one of Gian Lorenzo's reminiscences recorded<br />
by Chantelou, 15-16.<br />
19. See Baldinucci, 74-75; <strong>and</strong> Bernini, 11-12. Our knowledge of the early<br />
relationship between Gian Lorenzo <strong>and</strong> Cardinal Barberini is largely depen-<br />
dent on <strong>Bernini's</strong> biographers, whose chronologies are admittedly not always<br />
easy to reconcile with documented facts. For a caveat against using Renaissance-<br />
Baroque artistic biography as a historical source, see Catherine M. Soussloff,<br />
"Lives of Poets <strong>and</strong> Painters in the Renaissance," Word <strong>and</strong> Image 6 (1990):<br />
154-62; <strong>and</strong> idem, The AbsoluteArtist: The Historiography ofa Concept (Minneapo-<br />
lis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997). While I would not claim that the<br />
sources necessarily give access to the factual truth of <strong>Bernini's</strong> day-to-day life,<br />
they do encode an artistic "myth" that (at leastjudging from the testimony of<br />
Chantelou) Bernini himself played no small role in fashioning. We know that<br />
Barberini returned from his mission as papal nuncio to France in late Sept.<br />
1607 <strong>and</strong> remained in Rome until he was awarded the see of Spoleto, in late<br />
Oct. 1608. He resided outside Rome-first in Spoleto, then in Bologna, to<br />
which he was named legate (1611-14), <strong>and</strong> again in Spoleto-untilJuly 1617,<br />
when he returned there for good; see Pastor, vol. 28 (1938), 29-32; <strong>and</strong> Pio<br />
Pecchiai, I Barberini (Rome: Biblioteca d'Arte, 1959), 137-38, 143-48. It is<br />
possible, then, that Barberini made the reported prediction to Pietro Bernini<br />
(see n. 18 above) in 1607, when the artist was indeed eight years old, <strong>and</strong> that<br />
he may have served as his protector in the years between 1607 <strong>and</strong> 1608<br />
(though see D'Onofrio, 154-55, for the view that the two did not meet until<br />
late 1617). On Maffeo Barberini as poet, see Lucia Franciosi, "Immagini e<br />
poesia alla corte di Urbano VIII," in Gian Lorenzo Bernini e le arti visive, ed.<br />
Marcello Fagiolo (Florence: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1987), 85-90;<br />
D'Onofrio, 33-48; <strong>and</strong> Pastor, vol. 29 (1938), 408-21. On his earliest Latin<br />
poetry, see Marina Castagnetti, "Variazioni su una statua di Amor dormiente:<br />
A proposito di alcuni epigrammi latini di Maffeo Barberini," in Studi difilologia<br />
classica in onore di Giusto Monaco (Palermo: UniversitA di Palermo, FacoltA di<br />
Lettere e Filosofia, 1991), vol. 4, 1693-1703; <strong>and</strong> idem, "La 'Caprarola' ed<br />
altre 'Galerie': Cinque lettere di Maffeo Barberini ad Aurelio Orsi," Studi<br />
Secenteschi 34 (1993): 411-50; for his earliest volgare poetry, see Mario<br />
Costanzo, Critica e poetica del primo seicento, vol. 2, Maffeo e Francesco Barberini,<br />
Cesarini, Pallavicino (Rome: Bulzoni, 1969), 15-31.<br />
20. Bernini, 21, reports that his father always referred to Barberini as his<br />
"primo Benefattore." The pope long remained an important figure for<br />
Bernini; in his account of <strong>Bernini's</strong> visit to France twenty-one years after<br />
Barberini's death, Chantelou, 15, reports that the artist "is always eager to<br />
quote Pope Urban VIII."<br />
21. Pietro Bernini was commissioned to make a Saint John the Baptist<br />
(1613-15) <strong>and</strong> four marble cherubs (1618) for the family chapel in S. Andrea<br />
della Valle (see Lavin, 232, 234). Gian Lorenzo made two busts for the chapel,<br />
representing Maffeo's parents, in 1619-20, <strong>and</strong> Lavin suggests that he<br />
executed the cherubs as well, working from his father's model (235-37). Lavin<br />
(233-34) also concurs with the hypothesis of Wittkower (as in n. 17), 174, that<br />
Gian Lorenzo's Saint Sebastian (Thyssen-Bornemisza Collection, Madrid), in<br />
the possession of the Barberini family by 1628, was made for a niche in the<br />
family chapel but never installed. Another early work by Bernini, Boy with a<br />
Dragon (J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles) is recorded in the Barberini<br />
inventories in 1628 (Lavin, 230), though it is not known when, or under what<br />
circumstances, it entered the family collections.<br />
22. See Baldinucci, 76, 78-79; <strong>and</strong> Bernini, 16, 19-20, for anecdotes<br />
recording Barberini's responses to <strong>Bernini's</strong> Bust of Pedro de Foix Montoya<br />
(completed ca. 1622), David, <strong>and</strong> <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>.<br />
23. After an interruption in his work on the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>, presumably<br />
to carve the David in 1623-24, Bernini received payments again in Apr.,June,<br />
<strong>and</strong> Sept. 1624; Minozzi (as in n. 11), 438. The statue was completed with the<br />
help of the sculptor Giuliano Finelli, who was apparently responsible for the<br />
fine details of the leaves, roots, <strong>and</strong> hair. Finelli's work on the group is<br />
mentioned by his biographer G. B. Passeri. On Finelli's share in the statue, see<br />
Jennifer Montagu, Roman Baroque Sculpture: The Industry of Art (New Haven:<br />
Yale University Press, 1989), 104-6; Herrmann Fiore, 103-4; <strong>and</strong> Coliva (as in<br />
n. 5), 268-69. If Urban did not immediately give Bernini commissions, he<br />
nonetheless quickly began to bestow favors on the artist, appointing him
326 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
overseer of the foundries of Castel Sant Angelo <strong>and</strong> commissioner of the<br />
conduits <strong>and</strong> fountains of Piazza Navona; see Fraschetti (as in n. 8), 41.<br />
24. Payments for the baldacchino began on July 12, 1624, <strong>and</strong> Bernini<br />
received payment for the marble block out of which Santa Bibiana would be<br />
carved on Aug. 10, 1624. See Wittkower (as in n. 17), 189. The reconstruction<br />
of the church of S. Bibiana began on Aug. 8, 1624; S<strong>and</strong>ra Vasco Rocca, Santa<br />
Bibiana, Le Chiese di Roma Illustrate (Rome: Istituto Nazionale di Studi<br />
Romani, 1983), 41.<br />
25. In addition to the Goat Amalthea (see n. 17 above), Boy with a Dragon (n.<br />
21), Neptune <strong>and</strong> Triton (n. 12), <strong>and</strong> Pluto <strong>and</strong> Proserpina, <strong>Bernini's</strong> other early<br />
mythological figures <strong>and</strong> groups include a Faun Teased by Putti (Metropolitan<br />
Museum of Art, New York) <strong>and</strong> Putto Bitten by a Dolphin (Staatliche Museen<br />
Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin). That Bernini viewed the <strong>Daphne</strong> as pivotal is<br />
suggested by the fact that during his 1665 visit to France, he told Chantelou<br />
that he completed the work at age eighteen-placing it, effectively, at the very<br />
beginning of his adult career; see Chantelou, 102.<br />
26. The classic study of the various literary <strong>and</strong> visual versions of the theme<br />
is Wolfgang Stechow, <strong>Apollo</strong> und <strong>Daphne</strong>, Studien der Bibliothek Warburg, 23<br />
(Leipzig: Teubner, 1932); see also the wide-ranging survey of the various<br />
retellings of the myth from antiquity to the end of the 17th century (with some<br />
attention to the visual tradition) in Giraud. While the Ovid translation most<br />
familiar to art historians is Lodovico Dolce's Trasformationi (first published<br />
1553), the most widely known translation of the later cinquecento <strong>and</strong> early<br />
seicento was Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara's Metamorfosi d'Ovidio, which was<br />
reissued in over twenty editions between 1561 <strong>and</strong> 1624. On Anguillara, see C.<br />
Mutini, "Anguillara, Giovanni Andrea dell'," in Dizionario biografico (as in n.<br />
14), vol. 3 (1961), 306-9; <strong>and</strong> Giraud, 174-76. Anguillara's edition is discussed<br />
in relation to <strong>Bernini's</strong> statue by Herrmann Fiore, 77.<br />
27. Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.490. All the English translations (<strong>and</strong> the Latin<br />
text) of Ovid used in this article are taken from the Loeb Classical Library<br />
edition, trans. FrankJustus Miller, rev. G. P. Goold, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.:<br />
Harvard University Press, 1994).<br />
28. While the 16th-century translators of the Metamorphoses follow Ovid in<br />
not indicating any eye contact during or after the chase, both Anguillara <strong>and</strong><br />
Dolce include a moment at which the god pleads with the fleeing nymph to<br />
turn around <strong>and</strong> look at him: "Deh volgi un poco A me la fronte, e '1 core: /<br />
Tien nel mio volto i tuoi begli occhi intenti: Non sai, stolta, non sai chi fuggi; e<br />
credi / Forse molto veder, ma nulla vedi" (Oh, turn your brow, <strong>and</strong> your heart,<br />
a little toward me, hold your beautiful eyes intently on my face; you do not<br />
know, foolish one, you do not know whom you flee; <strong>and</strong> you perhaps believe<br />
you see much, but you see nothing; Metamorfosi di Ovidio, trans. Gio. Andrea<br />
dell'Anguillara, annot. Giuseppe Horologgi [Venice: Giunti, 1584], 15); <strong>and</strong><br />
"Rivolgi Ninfa la sdegnosa fronte, / E vedi chi per te piagato ha il core" (Turn<br />
your haughty brow, nymph, <strong>and</strong> see whose heart you have wounded; Dolce, Le<br />
trasformationi [1568; reprint, with an introduction by Stephen Orgel <strong>and</strong><br />
illustrations from the 1558 ed., NewYork: Garl<strong>and</strong>, 1979], fol. 10v). Compare<br />
this with Ovid's much simpler version of <strong>Apollo</strong>'s plea at 1.512: "cui placeas,<br />
inquire tamen" (nay, stop <strong>and</strong> ask who thy lover is).<br />
29. See Matthias Winner, "Paragone mit dem Belvederischen Apoll: Kleine<br />
