Signal of Liberty. - Ann Arbor District Library

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parts of the Union. A Fortification bill has The reign of terror in Cinciuatati. tremble at such au atrocity; and if this |an abolitionist, he both diminishes the
SIGNAL OF LIBERT*'. also been passed, providing- for the defence The last Philanthropist bring8 the partic- city docs not humble itself in dust and ;sirength of his former friends and adds to
of the country, while provision has been made ulars of the late mob in that city which last-
ashes, Heaven's curso will yet sink it low
er than Sodom."'
Wednesday, September 32, 1841. for the supply of the necessary expenses of ed several days. We have condensed the
The Cincinnati Chronicle says:
the nation. These great interests, then, following account from some ten columns of
LIBERTY TICKET.
"In respect to the firing of the negroes,
have received the attention which they ile- that paper.
the right and wrong of such an attack de-
For President,
eerved, and have been finally disposed of. On the evening of Tuesday, Aug. 31, a pends upon the circumstances of the at-
JAMES G. BIRNEY, of New Yorh. Now wo come to our Whig abolition
quarrel took place between a party of netack. A man's house in his castle, by the
For Vice President,
friends once more, after the expiration of a
groes and some Irishmen which was renew- common law. His right to use weapon?
THOMAS MORRIS, of Ohio.
year, and, ask them if they are prepared to
ed on the night following, and several per- of defence is one of the last resorl, in self-
For Governor,
go with us in support of the principles of
sons were wounded on both sides. The mob defence, onlyjustified by necessity. The
JABEZ S. FITCH, of Calhoun Co. liberty. Their great pecuniary interests
attacked a negro boarding house where itwa3 (letter of the law will justify it in the defence
of property; but we think in sel(-
For Lieut. Governor, have been preserved and settled, and what
NATHAN POWER, of Oakland Co.
delence, that force should only be used in
frow shall hinder them from attending to
case of personal, or threatened personal,
their own rights and those of the slave?—
attack. This is a [matter of opinion.—
"INESSENTIALS, U>UTY; IN NON-ESSENTIALS,
LIBERTY; IN ALL THINGS, CHARITY." This same Whig Congress, which promised
The restiit showed in what extremity they
to defend the right of petition, has carried
LECTURE ON SLAVERY. its outtages upon it farther than any preced-
James G. Birney, of N. Y., will lee. ing one. From injuring a few it lias protnrc
on Slavery at llic Court House, cee^^ to assault the the rights of all. Does
in Ann Arbor, next Monday even-, this fact entllle lhe party t0 the confi_
I dence and support of the friends of liberty?
public generally are invited to at- i The threats of the slaveholders to persist to
tend,
the last extremity in resisting the right of
STATE CONVENTIONS.—It will be seen by
petition, and all measures for the removal
the notice in another column that the &tate
of the abominations of the National Dis-
Central Committee have appointed a series trict, and the stand recently taken by them
of State Liberty Conventions in different in reference to the appointment of Northern
counties. Now concerning these, we have men to office, call loudly upon all whig abo-
a few suggestions to make, which may be litionists to determine whether they will lon-
useful to some, and will injure nobody. ger continue to vote for a party which is
1. The appointment of a Convention obliged to do ihe bidding of the slave power*
amounts to nothing in itself. You all know in order to retain its ascendency. We ven-
this, and yet it ought to be remembered. ture ths prophecy, that this call will be res-
2. The number present at the Convenponded to at the present time. On account
tionB will be determined by the readiness of of the settlement of those pecuniary inters
every abolitionist to sttend them, and his ef- este which were formerly dear to them, and
forts to induce other? to be present. They also because of the pro-slavery policy of the
Will be large or small aezeal or indifference! dominant party, many who last year voted
prevails. Letnonebe found who are lukewarm
with the Whi 2 3 wi]1 now J oin the liberty
* party with a hearty good will, and those
3. The usefulness of these meetinga wiil who wil1 not do - do Bo > who Ilave formerly
depend greatly upon the spirit manifested by- been reckoned among abolitionists, will bethose
who attend. Every one who can com , e hardened in heart, and for the sake of
epeak to edification, (and who cannot speak' a mes3 of political pottage will sell their
on this subject?) should prepare himself to ! consciences, and their reputation for love of
add something to the interest of the meet-, liberty, and identify themselves with those
ing if it is but a mite. Think how highly aj who value human n £ ht3 far less than P art y
certain person was spoken of by the Lord.— or pecuniary interests, and among whom
"She has done what she could!" Could thev 0U S nt always to have remained.
any thing have been said more highly to her To all Whig or Democratic abolitionists
praise! If you will do as she did, you can who have hitherto acted with those parties,
obtain the same commendaticn.
we would propose this inquiry: Have you
4. Foreign aid cannot be relied on. We, any reason to expect that the party with
must abolitionize ourselves, and not wait to; which you act will be reformed and become
be acted on in a state ofpassiveness. A dism
any body.
yourself.