Wirkunggeschichte der Statue von Antico bis Canova," in Il cortile delle statue:<br />
Der Statuenhof des Belvedere im Vatikan, ed. Matthias Winner, Bernard Andreae,<br />
<strong>and</strong> Carlo Pietrangeli (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1998), 244.<br />
30. The Alberti engraving is presented as one model among many by<br />
Herrmann Fiore, 89, <strong>and</strong> the woodcut by Master IB with the Bird is discussed<br />
in Avery (as in n. 3), 57; <strong>and</strong> Kauffmann (as in n. 4), 69; both are reproduced<br />
<strong>and</strong> discussed by Coliva (as in n. 5), 264, 265. It should be said that the most<br />
obvious quotation in <strong>Bernini's</strong> group comes not from a rendering of the story<br />
itself, but (as art historians have long recognized) from the <strong>Apollo</strong> Belvedere in<br />
the Vatican.<br />
31. Metamorphoses, 15.871-79: "And now my work is done, which neither the<br />
wrath ofJove, nor fire, nor sword, nor the gnawing tooth of time shall ever be<br />
able to undo. When it will, let that day come which has no power save over this<br />
mortal frame, <strong>and</strong> end the span of my uncertain years. Still in my better part I<br />
shall be borne immortal far beyond the lofty stars <strong>and</strong> I shall have an undying<br />
name. Wherever Rome's power extends over the conquered world, I shall have<br />
mention on men's lips, <strong>and</strong>, if the prophecies of bards have any truth, through<br />
all the ages shall I live in fame." The author portrait reproduced here as Fig. 8<br />
is from the R Ovidii Nasoni Metamorphoses, argumentis brevioribus ex Luctatio<br />
Grammatico collectis expositae (Antwerp, 1591); this edition is illustrated by<br />
Petrus van der Borcht (who signs the image found on 357).<br />
32. See n. 8 above. Marino treated the story in the paired sonnets "Parole<br />
d'<strong>Apollo</strong>, mentre seguiva Dafne" <strong>and</strong> "Trasformazione di Dafne in lauro," as<br />
well as the madrigal "Dafne in Lauro," all first published in his Rime (Venice,<br />
1602); in his 176-line poem "Dafne," published as part of his Ecloghe boscherecce<br />
(Naples, 1620), though probably composed much earlier; <strong>and</strong> in the 339-line<br />
eclogue "Dafni," published in La sampogna (Paris, 1620). Additionally, Marino<br />
dedicated one of the epigrams in his Galeria (Venice, 1619) to an <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> by Guido Reni. Marino's treatment of the theme is discussed by<br />
Giraud, 281-89.<br />
33. Kenseth's argument (as in n. 8) for Marino's import rests on a more<br />
involved comparison of text <strong>and</strong> sculpture, relating to her central thesis that<br />
Bernini conceived the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> to be seen in a series of views,<br />
beginning from the back of the sculptural group, where the running <strong>Apollo</strong><br />
provides the main focus, <strong>and</strong> moving toward a view incorporating both the<br />
god <strong>and</strong> his metamorphosing prey. Kenseth argues that the sequence of views<br />
experienced by the viewer-from motion to stasis-parallels Marino's narration<br />
of the chase in his "Dafne." For a different proposal on the original<br />
position of the sculpture in the the room (<strong>and</strong> thus a different sequence of<br />
views experienced by the spectator), see Herrmann Fiore, 98-103.<br />
34. Giambattista Marino, La sampogna, ed. Vania de Mald6 (Parma: Fondazione<br />
Pietro Bembo <strong>and</strong> Ugo Gu<strong>and</strong>a, 1993), 363.<br />
35. <strong>Apollo</strong>'s almost comical fascination with <strong>Daphne</strong>'s hair in Ovid's verses<br />
could certainly have been read as a metaphorical evocation of the process of<br />
literary or poetic composition, which was described in similar terms in certain<br />
classical <strong>and</strong> medieval sources. The term Ovid uses for the arranging of<br />
<strong>Daphne</strong>'s hair-comere--designates the ornamenting of speech in Cicero, De<br />
partitione oratoria 19, <strong>and</strong> Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 8.3.42. Other instances<br />
in which the adornment or combing of hair is used to describe the adornment<br />
of literary compositions are found in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On Literary<br />
Composition 25: "combing" (ktenizon), "curling" (bostruchizon), "replaiting"<br />
(anapl6kon); see Dionysius of Halicarnassus, The Critical Essays, vol. 2,<br />
trans. Stephen Usher, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard<br />
University Press, 1985), 224, 225; <strong>and</strong> Geoffroy of Vinsauf's late medieval<br />
Poetria Nova, in Edmond Faral, Les arts poitiques du XIIe et du XIle simcle (Paris:<br />
Librairie Ancienne Honor6 Champion, 1924), 257.<br />
36. The story of Syrinx is found in Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.689-712. Marino<br />
had paired the <strong>Daphne</strong> <strong>and</strong> Syrinx stories earlier in his career, in the Ecloghe<br />
boscherecce; see Mirollo, 67.<br />
37. On the theme of poetry's dependence on absence <strong>and</strong> frustration in the<br />
17th century, see Gordon Braden, "Beyond Frustration: Petrarchan Laurels in<br />
the Seventeenth Century," Studies in English Literature 26 (1986): 5-23. I thank<br />
Heather Dubrow for pointing out the aptness of Marvell's construction to the<br />
broader reading attempted here.<br />
38. For Marino's complex relation to Petrarch, see Aless<strong>and</strong>ro Martini,<br />
"Marino postpetrarchista," Versants 7 (1985): 15-36.<br />
39. The literature on Petrarch's use of the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> myth is large;<br />
see, for instance, Marga Cottino-Jones, "The Myth of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong> in<br />
Petrarch's 'Canzoniere': The Dynamics <strong>and</strong> Literary Function of Transformation,"<br />
in Francis Petrarch: Six Centuries Later, ed. Aldo Scaglione (Chapel Hill,<br />
N.C.: Dept. of Romance Languages, University of North Carolina, 1975),<br />
152-76; P.R.J. Hainsworth, "The Myth of <strong>Daphne</strong> in the 'Rerum vulgarium<br />
fragmenta,' " Italian Studies 34 (1979): 28-44; <strong>and</strong> Sara Sturm-Maddox,<br />
"<strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>: The Ovidian Subtext," chap. 2 of her Petrarch's<br />
Metamorphoses: Text <strong>and</strong> Subtext in the Rime Sparse (Columbia, Mo.: University of<br />
Missouri Press, 1985).<br />
40. Petrarch, 40, 41. I amend somewhat Durling's reading of the final lines,<br />
which does not account for the term altrui (of others). Admittedly, the term<br />
may refer to those other than Laura/the laurel (rather than to those other<br />
than the poet), yet the word choice still renders the construction strangely<br />
impersonal (in contrast with the first-person voice used for the preceding<br />
lines).<br />
41. This central idea of poetry's origin in unfulfilled desire is even<br />
underlined by the poems that frame his canzoniere: at the beginning of poem 1,<br />
"Voi ch'ascoltate," Petrarch describes the rime sparse that follow (perhaps in<br />
glancing allusion to Pan <strong>and</strong> Syrinx) as "the sound of those sighs with which I<br />
nourished my heart during my first youthful error" (lines 1-3), <strong>and</strong> in the<br />
final, redemptive Canzone to the Virgin, he acknowledges that if he had<br />
achieved the consummation so ardently wished for in many of the 365<br />
preceding poems, it would only have resulted in death to him <strong>and</strong> dishonor to<br />
Laura (poem 366, lines 92-97); see Petrarch, 36, 37, 580, 581.<br />
42. The lines cited are 48-52, from Petrarch, 266, 267. See Ugo Dotti's<br />
introduction to his edition of Petrarch's Canzoniere, vol. 1 (Rome: Donzelli,<br />
1996), xli-xlvii ("La poesia dell'assenza e la funzione della parola"), as well as<br />
his commentary on the individual poems.<br />
43. Adelia Noferi, "11 canzoniere del Petrarca: Scrittura del desiderio e<br />
desiderio della scrittura," Paragone (Letteratura) 296 (Oct. 1974): 8-9.<br />
44. Vision on occasion even appropriates some of the powers (albeit<br />
negative ones) of touch. If Petrarch <strong>and</strong> Laura never make physical contact,<br />
her gaze nonetheless has the power to burn (Petrarch, poems 171, lines 5-6,<br />
320, line 10), to inflict blows (poems 95, lines 5-6, 133, line 5), <strong>and</strong> to wound<br />
(poems 87, line 5, 174, lines 5-6, 297, lines 10-11).<br />
45. On Petrarch's use of the term occhi, see Peter Hainsworth, Petrarch the<br />
Poet: An Introduction to the "Rerum vulgarium fragmenta" (London: Routledge,<br />
1988), 120-21. Miraris used withfisoin poems 17, 77, 127, 261, 323, 356, 360.<br />
46. Poem 129, lines 56-61: "Indi i miei danni a misurar con gli occhi /<br />
comincio, e 'ntanto lagrim<strong>and</strong>o sfogo / di dolorosa nebbia il cor condenso, /<br />
alor ch' i' miro et penso / quanta aria dal bel viso mi diparte / che sempre m' 6<br />
si presso e si lontano" (Thence I begin to measure my losses with my eyes, <strong>and</strong><br />
then I weeping unburden my heart of the sorrowful cloud gathered in it, when<br />
I see <strong>and</strong> think how much air separates me from the lovely face that is always so<br />
near to me <strong>and</strong> so distant; Petrarch, 266, 267). Also emblematic of the<br />
mutually exclusive relationship between the two senses is poem 190, "Una<br />
c<strong>and</strong>ida cerva sopra l'erba," in which the poet gazes until his eyes are tired<br />
("but not sated") at a white doe (that is, Laura) sporting a jeweled collar<br />
warning "Nessun mi tocchi" (Let no one touch me; Petrarch, 336, 337).<br />
47. See Giraud, 155-81, on the treatment of the myth among the Petrarchists;<br />
not surprisingly, Petrarchan language also colors the Italian translations<br />
of Ovid's Metamorphoses, especially Anguillara's.
48. Bernini told the story to Chantelou in 1665 (30-31); it also appears in<br />
less detailed form in Baldinucci, 79; <strong>and</strong> Bernini, 19-20. The story is not easily<br />
reconciled with the documents: Bernini acquired the marble block for the<br />
sculpture at the beginning of Aug. 1622, yet Cardinal de Sourdis apparently<br />
ended his residency in Rome before July 17, 1622 (Lavin, 238 n. 102). It is<br />
probable, then, that Bernini either embellished or misremembered the<br />
participants in this incident, which had taken place some forty years earlier.<br />
The statue's pedestal, containing the inscription, was completed by Mar. 15,<br />
1625; Minozzi (as in n. 11), 438.<br />
49. See, for instance, Giuseppe Horologgi's gloss in Anguillara's Ovid<br />
translation (as in n. 28), 15, 16; or Georgius Sabinus, Metamorphosis seufabulae<br />
poeticae (Frankfurt:J. Wechel, 1589), 36.<br />
50. See Marc Fumaroli, L'inspiration du poite de Poussin: Essai sur l'allIgorie du<br />
Parnasse (Paris: Editions de la Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1989), 59-60.<br />
The poem appeared in the 1631 edition of the Poemata, but not the 1623<br />
edition, suggesting it was written after Barberini's accession to the papal<br />
throne.<br />
51. The preceding lines are: "Complexus virides [sic] frondosae virginis<br />
artus: / sic quoque mutata (dixit <strong>Apollo</strong>) fruar" (The brief embrace of the<br />
green leafy virgin: Thus also let me take pleasure (<strong>Apollo</strong> said) in the changed<br />
one; Giraud, 177). According to Giraud, the epigram was published in Fausto<br />
Sabeo, Picta poesis Ovidiana, Thesaurus propemodum omnium fabularum poeticarum<br />
... epigrammatis expositarum (1580), <strong>and</strong> in Janus Gruter, Delitiae CC<br />
italorum poetarum, Pars altera (1608).<br />
52. See Lodovico Castelvetro, Le rime delPetrarca brevemente sposte (Basel: P. de<br />
Sedabonis, 1582), 23. The connection of Barberini's distich to Petrarch's<br />
sonnet is noted by Preimesberger, 1989 (as in n. 4), 124, though his<br />
conclusions about the meaning of the inscription are somewhat different from<br />
those presented here. Giraud, 196, <strong>and</strong> Kauffmann (as in n. 4), 63, also note<br />
similarities between Barberini's distich <strong>and</strong> the poem inscribed on Jacopo<br />
Caraglio's engraving of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>.<br />
53. A manuscript of Barberini's earliest volgare poetry was edited <strong>and</strong><br />
published by Costanzo (as in n. 19), 24-31. One of Urban's poems using<br />
Petrarchan imagery was published under the title "Quanto sia vano il pensiero<br />
d'acquistar fama col mezzo della poesia," in his Poesie toscane (first published<br />
1635), <strong>and</strong> is reprinted in Pastor, vol. 29, 416 n. 1. The poem begins with the<br />
verses "Che fai Maffeo, che pensi? a che con arte / Emula all'eta prisca, si ti<br />
cale / Formar inni canori? a che ti vale / Vegliar la notte per vergar le carte?"<br />
(What are you doing Maffeo, what are you thinking? To what purpose do you<br />
care to fashion melodious hymns with an art that rivals that of the golden age?<br />
What does it avail you to keep vigil all night in order to fill the pages with<br />
writing?), emulating the internal dialogue form ("Che fai? Che pensi?") used<br />
by Petrarch in poems 150 <strong>and</strong> 273. Urban goes on to scold himself in<br />
Petrarchan terms for loving too much the "deception [inganno]" <strong>and</strong> "sweet<br />
error [dolce errore]" of believing he can render things eternal <strong>and</strong> flee death<br />
with his "harmonious lyre [cetra armoniosa]." One might argue that in much of<br />
his poetry (especially in vernacular verse) Urban follows Petrarch's example in<br />
an even deeper sense, for just as Barberini writes numerous verses decrying<br />
the vanity of composing poetry, so the trecento poet uses his volgare poetry to<br />
disparage that selfsame poetry (the fruit, as he writes in poem 1, of his "primo<br />
giovanile errore," his first youthful error). See Hainsworth (as in n. 45), 103ff.<br />
54. Pastor, vol. 29, 416. On the linking of <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> the laurel with Urban<br />
VIII in contemporary panegyrics, see Fumaroli (as in n. 50), 56-57. A pictorial<br />
example may be found in the central field of Pietro da Cortona's Divine<br />
Providence fresco (Palazzo Barberini, Rome, 1632-39), where a putto adds a<br />
laurel crown to Urban's coat of arms, signifying, in the words of a contemporary,<br />
"valor poetico" (poetic virtue). SeeJohn Beldon Scott, Images ofNepotism:<br />
The Painted Ceilings of Palazzo Barberini (Princeton: Princeton University Press,<br />
1991), 139, 216.<br />
55. According to D'Onofrio (307, 276) the epigram--one of twelve in<br />
Biblioteca Apostolica, Vatican ms Cod. Barb. lat. 2077-was actually composed<br />
between 1618 <strong>and</strong> 1620. Whether, as D'Onofrio suggests, it served in any way<br />
as a program for the sculptural decoration of the Villa Borghese (another<br />
epigram from the same manuscript treats Pluto <strong>and</strong> Proserpina) or whether<br />
Barberini simply called on his earlier composition under circumstances like<br />
those described by Bernini is impossible to know.<br />
56. Preimesberger, 12-13, calls attention to the publication of L'Adone but<br />
suggests that the bitter fruits of Barberini's inscription imply a critique not<br />
only of Marinismo but also of Petrarchismo. Preimesberger's reading would<br />
seem to collapse the distinction between amorous poetry <strong>and</strong> lascivious<br />
poetry; for evidence that the Church did in fact maintain such distinctions, see<br />
the letter of Apr. 2, 1625, from Girolamo Preti to Claudio Achillini, in<br />
Giambattista Marino, Epistolario seguito da lettere di altri scrittori del seicento, ed.<br />
Angelo Borzelli <strong>and</strong> Fausto Nicolini, vol. 2 (Bari: Laterza, 1911-12), 176. On<br />
the prepublication history of the Adone (which Marino had begun to write in<br />
the last years of the 16th century), see Marzio Pieri's "Nota al testo" in his<br />
edition of the Adone (Bari: Laterza, 1975-77), vol. 2, 755-68; <strong>and</strong> Giovanni<br />
Pozzi's "Guida alla lettura" in his edition of the poem (Milan: Mondadori,<br />
1976), vol. 2, 103-21.<br />
57. The first Paris edition was followed by editions published in Venice,<br />
Ancona, Turin, <strong>and</strong> Paris, all appearing between 1623 <strong>and</strong> 1627. See Mirollo,<br />
72, 86-87, <strong>and</strong> Marino-Pieri (as in n. 56), vol. 2, 768-69.<br />
58. In cantos 6-8 of the poem, Adonis is guided through the Garden of<br />
Pleasure, which can be entered through five gates, each representing a<br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 327<br />
different sense; it is in the section of the garden devoted to touch (in canto 8)<br />
that Venus <strong>and</strong> Adonis consummate their passion. While the Adone was finally<br />
placed on the Index librorum prohibitorum (Index of Prohibited Books) in<br />
1627, two years after the author's death, censors were already requiring<br />
changes by Sept. 1623 (Giorgio Fulco, "Giovan Battista Marino," chap. 5 of<br />
Storia della letteratura italiana, vol. 5, La fine del cinquecento e il seicento [Rome:<br />
Salerno, 1997], 637), <strong>and</strong> its reprinting was prohibited in papal dominions in<br />
June 1624 (Marino-Pieri [as in n. 56], vol. 2, 768). Marino anticipated these<br />
problems from the very beginning; in several letters written in 1623 <strong>and</strong> 1624<br />
Marino makes reference to his (now lost) "discourse on lascivious writing,"<br />
which he intended to publish as part of the Adone; Marino, 1911-12 (as in n.<br />
56), vol. 2, 13, 27, 28, 67. On the anti-Marinist backlash after the publication of<br />
the Adone, see Mirollo, 98-100, <strong>and</strong> Franco Croce, "I critici moderatobarocchi,<br />
I-La discussione sull'Adone," Rassegna della Letteratura Italiana 59<br />
(1955): 414-39.<br />
59. On the 1623 edition of Stigliani's Rime, <strong>and</strong> on Stigliani's Petrarchism,<br />
see Antonio Belloni, Il seicento, Storia Letteraria d'Italia, vol. 7 (Milan: Vallardi,<br />
1899), 93; <strong>and</strong> Ottavio Besomi, "Tommaso Stigliani: Tra parodia e critica,"<br />
Studi Secenteschi 13 (1972): 3-4. One of Stigliani's sonnets using Petrarchan<br />
themes of distance, desire, sight, <strong>and</strong> touch ("Io veggio a' miei desir tant'alto<br />
il segno, / ed e fra quello e me spazio si lungo, / che, non che con la mano,<br />
appena il giungo / cogli occhi e della fronte e dell'ingegno ." [I see the<br />
target of my desires so lofty, <strong>and</strong> between it <strong>and</strong> me so great a ... distance, that I<br />
barely attain it (to say nothing of the h<strong>and</strong>) with the eyes of my forehead <strong>and</strong><br />
my mind]) is published in Alberto Asor Rosa, Il seicento: La nuova scienza e la<br />