1 a Liberty parly, so that the rights of men
position to do nothing till we are incited by. will receive that consideration and protection
others, shows an inglorious, lazy disposition j from those parties which their importance.
Remember that, and exert: demands'! If this cannot be expected it folj
lows at once, that you support a pro-slavery
5. In the absence of public lecturers, and party, and oppose an anti-slavery one: and
pf funds to pay them, one of the greatest- |10W ]ong can you do this, and be an aboli-
?neans of doing good, will be to obtain at the' tionist? Let it be distinctly remembered that
Contentions, as many subscribers as possis' that he who now votes with either of the
b!e for the Signal. No candid Whig or. grj-eat partjeSj votes against equal rights; —
Democrat can pay for and read the Signal or' against a Liberty party, and against having
any good abolition paper for a year without- eq,iaj anj exact justice rendered to all men.
being fully convinced that our principles are t\ moment'? consideration will convince any
right, and will succeed. j one that this declaration is neither harsh nor
Tl»e Veto Message.
We publish this document to-day on ac-' 1 ual J usllcG to al1 ll >e inhabitants of this
count of the great importance of the subv State] Neiliier said a fugitive was secreted, and it was reported
that guns or pistols were fired. The
disturbance was quelled by the interference
of some gcntlemen;of the neighborhood, and
the police look no notice of the riot whatev- were. For we are told,on good authorier.
On Thursday night, another rencontre ty, mi Saturday night, the persons of one
took place in a different part of the city, or more negro women were violated under
between some boys and youug men and a circumstances of inhuman barbarity 1
party of negroes, in which two of the for- Now, we say that the man who won't demer
were stabbed. They recovered, and affend
his family from such desperadoes,
has not human blood.
terwards acknowledged they were the aggressors.
Dr. Bailey avows his determination to con-
There was much excitement during Fritinue
the publication of the Philanthropist if
day, and the negroes took the precaution to
the abolitionists will only furnish the means,
arm themselves. About 8 o'clock in the
lie declares he will give place to the mob,
evening, an immense mob assembled to at-
no, not for an hour. The printer's loss
tack the negro quarters. Many of the prom-
amounts to about $800.
inent leaders., were strangers, chiefly from
We are well persuaded the abolitionists of
Kentucky, strongly backed up by boat hands
- Which one dares to advoject,
and the relation it bears to our national' cate a jury trial for all our colored citizens?
affairs Tt will ho spen thnt tho P>pai
we think is fully determined by bis decided ? b J ure lhc namc ' and take one morecongenopposition
to their views as expressed in the j ial t0 hls P ractlce from the river. The Mayor addressed this
assemblage, but they would not hear him, but
cried out "down with /mn"—''fun him off"—
and commenced an attack on a n^gro house.
The negroes fired upon the assailants and
several were wounded, About one o'clock
the mob procured an iron six pounder, and
loaded it with boiler punchings, &c. and
discharged it three times into the negro quarters.
Many of the negroes fled, and a por»
tion of the military having been called out,
the mob was kept at bay.
A meeting of the citizens was held at the
Court House in the morning at svhich the
Mayor presided. They resolved to observe
the laws and discountenance mob's end that
the Township Trustees enforce the law of
1007, requiring security of negroes pledging
themselves to enforce it to the letter, until
our city "is relieved of the effect of modern
abolitionism," assuring "our Southern brethren,"
to carry out that "act in faith"—and
to deliver "up, under the law of Congress
forthwith," every negro who escapes from
his master and comes within our borders.—
They requested the Mayor, Sheriff, and the
civil authorities, to proceed at once to the
dwellings of the blacks and disarm them
of all offensive weapons—and recommending
search for offenders against the Jaws, immediate
legal proceedings against them, and an
efficient patrol to protect the persons and
property of the blacks, during the existence
of the present excitement, and until they
give the bonds required by the act of 1JJ07 or
leave the city. They "Resolved, That we
viuw with abhorrence the proceedings of the
Abolitionists in our city, and that we repudiate
their doctrines, and believe it be the
duty of every good citizen by all lawful
means to discountenance every man who
lends them his assistance."
During the day parlies of men and boys
scoured the streets and dwellings, and secured
all the negroes they could find, and
brought them to one place, where they were
kept surrounded by sentinels. The city au
-
two messages. Such being the case, al- In the remarks we havo made above, rethongh
A Bank, or A Fiscal Agent may be speeting the Whig abolitionists, we shall not
established at the next session of Congress, be understood as conceding the correctness
v
thorities disarmed the negroes and imarched
250 of them to jail for safe keeping, accompanied
by an immense mob, with deafening
yells. In the evening, notwithstanding the
presence of a large military force, which offered
little or no opposition, the mob broke
into the Philanthropist office and broke two
. . . „ , _ t> < . . . , ° presses into pieces with sledge hammers and
it IB obvious that it will be far from meeting of their principle* or that any combination thrfiW ^ intft thp f%k£ • J^n; __ p_
the views of those who have supported the of pecuniary distresses is a sufficient reason
plans already rejected. The only way then, for doing wrong, or that they Acre not to
in which such an institution as they wish blame for voting a proslavej^y ticket last fall,
can succeed, is by putting it through both We have merely assumed the ground taken
House« of Congress by a vote of two thirds, by themselves, and have demonstrated,from
Such a vote cannot be hadduring'this presi- tll9ir OvVQ showing, that if they intend to uct
idenlial term. We apprehend also that in for tlie caU6C of human rights, they have no
New England and New York there is a grow- longer any excuse; the supposed efficacy of
iDg indifference to the existence of such au their former pleas having all passed away,
institution among those who formerly advo- atl & that they must leave their imaginary
cated its claims* We conceive, theo, that n^u'ral territory, and henceforth appear befor
the present, if not far the future, the fore tue world, as voting abolitionists, or
question of a great National Bank, of die-; voting pro-slavery partizans.
count and exchange must belaid aside.
With regard to the effect of this result
OC/^The Michigan State Journal begins to
upon the national politics we are not now' a " vocate the principles of the Liberty party.
prepared to speculate. We wish rather to
pall attention to the fact this "GREAT INTER- last P a P er
Witness the following noble sentiment in the
EST" is, for the present, disposed of. "We tell you, Jacobins, that the RIGHTS
Many of our friends who had been ofMENare not ««p# abstractions or idle
| words for demagogues to win power with.
known for years as decided a oii ms.s, jjut suhs(an(ja| and living realities,
felt last year, that they must, , Jor this once,' .^- all legitimate means and si comsecurivote
the whig nomination in order to secure: llC3 w|,jc|, enable people t improve lheir
the safety of those other great interests condition in this world,and exemption from
which that party advocated. They were, all unnecessary dangerous temptations
successful, and the old administntion, which whir-h might peril their imortal well bethey
conceived had been disastrous to the ' n threw them into the river, except some fragments
which were carried to Kentucky as
trophies of victory. The type had been removed.
Several negro houses were broken
open^ in' different, parts of the city and the
doors, windows and furniture totally destroyed.
The ne^ro church was destroyed,
and several houseg adjoining it. They attacked
the confectionary establishment of
Burnett (against whom a recent mob was
directed) and thoroughly riddled that and
the bouses of several abolitionists, and were
proceeding to fire or otherwise destroy a
book establishment, when some twenty or
thirty of the leaders were arrested and pu^
in jail, and the disturbance ended.
It was the intention of the mob to attack
the persons aa '*'el! as the property of abolitionists,
but the timely arrival of Governor
Corwin on Saturday, and his efficient exertions
disconcerted their plans. Says the
Philanthropist—
"The slaveholder has triumphed. All
he required, is granted. The evening of
that day consummates his triumph. The
"move," sure enough, is no "id!e'
g-"
country, wag removed, and the other great We hope tje Editor, having discovered
interests which they had in view, have re- that the rights of men are realities, will supceived
the attention of a session of Congress port the "legitimate means and securities"
called for that express purpose. The Sub- which will enable all the people to "improve
•Treasury has been repealed. The distribu- their condition." Suppose the Journal
tion of the proceeds of the public lands has should advocate "the legitimate security" of
been placed on a permanent footing, and a a trial by jury to ail the colored people of
General Bankrupt law has been passed, this State, and no longer treat the eubject as
.vhese influence will extend to the remotest an "empty abstraction."
r that of iheir opposers; and hence every
Liberty vote may be truly said to count
doubly for liberty, and against slavery.