crisi del Barocco, vol. 5, pt. 1, of La letteratura italiana: Storia e testi (Bari: Laterza,<br />
1974), 531. The revival of interest in Petrarch as an antidote to Marinism is<br />
discussed by Marc Fumaroli, "Rh6torique et po6tique," Lettere Italiane 44<br />
(1992): 36-37. In his Ragionamento sopra la poesia giocosa (1634), Nicola Villani<br />
defended certain stylistic features of Marino's poem but attacked its lasciviousness<br />
as only the latest example of a long tradition of such subject matter in<br />
Tuscan poetry. Interestingly, he set Petrarch somewhat apart from this<br />
tradition <strong>and</strong> linked his chaste treatment of love with that of Francesco da<br />
Barberino, the dugento poet whom Urban VIII claimed as his ancestor; on<br />
Villani's treatment of Petrarch <strong>and</strong> Francesco da Barberino, see Croce (as in n.<br />
58), 433-34; on Urban VIII <strong>and</strong> his illustrious forebear, see Pastor, vol. 29, 408.<br />
A distinction between Petrarch <strong>and</strong> the corruption of Petrarchan verse by the<br />
Marinists was also drawn by Iacopo Filippo Tomasini in his Petrarchus redivivus<br />
of 1635; see Fumaroli, 36-37. Later in the century, Sforza Pallavicino also<br />
contrasted the poetry of Petrarch ("non disonesta, ma vana" [not shameful,<br />
but empty]) with that of his followers, who joined obscenity of form to the<br />
vanity of the subject matter; see Belloni, 52.<br />
60. Rejections of the Petrarchan model may be found in a number of 16th<strong>and</strong><br />
early 17th-century writers; see Donald L. Guss, "Petrarchism <strong>and</strong> the End<br />
of the Renaissance," in Scaglione (as in n. 39), 384-401, on the variety of<br />
responses to the Rime sparse. Indeed, the first great literary debate of the 17th<br />
century was spurred by the publication of Aless<strong>and</strong>ro Tassoni's anti-Petrarchist<br />
Considerazioni sopra le rime del Petrarca (Modena, 1609). Tassoni's work is in<br />
many ways less an attack on Petrarch than a denunciation of his servile<br />
followers (<strong>and</strong> of the notion that the great trecento poet's authority should<br />
carry into the modern era). On Tassoni's tract <strong>and</strong> the responses it elicited,<br />
see Franco Croce, "Critica e trattatistica del barocco," in Il seicento, ed. Emilio<br />
Cecchi <strong>and</strong> Natalino Sapegno, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. 5 (Milan:<br />
Garzanti, 1967), 425-36; on Marino's supportive response to Tassoni's<br />
position, see Marziano Guglielminetti, "Tassoni e Marino," in Studi Tassoniani<br />
(Modena: Aedes Muratoriana, 1966), 147-75.<br />
61. Martini (as in n. 38), 27-28, interestingly contrasts the semantics of<br />
Marino's love poetry with those of Petrarch's. Not only does Marino distance<br />
himself from Petrarch by exp<strong>and</strong>ing the language of love to include the<br />
physical (for example, the many baci, which are all but absent in the trecento<br />
poet) <strong>and</strong> the lascivious, but he also largely rejects Petrarch's lexicon of<br />
amorous melancholy, <strong>and</strong> the terms by which distance-both temporal <strong>and</strong><br />
spatial-is figured (for example, the variety of words describing the operations<br />
of memory).<br />
62. The poem, which was originally published in part 2 of Marino's Rime<br />
(1602), is reworked into canto 8 of the Adone, beginning at ottava 124.<br />
63. Italian text from Giuseppe Guido Ferrero, ed., Marino e i Marinisti<br />
(Milan: Ricciardi, 1954), 354. The poemjoined the Adoneon the Index later in<br />
the century; see Mirollo, 100.<br />
64. The image is reminiscent of the Ovidian story of Hermaphrodite, who<br />
was unwillingly embraced by the nymph Salmacis until their bodies became<br />
one ("nam mixta duorum / corpora iunguntur, faciesque induciter illis /<br />
una" [for their two bodies, joined together as they were, were merged into<br />
one, with one face <strong>and</strong> form for both; trans. in Ovid, 1994 (as in n. 27), 205]);<br />
see Metamorphoses 4.373-75, or Marino, who describes a sculptural rendition of<br />
the two adorning a fountain ("seno a seno congiunto e bocca a bocca" [breast<br />
to breast conjoined, <strong>and</strong> mouth to mouth]; Adone, canto 3, ottava 169). The<br />
notion of two souls joining together through a kiss originates in the Platonic<br />
epigram on kissing Agathon in the Palatine Anthology 5.78; see NicolasJames<br />
Perella, The Kiss Sacred <strong>and</strong> Profane (Berkeley: University of California Press,<br />
1969) on the numerous medieval <strong>and</strong> Renaissance interpretations <strong>and</strong> uses of<br />
this conceit.<br />
65. Marino was of course not the first writer to describe the pleasures of<br />
basciare (see Perella [as in n. 64], 196-208, on the treatment of the kiss by
328 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
Italian writers such as Ariosto, Tasso, <strong>and</strong> Guarini), but his writings represent<br />
the culmination of the treatment of the theme. Marino's overt celebration of<br />
touch vanquishing sight is also used by one of his followers <strong>and</strong> defenders,<br />
Scipione Errico. Errico concludes his sonnet "Contra l'amore platonico" with<br />
the following lines: "Ceda al tatto la vista, al labro il lume; / il guatar, I'affissar<br />
vada in disparte, / perch6 tocca e non mira il cieco nume" (Let sight yield to<br />
touch, the light to the lip; let the stare, the gaze, be set aside, because the blind<br />
god touches <strong>and</strong> does not look). See Ferrero (as in n. 63), 788.<br />
66. Although Preimesberger, 4, claims, "At no moment in his life did<br />
Bernini have any theoretical or literary ambitions," there are in fact indications<br />
of the artist's interest in (<strong>and</strong> knowledge of) literature. Not only did he<br />
go on to write plays (of which the one surviving example-the so-called<br />
Impressario-self-reflexively takes as one of its themes the art of theatrical<br />
illusion), but also, as Fulvio Testi writes in a letter ofJan. 29, 1633, Bernini "sa<br />
molto anche di belle lettere e ha motti e arguzie che passano l'anima" (also<br />
knows much about belles lettres <strong>and</strong> has sayings <strong>and</strong> witticisms that prick the<br />
soul; Fulvio Testi, Lettere, ed. Maria Luisa Doglio, vol. 1 [Bari: Laterza, 1967],<br />
432-33, no. 403). On <strong>Bernini's</strong> play as art about art, see D. A. Beecher,<br />
"Gianlorenzo <strong>Bernini's</strong> 'The Impressario': The Artist as the Supreme Trickster,"<br />
University of Toronto Quarterly 53 (1984): 236-47.<br />
67. According to both of the artist's biographers, Paul V had claimed that<br />
Bernini would be the Michelangelo of his age (Bernini, 9, 11-12; Baldinucci,<br />
75). The witticism about Michelangelo as Apelles <strong>and</strong> <strong>Apollo</strong> was originally<br />
made in a burlesque poem by Francesco Berni <strong>and</strong> was repeated by Benedetto<br />
Varchi in his Due lezzioni (first published Florence, 1549, <strong>and</strong> reprinted in his<br />
collected Lezzioni, Florence, 1590); see David Summers, Michelangelo <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Language of Art (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 205-6, 514-15<br />
n. 10.<br />
68. On <strong>Bernini's</strong> imitation of Michelangelo around this time, see D'Onofrio,<br />
172-87. For an insightful analysis of the revival of Michelangelo's reputation in<br />
the Barberini circle in the mid-1620s, as well as a discussion of the uses to<br />
which <strong>Bernini's</strong> association with Michelangelo were put much later by<br />
<strong>Bernini's</strong> biographers, see Catherine M. Soussloff, "Imitatio Buonarroti,"<br />
Sixteenth Century Journal 20 (1989): 581-602. Michelangelo Buonarroti il<br />
Giovane-the artist's gr<strong>and</strong>nephew, who edited (<strong>and</strong> notoriously expurgated)<br />
the 1623 edition of Michelangelo's Rime-had known Maffeo Barberini since<br />
his youth <strong>and</strong> had sent him a partial copy of the manuscript already in Aug.<br />
1622; see Marziano Guglielminetti <strong>and</strong> Mariarosa Masoero, "Lettere e prose<br />
inedite [o parzialmente edite] di Giovanni Ciampoli," Studi Secenteschi 19<br />
(1978): 178 n. 2. On the edition of 1623, see Enzo Noe Girardi's comments, in<br />
Michelangelo Buonarroti, Rime (Bari: Laterza, 1960), 508-9. It is of interest<br />
that Maffeo Barberini pursued early on the implications of Paul V's comparison<br />
of the sculptor's gifts to those of Michelangelo; in a letter of Oct. 1618, he<br />
alludes to his attempt to buy from Michelangelo il Giovane an unfinished<br />
sculpture by the High Renaissance master so that Bernini might complete it.<br />
See D'Onofrio, 172-74, 187-95; <strong>and</strong> Lavin, 236-37.<br />
69. Leon Battista Alberti, Opvscoli morali, trans. Cosimo Bartoli (Venice:<br />
Francesco Franceschi, 1568), 290: "Io penso che le arti di coloro, che si<br />
messono a uolere esprimere & ritrarre con le opere loro le effigie & le<br />