4. Every additional vote given for lib
crty encourages its friends. It i3
not
thrown away on them.
5. Every Liberty vote tends material.
ly to purify the churches from slaveholding
influences. This may be thought a singu,,
lar proposition, and yet it will be found
strictly true. Here is a church where all
the voters arc so impressed with abhorrance
of slavery, that they vote againsf
all slaveholders who inay be nominated
for office and against all parties which
support the enormities of the system.—
When the same men are assembled in the
church meeting, do you think they w\\\
vote for a slaveholder, or a proslavery
man for minister, or deacon, or elder?—
They certainly will not. And when they
have excluded such men from political
fellowship they will not long give them
the privilege of communion in thechurch.
The influence of the ballot box thus tell$
effectually on the anti slavery progress,
of ihe churches.
only paper to be thus pot down by a mob.
6. He who voles a liberty ticket, and by
'(Ttuoiviug away Voles."
the force of moral principle bids adieu to,
A friend who was formerly a Whig,said
his old party influence.", and in the face.of
tons the other day that he had determined
opposition gives his suffrages for the cause,
to vote the Liberty ticket this year, altho'
of human rights, greatly benefits himself.
he confessed it looked very much like
He raises himself in the estimation of com>
throwing away his voie. lie could not
mur.ity. He is regarded with respect and
see distinctly what good it would do. This
confidence. At the election in Oakland
remark led us to reflect on the subject,
county last fall, a gentleman whom we
and we came to the following conclusions:
could name if it was proper, was seen to,
1. Every vote cast for sustaining the
go up to tho polls with a long list of writ-
principle that al! men ought to be free. i3
ipot thrown away upon the slaveholders.—
ten tickets. lie had been known as a
Far from it. They have an absorbing in-
whig, and as a man of remarkable candor
terest in it. The very annunciation of
and firmness. .When questioned, he said
ihc fact, that fur the first time since we
that he intended to vote a Liberty Ticket
became a people, votes for universal liber-
throughout.
ty, cast by an organized party, pledged to
"But" said one, "why throw away your
(hat object, were put into the ballot boxes vote? You know that Biniey will not bo
iti thirteen states, in the same year, rilled elected."
the hearts of many slaveholders with alarm "I know" said he, "ihat he will not be
and anxiety. While we resulted only to elected this year: but my business is to
petitions and moral suasion, they refused DO RIGHT. God requires me to use
to recieve the one, and resisted the other. nil my political and moral influence in be-
They were politically safe by securing half of human liberty; and that I am de-
fhe aid of our obedient proslavcry memtermined to do, whether others will do so
bers of Congress*. Hut when the princi- or not."
ples of liberty should he revived in all "But what are these other written voles,
you have here?"
their purity and excellence, and the spirit
'•They are the names of friends of Lib*
which incited our fathers to suffering and erty in this County whom I intend to vote
death should revisit their children, who for lo fill all the county offices."
could tell what the result might be? The "Will any body join you in voting for
spirit of Adams and Hancock might spring
these men?'
"1 do not know. I have given myself
forth from the dead in the persons of their no uneasiness about that. My business is
descendants, and revivify the principles to vote for good men; and if no one will
which once made the hiiis of New England join me, I shall do it alone."
to ring with freedom. The very fact that The course of this man made a stron^
impression on others, and it strengthened
any number of men can be found who are
his own moral feelings and his intellectual
willing to lay aside party prejudices and energy. By following out his convictions,
parly differences to resist their usurped he became a nobler and a better man than
authority over the slave mid the free, is before: and his vote was not thrown away,
ominous to them. It is a foreboding of c— but at the coining and each succeeding
election it will increase and multiply ex-
vil—it speaks toUcir intercpfs and their
ceedingly.
consciences, assuring them that their op- If, then, it be true that every vote given
pression? will no • tvgftr be borne unresis- lor human rights must necessarily strength
ted. Ls it nothing V6 ti.cin that the num- J en live friends of Liberty and dishoarlcn
ber of those in Vormcirit alone v,ho have i's enemies—if it diminishes pro-slavery
influences in the churches and benefits the
sworn eternal hatred to slavery has in-
slave and the free colored man—and if it
creased in less than one year from 319 lo adds to all the nobler qualities of the mini
more than 2000? Such intelligence wii in those cases where such a vote is given
not be read by them with indifference.—• for the sake of moral principle, who would'
And every vote thus given for liberty m'us count such a vole thrown away? Among
the 7000 who voted for Birney, we have
in the nature of the case, tell effectually or
never yet heard of one person who regret-
ihe slaveholders. On them it cannot be ted he had thrown away his vote uj»on
thrown away.
such a cause. On the contrary, they^remember
the fact, with pleasure, and in the
2. Ii is not thrown away on the inter- same circumstances they would do thoests
of the oppressed free people of color same thing again.
Every vote given for equal rights aids in On the other side, he who votes with a
bringing their wrongs and disabilities dis-
pro-slavery party, encourages the olaveholder,
saddens tho slave, hinders the
tinctly before the public view, in dislodg- cause of universal freedom, sanctions the
ing prejudice and in swelling the- amount prejudices of community, oppresses the
of those influences which will yet remove free colored man, strengthens pro-slavery
the erroneous views of the white popula- influence in church and state, encouration,
and put all the colored people upon
ges mob and lynch law, helps to cheat the
North of its money, and aids in destroying
that footing to which their intellectual and its liberties. Who would not count a vote
moral qualifications shall entitle them. given for such purposes, or one followed
3. The liberty votes nre not thrown a- by such results,most emphatically Tintowrf
AWAY ?
way upon either the Whig or Democratic
parties. If the}' were not of any conse- Important from Washington—reiquence,
they would not be sought for by iguation of tlie Cabinet.
those parlies. They are esteemed to be Messrs. Ewing, Bell, Badger, Crrttenden
and Granger have resigned their respective-
of very great momentjand strenuous exeroffices in the Cabinet. Mr. Websterr in a.
tions are used by them to prevent their ad- published letter, has signified his intontion
one, but herents from joining the Liberty party.—
to remain at his post, at least for the present,
and seems to regret that such an abrupt
is "carried out in good faith" towards "our In most of the States, the parties are so proceeding should have been made.
Southern brethren." Two presses are nearly balanced that a few votes turn the The now Cabinet, of President Tyler, is
thrown into the river; property to the
composed of the following persons:
amount of thousands of dollars is destroyed;
scale, and it becomes all important to se- Daniel Webster, Secretary of State.
and, as if to make the infamy of ihc city cure those few. Gov. Morton was elected Walter Forwaid, of Penn., Secretary of
beyond all parallel, after having disarmed in Massachusetts by a majority of one vote he Treasury.
the blacks, marched the men to jail, and in about one hundred thousand. Now what
John McLean, of Ohio, Secretary of War,
pledged the faith of the city t6 proteet
A. P. Upshur, of Virginia, Secretary of
their wives and children and property, the
signified all the efforts of the unsuccessful he Navy.
mob is suffered to demolish their houses, party to sepure 50,000 votes while they C. A. WicklnTe, of Ky., Post Master
Jeneral.
break open their trunks and bureaus, and lacked that one? When a voter leaves
Hugh. S. Legare, of S. C. Attorney Gen-
violate their women! Hell itself must the Whig or Democraticparty,and becomes oral.

John Qukncy Adams.
the time that Garrison first commenced
This gentleman has been in public life, at his efforts till ihe presant time, and men-
home and abroad more than fif:y years, and lioned many instances where the moral
jias had perhaps greater advantages than any suasion efibrts of ubolitionists had been
;nan living to observe and fully understand met and rebuked by ministers and church
the practical working of the different polit- ? s with ,. the ex[l()|l!lti »n to carry the cause
ical parties of the nation. The following
into politics, where it properly belonged,
and without the aid of which it could nev-
testimony in reference to the existence and
er succeed. In the propriety of this course
potency of the slave power in the nation, as Mr. II. fully believed. Moral suasion and
jexpreseed by him in a report, on manufac. political action must go hand in hand.—
ture» in 1833, is certainly entitled to great Every individual was under solemn res-
weight. It is not, in any technical sense of ponsibilities to do all in his power for the
the word, an abolition testimony, inasmuch removal of every evil that afflicts humani-
as it was the result of Mr. Adams' deliberate
ty. He alluded with feeling and eloquence,
to his own connection as a minister of the
judgment| before abolition had become a sub-
Presbyterian church, standing there and
ject of universal investigation.