somiglianze de corpi procreati dalla natura hauessino origine da questo. Che<br />
essi per auentura scorgessino alcuna volta, o ne tronconi, o nella terra, o in<br />
mold altri corpi cosi fatti, alcuni lineamenti, mediante i quali transmut<strong>and</strong>o in<br />
loro qualche similitudine, essi gli possino rendere simili a uolti fatti dalla<br />
natura. Cominciarono adunque a considerare con la mente, & ad esaminare<br />
ponendoui ogni diligentia, & a tentare & a sforzarsi di uedere quel che eglino<br />
ui potessino o aggiugnere, o levare, o quel che ui si aspettasse, per far si, & in<br />
tal modo che ei non paressi che ui mancassi cosa alcuna, da far apparir quasi<br />
uera & propria quella tale effigie, & finirla perfettamente. Adunque per<br />
quanto la stessa cosa gli auuertiua, Emend<strong>and</strong>o in simili apparenze hora le<br />
linee, & hora le superficie, & nett<strong>and</strong>ole & ripulendole, ottennero il desiderio<br />
loro, & questo ueramente non senza loro diletto." While manuscripts of<br />
Alberti's Latin text continued to be copied into the 17th century (Leon<br />
Battista Alberti, On Painting <strong>and</strong> On Sculpture, trans. Cecil Grayson [London:<br />
Phaidon, 1972], 5-7), Bartoli's translation was the form in which the tract was<br />
most widely known in the later 16th <strong>and</strong> 17th centuries (it was in fact<br />
republished in 1651 as part of the Paris edition of Leonardo da Vinci's Trattato<br />
della pittura). See Marco Collareta, "Considerazioni in margine al 'De statua'<br />
ed alla sua fortuna," Annali della Scuola Normale di Pisa; Classe di Lettere e<br />
Filosofia, 3d ser., 12 (1982): 185-87.<br />
70. The relation of this story to the tale of <strong>Daphne</strong> was noted by H. W.<br />
Janson, in "The 'Image Made by Chance' in Renaissance Thought," in his<br />
Sixteen Studies (New York: Abrams, [1974]), 60-61.<br />
71. For an overview (albeit a not entirely sympathetic one) of the 16th- <strong>and</strong><br />
17th-century literature on the relationship between poetry <strong>and</strong> painting, see<br />
Rensselaer W. Lee, Ut pictura poesis: The Humanistic Theory of Painting (New<br />
York: Norton, 1967).<br />
72. Bernini, 13: "Siccht era cosa cosi solita il non comparire in Casa Gio:<br />
Lorenzo, che il Padre non vedendolo per giorni intieri, ni pure dom<strong>and</strong>ava di<br />
che ne fosse, certo gid della dimora di lui nello Studio di S. Pietro, dove, al dir<br />
del figliuolo, stavan di Casa le sue Innammorate, intendendo delle Statue che<br />
vi erano" (So it was so usual for Gian Lorenzo not to show up at home that his<br />
father, not seeing him for entire days, didn't even ask where he was, so sure was<br />
he that he was staying at the Studio of St. Peter's, where, in the words of his<br />
young son, his girlfriends resided, meaning the statues that were there).<br />
73. Bernini, 18: "soleva rispondere, Che nel operare si sentiva tanto<br />
infiammato, e tanto innamorato di ci6, che faceva, che divorava, non lavorava<br />
il Marmo" (he used to answer that in working he felt himself so inflamed <strong>and</strong><br />
so in love with what he was doing, that he devoured, rather than worked, the<br />
marble). Similar terminology can be found in Baldinucci's Vita: "Viveasene il<br />
fanciullo in questo tempo [his childhood] cosi innamorato dell'arte che non<br />
solo tenea con essa sempre legati i suoi pilh intimi pensieri, ma il trattar con gli<br />
artefici di maggior grido riputava egli le sue maggiori delizie" (The boy lived<br />
at this time so in love with the art that not only was it always bound up with his<br />
most intimate thoughts, but he considered hobnobbing with the most famous<br />
artists to be his greatest joy), 75; "egli non facesse mai opera senza<br />
straordinario amore" (he never made a work without extraordinary love),<br />
141; "Quanto fusse nel Bernino l'amore, ch'ei port6 all'arte non 6 facile il<br />
raccontare; diceva, che il portarsi a operare era a lui uno <strong>and</strong>are a deliziarsi al<br />
giardino" (It is not easy to tell how great a love Bernini brought to his art; he<br />
would say that taking himself to work was for him like going off to enjoy<br />
himself in the garden), 142. Amorous terminology had of course long been<br />
applied to artistic practice, in a sense not necessarily erotic. Already in 1400,<br />
for instance, Cennino Cennini specified that the young artist should adorn<br />
himself with a quasimonastic mixture of amor, timor, ubidienza, <strong>and</strong> perseveranza<br />
(love, awe, obedience, <strong>and</strong> persistence; II libro dell'arte, comm. <strong>and</strong> annot.<br />
Franco Brunello [Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1982], 6). More recently, Giorgio Vasari<br />
used similar vocabulary to describe artists' character <strong>and</strong> working habits-<br />
Michelangelo, for instance, conjoined such great "labor [fatica]" <strong>and</strong> "love<br />
[amor]" in his Vatican Pietd that he was moved to inscribe the finished work<br />
with his name, <strong>and</strong> he is also said to have worked with "care [sollecitudine]" <strong>and</strong><br />
"love [amore] " on the Medici Chapel statues (Vasari-Milanesi, vol. 7, 151, 197).<br />
While <strong>Bernini's</strong> (or his biographers') use of this amorous language is certainly<br />
grounded in this tradition, I would nonetheless suggest that at least in some of<br />
the passages cited, the terminology becomes pointedly erotic: going to visit his<br />
"innammorate" carries the resonance of courtship, <strong>and</strong> the delights of the<br />
garden already had amorous connotations long before Marino set the most<br />
sc<strong>and</strong>alous passages of the Adone in the Garden of Pleasure.<br />
74. Pliny the Elder, Natural History 36.21 (on the Cnidian Venus); Ovid,<br />
Metamorphoses 10.243-97 (on Pygmalion). For other examples, see Berthold<br />
Hinz, "Statuenliebe: Antiker Sk<strong>and</strong>al und mittelalterliches Trauma," Marburger<br />
Jahrbuch fir Kunstwissenschaft 22 (1989): 135-42; <strong>and</strong> the wide-ranging<br />
<strong>and</strong> complex treatment of the topic in David Freedberg, "Arousal by Image,"<br />
in The Power of Images (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), chap. 12.<br />
75. This is explored by Mary Pardo in "Artifice as Seduction in Titian," in<br />
Sexuality <strong>and</strong> Gender in Early Modern Europe: Institutions, Texts, Images, ed. James<br />
G. Turner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 64.<br />
76. P Ovidii Nasoni Metamorphoses ... expositae (as in n. 31), 253. The<br />
Argumenta were short prose summaries of the myths in Ovid's Metamorphoses,<br />
found in a number of early manuscripts of the poem, <strong>and</strong> attributed in the<br />
Renaissance to a certain Luctatius (or Lactantius); see Brooks Otis, "The<br />
Argumenta of the so-called Lactantius," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 47<br />
(1936): 131-63.<br />
77. On this image (of which there is also a painted version) <strong>and</strong> the series of<br />
which it was a part, see Agnes Czobor, " 'The Five Senses' by the Antwerp Artist<br />
Jacob de Backer," Nederl<strong>and</strong>s KunsthistorischJaarboek 23 (1972): 317-27.<br />
78. Payments to Bernini for the carved mattress run from Oct. 1619 to Feb.<br />
1620; see Minozzi (as in n. 11), 431-32. On the restoration, see Montagu (as in<br />
n. 23), 161; <strong>and</strong> Matthias Winner's catalogue entry in Coliva <strong>and</strong> Schfitze,<br />
124-33.<br />
79. The visitor was the French president Charles de Brosses, who recorded<br />
his response in his Lettres d'Italie (1739-40); it was noted in a French guidebook<br />
to Rome of 1700 that most visitors to the villa tested the substance of the<br />
mattress by touching it. See Montagu (as in n. 23), 161.<br />
80. Bernini, quoted in Baldinucci, 141: "non essere dato loro il cuore di<br />
rendere i sassi cosi ubbidienti alla mano quanto se fussero stati di pasta o<br />
cera." (See also Bernini, 149, where this criticism is specifically aimed at<br />
ancient sculptors.) In 1674, Scaramuccia wrote that in the <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daphne</strong>,<br />
Bernini wielded the chisel in such a way that "piiu tosto in cera che, in Marmo<br />
poteva credersi impiegato"; Luigi Scaramuccia, Le finezze de' pennelli italiani<br />
(1674; reprint, Milan: Labor, 1965), 18.<br />
81. Paul Barolsky, "As in Ovid, So in Renaissance Art," Renaissance Quarterly<br />
51 (1998): 472. Another ancient prototype for the depiction of flesh so real<br />
that fingers appear to cause indentations in it is the Plinian account of<br />
Cephisodotus (36.24), the son of Praxiteles (<strong>and</strong> heir of his skills-heres artis),<br />
who made a statue of persons grappling that was "notable for the fingers,<br />
which seem genuinely to sink into flesh rather than into dead marble"; Pliny,<br />
Natural History, vol. 10, trans. D. E. Eichholz, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge,<br />
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), 18, 19. Presumably, the ability<br />
to render flesh so suggestively was one of the skills he inherited from his father,<br />
author of the Cnidian Venus. On the significance of Pliny's description of<br />
Cephisodotus's statue for <strong>Bernini's</strong> rendering of the Pluto group, see Preimesberger,<br />
1989 (as in n. 4), 121; see also Irving Lavin's discussion of the Plinian<br />
passage in relation to the larger topic of the Renaissance sculptor's competitive<br />
response to the example of antiquity, in "Ex uno lapide: The Renaissance<br />
Sculptor's Tour de Force," in II cortile delle statue: Der Statuenhof des Belvedere im<br />
Vatikan, ed. Matthias Winner, Bernard Andreae, <strong>and</strong> Carlo Pietrangeli (Mainz:<br />
Philipp von Zabern, 1998), 203. One final example that forms a link between<br />
Praxiteles (<strong>and</strong>, by implication, his Venus) <strong>and</strong> Pygmalion in point of flesh is
found in Callistratus's Descriptions 8. One reads there of a bronze Dionysus by<br />
Praxiteles that "sought to show the appearance of life <strong>and</strong> would yield to the<br />
very finger-tip if you touched it, for though it was really compact bronze, it was<br />
so softened into flesh by art that it shrank from the contact of the h<strong>and</strong>";<br />
Philostratus the Elder <strong>and</strong> the Younger <strong>and</strong> Callistratus, Imagines; Callistratus,<br />
Descriptions, trans. Arthur Fairbanks, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge,<br />
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 405.<br />
82. See, for instance, Paolo Pino, Dialogo di pittura (1548), in Barocchi,<br />
1960-62, vol. 1 (1960), 129; Benedetto Varchi, Lezzione. .. nella quale si disputa<br />
della maggioranza delle arti (1549), in ibid., vol. 1, 47; Vasari-Milanesi, vol. 1,<br />
....<br />
77, 94; Francesco Bocchi, Ragionamento sopra l'eccellenza del San Giorgio di<br />
Donatello (1584), in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 3 (1962), 162, 165; Raffaele<br />
Borghini, II riposo (1584), in Barocchi, 1971, 676; <strong>and</strong> Giovanbattista Marino,<br />
Dicerie sacre, pt. I: La Pittura (1614), in Dicerie sacre e la strage de gl'innocenti, ed.<br />
Giovanni Pozzi (Turin: Einaudi, 1960), 85.<br />
83. Preimesberger, 3-4. While Varchi was not the first to write about the<br />
paragone (the topic was already treated in Filarete's 15th-century architectural<br />
treatise, in Leonardo's writings, <strong>and</strong> in Baldassare Castiglione's Cortegiano), his<br />
second Lezzione is the first systematic presentation of the arguments in<br />
published form. On the paragone in the Renaissance generally, see Farago (as<br />
in n. 10), 17-31.<br />
84. Varchi, in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 40; Petrarch, 178, 179: "Pigmali6n,<br />
quanto lodar ti dei / de l'imagine tua, se mille volte / n'avesti quel ch'i' sol<br />
una vorrei!" Although Petrarch begins the sonnet ("Qu<strong>and</strong>o giunse a Simon<br />
I'alto concetto") by wishing that Simone could have given the portrait voice<br />
<strong>and</strong> intellect, in these final two lines he seems to allude to a desire for less<br />
elevated pleasures. This shift in tone was apparently evident to Petrarch's<br />
readers, judging from the 16th-century commentators' insistence that the<br />
poet's words not be taken in a "shameful sense [disonesto senso]"; see, for<br />
example, Castelvetro (as in n. 52), 160. In 1609, however, Aless<strong>and</strong>ro Tassoni<br />
did not hesitate to interpret the lines as referring to the "ultimate pleasure<br />
[ultimo godimento] "; see Le rime di Francesco Petrarca riscontrate, comm. Aless<strong>and</strong>ro<br />
Tassoni, annot. Girolamo Muzio, <strong>and</strong> observations by Lodovico Antonio<br />
Muratori (Venice: Sebastian Coleti, 1727), 154. Rather less often does one find<br />
tales of paintings that are subjected to more than just desirous glances.<br />
Leonardo da Vinci provides one example in his paragone writings, when he<br />
mentions a painting of a beautiful holy subject, the owner of which could not<br />
stop covering it with kisses (he asked Leonardo to assuage his guilt by<br />
removing its attributes); see Farago (as in n. 10), 230, 231. It is telling that the<br />
one painting Benedetto Varchi cites as having the same powers of erotic<br />
seduction as the Cnidian Venus was the Venus painted byJacopo da Pontormo<br />
but designed by the sculptor Michelangelo; see Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 47.<br />
85. Raffaele Borghini, in Barocchi, 1971, 683. See also Raffaele's uncle<br />
Vincenzio Borghini, in the same volume, 638-39, <strong>and</strong> Vasari-Milanesi, vol. 1,<br />
97-98. The elder Borghini's remarks are made in the context of a diatribe on<br />
the irrelevance of touch to a discussion of painting or sculpture (since both<br />
arts--he writes--are intended for the eye <strong>and</strong> no other sense).<br />
86. Anton Francesco Doni, I marmi, ed. E. Chi6rboli, vol. 2 (Bari: Laterza,<br />
1928), 21: "Oh che stupende cose son queste! Io la tocco sasso, e mi muove la<br />
carne e mi diletta pifi che se viva carne io toccasse; anzi io son marmo ed ella<br />
camrne." Aurora's ability to excite the visitor follows on another miracle of<br />
art-the statue speaks in his presence. The theme of the erotic powers of<br />
Michelangelo's statue was developed by Doni on a number of occasions; it is<br />
used in a letter to Michelangelo ofJan. 12, 1543, <strong>and</strong> appears in his dialogue<br />
Disegno (Venice, 1549), with explicit reference to the Plinian anecdote of the<br />
Cnidian Venus (one of the speakers responds to his interlocutor's derision of<br />
that story by claiming, "If you had seen the Aurora of Michelangelo ...<br />
perhaps you would have experienced a greater stimulus to carnality than that<br />
youth"). See Barocchi, 1971, 564. See also Pietro Aretino, Lettere sull'arte, ed.<br />
Ettore Camesasca, vol. 1 (Milan: Edizioni del Milione, 1957), 17, for reference<br />
to a Venus by Jacopo Sansovino that is so true <strong>and</strong> so alive that it fills the<br />
thoughts of anyone who sees it with "libidine."<br />
87. Alberti's Latin text dates from 1435 (he produced a volgare translation<br />
the following year), <strong>and</strong> was first published in 1540 (Basel). Lodovico<br />
Domenichi's vernacular translation saw print in 1547 (Venice) <strong>and</strong> was<br />
followed by Cosimo Bartoli's translation in his edition of Alberti's Opvscoli<br />
morali (as in n. 69). As with the De statua, Bartoli's translation would also be<br />
published again as part of the Paris edition of Leonardo da Vinci's Trattato<br />
della pittura (1651). The claim that Narcissus was the inventor of painting was<br />
repeated in Paolo Pino's Dialogo di pittura (in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 131).<br />
88. Alberti, 1568 (as in n. 69), 328: "Ma principalmente fu da gli antichi<br />
honorata la pittura di questo honore, che essendo stati chiamati quasi la<br />
maggior parte de gli altri artefici, Fabri appresso de latini, il pittor solo non fu<br />
annouerato in fra i Fabbri. Le quali cose essendo cosi, io son solito di dire in<br />
fra gli amici miei che lo inuentore della pittura fu, secondo la sententia de<br />
Poeti quel Narciso che si conuerti in fibore. Percioche essendo la pittura il fiore<br />
di tutte le arti, ben parra che tutta la fauola di Narciso sia benissimo<br />
accommodata ad essa cosa. Imperoche, che altra cosa i il dipignere, che<br />
abbracciare & pigliare con la arte quella superficie del fonte?"<br />
89. Recent treatments of Alberti's use of the Narcissus theme include<br />
Norman E. L<strong>and</strong>, "Narcissus Pictor," Source 16, no. 2 (1997): 10-15; Karsten<br />
Harries, "Narcissus <strong>and</strong> Pygmalion: Lessons of Two Tales," Studies in Philosophy<br />
<strong>and</strong> the History of Philosophy 23 (1994): 54-62; Cristelle L. Baskins, "Echoing<br />
Narcissus in Alberti's 'Della Pittura,' " Oxford ArtJournal 16 (1993): 25-33; <strong>and</strong><br />
DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 329<br />
Stephen Bann, "The Antique Narcissus," in The True Vine: On Visual<br />
Representation <strong>and</strong> the Western Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University<br />
Press, 1989), chap. 4.<br />
90. The phrase that links the discussion of painting's place among the arts to<br />
the story of Narcissus in Bartoli's translation-"Le quali cose essendo<br />
cosi"--closely follows the phrasing used by Alberti in the original Latin:<br />
"Quae cum ita sint"; Alberti-Grayson (as in n. 69), 62. In a lecture before the<br />
Roman Accademia di S. Luca in 1594, the painter Federico Zuccaro differentiated<br />
painting from the other arts using a similar distinction between the<br />
senses: "[painting's] works are made by means of composing material with<br />
material, which is to say the colors not understood [compresi] by the sense of<br />