taking an approving part in the proceed-
The representatives of slave property ings of a political convention. He well
in Congresss, constitute a combined and knew that such a course was contrary to
.concentrated power, always operating to the feelings and views of nearly or quite
the support and favor of dm slaveholding ill ihe ministerial brethren of his denom-
interest, and against (he northern free inination in the State. Yet how could he
terest. The history of the Union has af- do less? Ho felt obliged to pray for the
forded a continued proof that this repre- deliveranco ol'tho slave everysabUath day
sentation of property has secured (o the as well as in thy prayer meeting and a-
slaveholding States the entire control of roundthe family aitar.nnd he enj< ined the
the national policy, and almost without ex- same duty upon his people. ISiow if an
ception the possession of the highest Ex- opportunity offered, whereby, in conjunceclive
office in the Union. Always united tion with others, he could aci for the cause
in the purpose of regulating the affairs of of the slave, and, as he believed, act effi-
jhe whole Union by the standard offlavcciently and successfully, why should ho
holding interest, their disproportionate notaci? fn such a case, how could he
numbers in the electoral colleges, have consistently pray that the slave might be
enabled them, in ten out of twelve elec- set \'roe, and yet refuse to use the very
tions, to confer the Chief Magistracy up- means tlmt Gud had put into h s hands to
on one of their citizens. Their suffrages procure thai freedom?
at every election have been almost exclu- Mr. II. said he was not only a ministei
sively confined to a candidate of their own but he was a m.in, a brother, a son, a fa-
caste.
ther arid a citizen endowed with politico
mvileges, which he was bound to use for
For the Signal of Liberty. the good of mankind. In becoming a min
The Liberty Convention at Salem. ister, he had not become divested of ,ihe
The Convention met Sept. 15 pursuant responsibilities or privileges which pertain
to previous notice, and was opened by ed to him as a human being, and a citizei
prayer by Rev. Mr. Hamilton. John Peeb- of the United Stales. In assuming the
les was called to the chair, and T. Foster sacred profession, he had only added one
appointed Secretary. The meeting was more responsibility to those which previ-
then addressed by Me?s. Chandler, Barns jusly pressed upon him; and in receiving
and Gawles, on the inefficiency of moral his, he had lost none of the others. It de
suasion in itself, to accomplish the aboli- volved on him still to use his voice, his in
tion of slavery,—the absurdity and ineffi- fluence, hi3 example and his vote to secacy
of the old questioning system,— cure to his relatives, his neighbors anc
and the proslavery character of both the
fellow countrymen, their rights, their lib-
great political parties.
erty, their safety and happiness. He in
common whh his fellow citizens, had
Dr, Barns compared the use of moral voice in selecting the Representatives anc
suasion alone, to one of those sham fight?, rulers of the people, and when he believec
which were formerly so common in Mass- that his vote and his example would add
achusetts. The whole country would be one single item to that influence which
preparing for battle for days previous to would do away any of the evils of human-
the appointed time. Every old musket
would be newly burished, every lock exity, how could he refuse to make nse ot
amined, every flint tested, and every cart- his vote and influence for the benefit ol
ridge box replenished with the best of am- men, and in a cause which, he was well
munition. When the period of this awful assured, had received, and would contin
contest arrived, the parties met face to ue to receive, the approving smiles ol
face, with fixed bayonets and frowning Heaven? He could not refuse, when he
looks, and with deadly aim and coura- believed [hat good might be done, he must
geous hearts, they poured forth the con- act.
tents of Ihe weapons of death. Officers He clcsed by showing from many con-
were seen riding over the field ,wiih drawn siderations, that public sentiment may be
swords and foaming chargers, shouting to corrected, and that political action, united
the combatants, and urging on ihe tide of with moral suasion will be surely success-
war. Artillery also was used as an auxiliful, and he avowed his determination fully
ary in the work of carnage, and while the to sustain, in both these bearings, the an-
brazen cannon vomited forth its trementislavery enterprise. The resolution was
dous contents to the right and left upon the adopted.
impetuous foe, the heavens became blacks A subscription was then circulated to
ened, Ihe very earth trembled, and the raise funds to assist in sustaining the Sig-
heart of the fearful quaked within him — nal of Liberty, and after uniting in prayer
When the smoke had rolled away from the the Convention adjourned.