touch, differentiating it from all the other professions <strong>and</strong> practices"; Scritti<br />
d'arte di Federico Zuccaro, ed. Detlev Heikamp (Florence: Olschki, 1961), 37.<br />
91. Mary Pardo has suggested that the Italian term Alberti uses to designate<br />
embrace-abbracciare-connotes the braccio (arm's length), which was his<br />
primary unit of measurement for composing a perspectival picture. See Pardo<br />
(as in n. 75), 81. In book 1 of De pictura, vision metaphorically operates<br />
through touch: the extrinsic rays of the eye are said to reach out to a surface<br />
<strong>and</strong> measure it by lightly touching (lib<strong>and</strong>o) its edges; Alberti-Grayson (as in n.<br />
69), 40, 41.<br />
92. See the painting in the Corsini Palace in Florence, variously attributed to<br />
Andrea del Sarto or Franciabigio (reproduced in Stechow [as in n. 26], pl. 27),<br />
or the two paintings, apparently pendants, attributed to Bernardo Castello, in<br />
the Pallavicini Gallery, Rome. The themes are also linked in literary sources.<br />
See, for instance, the passage in Ottavio Rinuccini's late 16th-century operatic<br />
text Dafne, in Teatro del seicento, ed. Luigi Fass6 (Milan: Ricciardi, 1956), 13,<br />
lines 166-72; or the madrigal by Giovanni Boccaccio ("Come su'l fonte fu<br />
preso Narciso") cited in a number of 16th-century poetical treatises, including<br />
Antonio Sebastiano Minturno, L'arte poetica (1564; reprint, Munich: W. Fink,<br />
1971), 453.<br />
93. Vision <strong>and</strong> hearing were traditionally the only two senses granted the<br />
ability to discern beauty; see Summers (as in n. 10), 54-62. For an overview of<br />
literature discussing the senses, see Louise Vinge, The Five Senses: Studies in a<br />
Literary Tradition (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1975).<br />
94. Gian Giorgio Trissino, La poetica (1529), pt. 1, quoted from Bernard<br />
Weinberg, ed., Trattati di poetica e retorica del cinquecento (Bari: Laterza,<br />
1970-74), vol. 1, 28. On the necessity of using figured speech in poetry,<br />
Camillo Pellegrino writes in Del concetto poetico (ca. 1598): "Prose, in expressing<br />
conceits, uses pure modes of speech, proper words, <strong>and</strong> when using metaphors<br />
<strong>and</strong> figures does so carefully <strong>and</strong> rarely; whereas verse, with greater<br />
freedom <strong>and</strong> sometimes with excessive daring [troppo ardito] presents its<br />
conceits with figures <strong>and</strong> metaphors distant from their proper significance<br />
[lontane dal proprio]"; quoted from Angelo Borzelli, Il Cavalier Giovan Battista<br />
Marino 1569-1625 (Naples: Gennaro M. Priore, 1898), 336. Similar ideas are<br />
expressed in the Aristotelian commentaries of Robortello (1548) <strong>and</strong> Lombardi<br />
<strong>and</strong> Maggi (1550); see Danilo Aguzzi-Barbagli, "Ingegno, Acutezza <strong>and</strong><br />
Meraviglia in the Sixteenth Century Great Commentaries to Aristotle's<br />
'Poetics,' " in Petrarch to Pir<strong>and</strong>ello, ed.Julius A. Molinaro (Toronto: University<br />
of Toronto Press, 1973), 76-77, 80.<br />
95. On the association of metaphorical language with meraviglia (already<br />
implicit in Aristotle's Poetics), see Aguzzi-Barbagli (as in n. 94), 77; <strong>and</strong> Mirollo,<br />
118-19, 166 ff.<br />
96. Preimesberger, 4. There is no record of why Galileo wrote this letter to<br />
Cigoli, though as Preimesberger suggests, it is likely that the comparison<br />
between the arts was a topic of discussion among the large group of painters<br />
<strong>and</strong> sculptors employed by Paul V in S. Maria Maggiore.<br />
97. Galileo to Lodovico Cigoli, June 1612, quoted from Erwin Panofsky,<br />
Galileo as a Critic of the Arts (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1954), 33.<br />
98. On Galileo as letterato, see CarmineJannaco, Il seicento (Milan: F. Vallardi,<br />
1966), 539-44; on the annotations he made to his copy of Petrarch, see Nereo<br />
Vianello, "Le postille al Petrarcha di Galileo Galilei," Studi di Filologia Italiana<br />
14 (1956): 211-433.<br />
99. Sperone Speroni, Discorso in lode della pittura, in Barocchi, 1971, 1002:<br />
". .. nella pittura con la linea e superficie si imita tutto il corpo, cioi anche la<br />
terza dimensione, che i la profunditY, il che i meraviglioso nella pittura. Ma<br />
tal meraviglia non i nella scoltura, la quale imita il corpo col corpo, e non con<br />
manco dimensioni; la qual cosa i assai grossa e rozza e senza meraviglia. Ni<br />
vale a dire che pidi simiglie il corpo al corpo, e per conseguente ci sia maggior<br />
imitazione nella scoltura: perch6 qui i non similitudine, ma identith essen-<br />
ziale, perchi e l'uno e l'altro i corpo in genere substantiae. E do lo esempio della<br />
poesia: imitare la prosa col verso i imitazion poetica bella e dilettevole, ma<br />
imitar la prosa con la prosa non 2 cosa poetica nE meravigliosa, per6 meno<br />
diletta."<br />
100. For use of the term proper or properly (with its suggestion of the propria<br />
dire) with regard to sculptural imitation, see Raffaele Borghini, II riposo,<br />
excerpted in Barocchi, 1971, 689; Nicolo Tribolo, quoted in Barocchi,<br />
1960-62, vol. 1, 79 (see n. 101 below); <strong>and</strong> even Cosimo Bartoli's translation of<br />
Alberti's De statua (as in n. 69), quoted above. The general argument that<br />
sculpture's tactility renders it more truthful is repeated by Varchi (in Barocchi,<br />
1960-62, vol. 1, 41-42); Bronzino (ibid., 64); Tasso (ibid., 70); <strong>and</strong> Marino (as<br />
in n. 82), 83, who in his Dicerie sacre neatly sums up the terms of the<br />
comparison as it is made in previous literature: the difference between<br />
sculpture <strong>and</strong> painting is that between essere <strong>and</strong> parere (being <strong>and</strong> appearing),
330 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2<br />
sostanza <strong>and</strong> accidente (substance <strong>and</strong> accident), veritai <strong>and</strong> menzogna (truth <strong>and</strong><br />
lie).<br />
101. Nicolo Tribolo, "Al molto eccellentissimo M. Benedetto Varchi sua<br />
osserv<strong>and</strong>issimo," in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 79: " [S]e fussi uno cieco e non<br />
avessi mai visto che toccato s6 con giudizio suo, e li trovassi una figura di<br />
marmo o di legno o di terra, che confessassi 1'2 una figura d'uomo, di donna<br />
donna, di bambino di bambino; e a l'incontro, fussi la pittura, e<br />
cerc<strong>and</strong>o non vi truova nulla, essendovi, pure la confess6 bugia, perch6i cosa<br />
falsa mostrare quello che non fa el vero, perch6 la natura non inganna<br />
l'uomini: s'e uno zoppo, la lo mostra, se e bello, bello ve lo mostra, tale che a<br />
me mi pare la scultura sia la cosa propio, e la pittura sia la bugia."<br />
102. Borghini, in Barocchi, 1971, 675; Bernini, in Chantelou, 259.<br />
103. While Pliny's account implies rather than describes an act of touch on<br />
the part of the birds <strong>and</strong> of Zeuxis (Natural History 35.65), later writers are<br />
more specific. Paolo Pino, for instance, imagines that "Zeusi, cupido di vedere<br />
l'opra che parea e non era, accostatosi alla tavola, diede di mano nel velo<br />
dipinto, ond'egli confess6 essere vinto dall ingeniosita del rivale" (Zeuxis,<br />
desirous of seeing the work that seemed to be but was not, <strong>and</strong> having gotten<br />
close to the painting, struck his h<strong>and</strong> on the painted veil, whereupon he<br />
confessed to having been defeated); Pino, in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 112.<br />
Marino (as in n. 82), 166, also writes in the Dicerie sacre that "per vedere qual<br />
pittura sotto il velo di Parrasio si nascondesse, volse levarlo, ed inteso l'errore<br />
cedette arrossito la palma" (in order to see what painting hid itself under<br />
Parrhasius's veil, he tried to lift it, <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing his mistake, he<br />
blushingly yielded the palm).<br />
104. Though the painting is not dated, according to Giulio Mancini's<br />
biography of Ribera, the series to which it belongs was executed in Rome for a<br />
Spanish patron, which would place it in the artist's Roman period, 1611/13 to<br />
1616. See Alfonso E. Perez Sdnchez <strong>and</strong> Nicola Spinosa, Jusepe de Ribera<br />
1591-1652, exh. cat., Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1992, 60-64.<br />
Other paintings that illustrate this (or related conceits) may be found in Peter<br />
Hecht, "The 'Paragone' Debate: Ten Illustrations <strong>and</strong> a Comment," Simiolus<br />
14 (1984): 125-36; as well as in Sylvia Ferino-Pagden, ed., Immagini del sentire: I<br />
cinque sensi nell'arte, exh. cat., Centro Culturale "Citta di Cremona," Cremona,<br />
1996, 43 (fig. 19), 149 (cat. no. VI.3), 157 (cat. no. VI.7), <strong>and</strong> 165 (cat. no.<br />
VI.11).<br />
105. The drawing is discussed in Jacques Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind: The<br />
Self-Portrait <strong>and</strong> Other Ruins, trans. Pascale-Anne Brault <strong>and</strong> Michael Naas<br />