field, and the results of the victory were
T. FOSTER, Secretaryascertained,
it was found that not a hair
of any one's head had been injured, and For the Signal of Liberty.
the only damage that could be discovered MESSRS EDITORS:—Being in company,
was seen in the soiled apparel and smutty the other day, with some gentlemen to
and blackened faces of the combatants.—• whom I presented the last number of your
There was all the apparatus of war in paper, I was told by one of the party, on
complete order and energetically applied; his returning it, that he was an abolition-
and yet no execution was done, because ist, but not apolitical abolitionist: this led
no bullets were used! The indispensable to some additional conversation, which
article for the use of which all the other suggested to my mind the following obser
preparations were made, was thrown en- vations; which, should you think worthy
tirely aside.-
a place in the "Signal,
Dr. B. then showcJ that moral suasion
without political action would never accomplish
the object that we seek, the abolition
of all proslavery laws; and that it
was indispensably necessary in our enterprise
that we come to the contest well pro
vided with BULLETS! He demonstrated
that what bullets were in the fight, votes
were in the antislavery cause, and that if
vewill only use it,
"WE have a weapon, firmer eef,
And better than the bayonet:
A weapon that comes down as still
As snowflakes fall upon the sod;
Yet executes a freeman's will
AB lightning does the will of God!"
The afternoon session was opened by
prayer by Elder Bebins. The house
was well filled, and was addressed by Dr.
€owles, who related many interesting
•facts which had come to his knowledge
daring his residence at the South. After
a full discussion of the financial powerof
slavery, as manifested especially in
the distribution of tl>e Surplus Revenue,
andof the proceeds of the public lands by
which every freeman in a slave state receives
more than each freeman in a free
.state, (and in some cases more than twice
as much,) the Rev. Mr. Hamilton moved
the adoption of the following resolution,
which he supported at considerable
length.
Resolved, That the history of our cause
furnishes ample proof that political action
is both consistent and indispensable to success,
our enemies themselves beingjudg-
He said he had been an anti-slavery
man for ten years, and had observed the
progress of the cause with much attention.
1 drag in as an additional argument, the
following, viz: The Constitution guarantees
to the South a claim, an interest, a
property in human blood! and therefore
we have no right to interfere. We know
what the Constitution grants, and wish to
respect and observe every existing law.—
Why then have we not a right to discuss
the subject scientifically, morally, theologically
or politically ? In discussing it scientifically,
we do not intend destroying the
laws of science. In investigating it morally,
wo have no intention of perverting
the laws of ethics. In reviewing it theologically,
we adopt the laws of God; and
in political considerations we receive the
Constitution of the country: and have we
not a right therefore, to discuss thisorany
other subject thus, or by any other established
rules? If we be free, we have a
right—and if we have not that privilege,
then we are also slaves; worse slaves than
those of the South; as (hey were made so,
contra volens, whilst we arc slaves of our
own willing; having stopped our own
mouths and tied our own tongues bo that
we cannot speak when we wish; and bound
our own hands so that all the world may
thrash us, and laugh at our insanity! Yet
we think that we are free. Alas! for the
freedom that dare not ask, ifive ie free!!
' are at your service
for that purpose.
POLITICAL ABOLITION.
I am an abolitionist, but not a political
abolitionist, or in other words, I should like
the slaves to be free, but dorrt want to do
any thing to set them free; this is a doctrine
which prevails to a considerable extent,
and appears to be of that species of
philanthropy, of which, James' speak
when he savs, "and one of you say unto
them, depart in peace, be ye warmed and
filled, notwithstanding ye give them not
those things which are needful to the body,
what doth it profit?" So the non political
abolitionist says: "depart in peace, be ye
free, notwithstanding ye do none of those
things which are needful to gain their
freedom, whitt doth it profit? Will your
(pseudo) good wishes free them? The
question implies a negative answer. But
you reply, we are willing to discuss the
question of slavery: nay, we are ready to
admit that slavery is an evil, but we hare
no right to bring it into politics, because
by so doing, we infringe upon the rights
of the South, and instead of benefiting the
slave, are only drawing tighter his bonds.
This is either really believed, or it is adopled
as a ready excuse, for want of a
better argument.There are some however,
whom this sophistry blinds. We will separate
this double position and examine
each part singly.
1. We have no right to introduce abolition
into politics, because by so doing, we
are infringing upon the rights of the South.