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 43, 133. Though clearly not by<br />
Guercino himself, the work resembles a pair of genre drawings by the artist,<br />
similarly bearing inscriptions, dated to about 1619; for these, see David M.<br />
Stone, Guercino, Master Draftsman: Works from North American Collections, exh.<br />
cat., Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 1991, 188.<br />
106. Besides the two works mentioned in the text, other seicento depictions<br />
of Narcissus include Nicolas Poussin's Narcissus <strong>and</strong> Echo from about 1630<br />
(Mus6e du Louvre, Paris), the Caravaggist painting attributed to Gerard van<br />
Kuijl (John <strong>and</strong> Mabel Ringling Museum, Sarasota, Fla.), <strong>and</strong> Pier Francesco<br />
Mola's painting (Palazzo Chigi, Ariccia), reproduced in Ferino-Pagden (as in<br />
n. 104), 167.<br />
107. On Caravaggio's painting (whose attribution has been questioned), see<br />
Rossella Vodret, "I1 restauro del 'Narciso,' " in Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio:<br />
La vita e le opere attraverso i documenti, ed. Stefania Macioce (Rome: Logart<br />
Press, 1996), 167-83; <strong>and</strong>Jos6 Milicua's catalogue entry in Ferino-Pagden (as<br />
in n. 104), 140. Milicua, in keeping with the theme of the exhibition, reads the<br />
painting as an allegory of vision; Vodret (175-76 n. 36) suggests that it may be<br />
related to Alberti's conceit, as does Mary Garrard, Artemisia Gentileschi: The<br />
Image of the Female Hero in Italian Baroque Art (Princeton: Princeton University<br />
Press, 1989), 365. For a reading of this painting that places the relation<br />
between desire <strong>and</strong> specularity in an interpretative framework rather different<br />
from that used here, see Mieke Bal, Quoting Caravaggio: Contemporary Art,<br />
Preposterous History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 239-61.<br />
108. In the proem to the first part of the treatise, Cigoli writes: ". . non si<br />
puo negare, che la pittura non sia mezzo efficacissimo et ancora antichissimo,<br />
poi che creato il Mondo e la luce, ella apparisce nelle chiare e quieti acque<br />
come si vede per le reflessioni de gl'Alberi, et altro, che se la rappresenti<br />
d'avanti, poi che tutto e contenuto sotto la medesima ragion' di pittura" (And<br />
it cannot be denied that painting is a most effective <strong>and</strong> most ancient tool,<br />
since as soon as the world <strong>and</strong> light had been created, it appeared in the clear<br />
<strong>and</strong> quiet waters, as we can see in the reflections of Trees <strong>and</strong> other things<br />
which are represented there, for all this is included within the scope of<br />
painting); Martin Kemp, "Lodovico Cigoli on the Origins <strong>and</strong> Ragione of<br />
Painting," Mitteilungen des kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 35 (1991): 140,<br />
145 (trans.). The drawing is not related to any known commission; see<br />
Francoise Viatte, Inventaire gbndrale des dessins italiens III: Dessins toscans<br />
XVle-XVIIIe sidcles, vol. 1, 1560-1640 (Paris: Editions de la Reunion des Musies<br />
Nationaux, 1988), 91.<br />
109. Recall the reactions to the mattress below the Sleeping Hermaphrodite<br />
(see above at n. 79). Bernini later noted that the spherical base he intended<br />
for his bust of Louis XIV would have the advantage of discouraging French<br />
viewers from attempting to touch the work; see Chantelou, 185, 186, 195. It is<br />
also true that the success of one of his early portraits-that of Pedro de Foix<br />
Montoya-was certified in a biographical anecdote that plays on touch <strong>and</strong><br />
vision. According to both of <strong>Bernini's</strong> biographers, when a group of cardinals<br />
went to see the bust, one wittily proclaimed that the bust was "Montoya<br />
petrified." When Montoya himself arrived, Cardinal Barberini went to greet<br />
him, "<strong>and</strong>, touching him, said, 'This is the portrait of Monsignor Montoya,'<br />
<strong>and</strong> turning toward the statue, '<strong>and</strong> this is Monsignor Montoya' " (Baldinucci,<br />
76; Bernini, 16).<br />
110. Baldinucci, 78. The anecdote has much in common with the stories<br />
Francisco de Holl<strong>and</strong>a tells of Clement VII <strong>and</strong> Michelangelo, or Carlo<br />
Ridolfi's account of Emperor Charles V retrieving Titian's paintbrush. On the<br />
topos of the virtuosic artist treated as an equal by pope or prince, see Ernst Kris<br />
<strong>and</strong> Otto Kurz, Legend, Myth <strong>and</strong> Magic in the Image of the Artist, trans. Alistair<br />
Laing (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), 41.<br />
111. Bernini, 24; Baldinucci, 80.<br />
112. An interesting anecdote along these lines is provided by Bernini, 51:<br />
Urban VIII, in the interest of freeing Bernini from the time-consuming detail<br />
of running a household, suggested that the sculptor get married, to which he<br />
replied that his works alone should be his children ("l'Opere sue esser solo<br />
dovevano i suoi figli"). The anecdote was in fact modeled on a similar conceit<br />
in Vasari's Life of Michelangelo: when a priest suggested the sculptor marry, so<br />
that he might leave to his children his "so highly honored labors [tantefatiche<br />
onorate]," he replied, "Io ho moglie troppa, che e questa arte, che m'ha fatto<br />
sempre tribolare, ed i miei figliuoli saranno l'opere che io lasser6; che se<br />
saranno da niente, si vivera un pezzo" (I have too much of a wife, which is this<br />
art that has always tormented me, <strong>and</strong> my sons will be the works that I leave;<br />
even if they are trifles, one will live on a bit); Vasari-Milanesi, vol. 7, 281.<br />
113. The two works are also similar in linking Urban's poetry <strong>and</strong> <strong>Bernini's</strong><br />
sculpture; just as Urban composed the Latin distich that transforms <strong>Apollo</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Daphne</strong> into a kind of emblem, he also wrote hymns for the office of Saint<br />
Teresa, which could serve as an aural accompaniment to the miraculous<br />
transverberation visualized in the Ecstasy. On these hymns, which center on<br />
the day of Teresa's death, see Irving Lavin, Bernini <strong>and</strong> the Unity of the Visual Arts<br />
(New York: Pierpont Morgan Library <strong>and</strong> Oxford University Press, 1980),<br />
116-17; Lavin's book remains the st<strong>and</strong>ard text for underst<strong>and</strong>ing the chapel<br />
as a whole. The point at which Bernini began his work on the chapel<br />
corresponds to the darkest period of his career, a temporary fall from favor<br />
brought about in part by his friendship with the late pope (70-71, 198). Rudolf<br />
Preimesberger also notes a connection between the Teresa <strong>and</strong> an earlier<br />
sculpture with Barberini associations: the Saint Sebastian (see n. 21 above), in<br />
which a figure wounded by arrows falls into a swoon suggesting both life <strong>and</strong><br />
death; see Preimesberger, "Berninis Cappella Cornaro: Eine Bild-Wort-<br />
Synthese des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts?" Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 49<br />
(1986): 204.<br />
114. See Lavin (as in n. 113), 110-11, on the angel's gesture <strong>and</strong> Teresa's<br />
superabundant drapery. The apparent absence of Teresa's body (except for<br />
the h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> feet projecting from the drapery's edge) is perhaps <strong>Bernini's</strong><br />
interpretation of her statement that when the angel removed the flaming<br />
arrow, "I thought he was drawing [my entrails] out with it" (107).<br />
115. See Mary Pardo, "The Subject of Savoldo's Magdalene," Art Bulletin 71<br />
(1989): 84-91, for a highly suggestive discussion of this poetic model's<br />
significance for the art of illusionistic painting.<br />
116. On the religious turn in <strong>Bernini's</strong> later years (recounted by his<br />
biographers, but also evident in Chantelou's diary), see Anthony Blunt,<br />
"Gianlorenzo Bernini: Illusionism <strong>and</strong> Mysticism," Art History 1 (1978):<br />
78-79.<br />
117. Baldinucci, 139: "e se talvolta alcuno di loro nel voleva distogliere,<br />
resisteva con dire, 'Lasciatemi star qui, ch'io son innamorato.' Stava poi in<br />
quel lavoro cosi fisso, che sembrava estatico, e pareva che dagli occhi gli<br />
volesse uscir lo spirito per animare il sasso." See also Bernini, 179.<br />
118. There is one other mythological reference hinted at within the story: it<br />
is a reversal of the Medusa myth, by which an intense gaze transforms living<br />
flesh into stone. On the significance of this myth to <strong>Bernini's</strong> sculptural<br />
enterprise, see Irving Lavin, "<strong>Bernini's</strong> Bust of the Medusa: An Awful Pun," in<br />
Docere delectare movere: Affetti, devozione e retorica nel linguaggio artistico del primo<br />
barocco romano (Rome: De Luca, 1998), 155-74.