Then by the same rule, we have no business
to agitate the Tariff question, for that
also interferes with the interests of the
South. But will the non-political abolitionists
of the North, the East or the West
admit the truth of thi9 assertion? I shall
assume that they will not; then they will
to frent into a history qf the cause from
migl ' t 1 be S0 ' lf , the fl^*The following is an extract from
very encouraging letter from one of our devoted
friends in Kalamazoo County:
MESSRS EDITORS :—I have obtained fou
subscribers to the "Signal of Liberty;"
would gladly furnish a list as long as a
Anaconda, were it in my power. I

POETRY.
their eyes. They do not think of being
governed by moral principles in politics.
A Call to the Ballot Box. They vote for drunkards and rumscllers,
Come roiife ye, abolitionists,
and adulterers, and profane swearers, and
slaveholders, as readily as they would for
There ia no time to lose,
Paul or Barnabas, and then sleep sweetly
In gazing on the rainbow
over their deed of darkness; as though
Of "ScatterationV hues,
they had done God service. When the
For though the tints aro beautiful, torch ©f revolution blazes through our land
They are refracted ligbt,
—when the ashes of our towns are tram-
And the pure diamonds of your rotes pled by the infuriate mob, and the cry of
Shine best in sunlight bright.
rapine and blood goes up to heaven from
amidst the devastation, let these men know
And when these brilliant diamonds that they have done it. The men who in
In Union's gold are set,
Congress, or the executive department,
Conflicting politicians
now disgrace the nation, are not so- much
Will strive your votes to get;
to blame as those who voted to put them
Which were they scattered in the rocks, in that conspicuous position. Oh ye chris
Each in a teparate vein,
tians! who thus enthrone the Prince of
They'd think not worth the trouble
Darkness, and shout in triumph over his
successes* was it to fit ye for such recrean-
Of striving to obtain.
cy that yc were sealed and babiized, with
Then rouse yc! abolitionists,
the blood of the Redeemer! Did ye take
There is no time to lose,
the vows of God upon you to become the
In gazing on the rainbow
obsequious supporters of such tramplers of
Of "Scatteration's" hues.
His law as Atherton and Tyler?
Emancipator. There must be reform—not the substitution
of one evil for another—not a "Ty-
From Hildreth's Despotism in America. ler too" reform, that proves its wickedness
General ideaof a Slstveholdinjf com by bringing its curse close on the heels of
jnuiilty.
its triumph—but a reform that will exalt
Slavery is a continuation of the state of
moral principle and the fear of God above
war. It ia true that one of the Combatants
"availability" and "regular nominations."
is subdued and bound; but the war is not
That reform must be achieved, not by
terminated. If I do not put the captive to
those who can look no higher than an office
death, this apparent clemency does not
and no further than a majority in a con-
arise from any good will towards him, or
tested election; but by men who feel their
any extinction on my part of hostile feel- relation to eternal things, and who would
ings and intentions. I spare his life mere- ^ nserve the moral interests of the country
ly because I expect to be able to put him for years to come. It must be wrought
to a use more advantageous to myself.— out by those who deem it their highest
And if tho captive, on the othor hand, honor to abide by principle, leaving the
feigns submission, still he is only watch- consequences to him who fixed the princiing
for an opportunity to escape my grasp ple—in a word by Abolitionists.
and, if possible, to inflict upon me evils as This is their day. The lime has come
great as those to which I have subjected for them to strike for Liberty. There has
or inem w f ir ' Ke ??. r ^oeriy. i nere nas
um
been enough of'policy' and'availability; 1
War is justly regarded, and with the pro enough of choosing 'the least of two evils,
grees of civilization it comes every day
more and more to be regarded, as the very
greatest of social calamities. The introduction
of slavery into a community amounts
to an eternal protraction of that
calamity, and a universal diffusion of it
through the whole mass of society and that
too, in its most ferocious form.
When a country is invaded with a hostile
army, within the immediate neighborhood
of the camp, it becomes imppossible
to make any effectual resistance. Howover
fierce may be the hate with which
they look upon the invaders, the inhabitants
within the range of their scouting
parties are obliged to submit. They are
made to furnish wood, forage and provisions;
they are forced to toil in the entrenchment
of the camp; their houses are
liable to be ransacked and plundered, and
their women to be subjected to the lusts of
the soldiers. Upon certain emergencies,
the ablest bodied among them will be arm -
ed, surrounded by foreign squadrons, and
obliged to fight against their own countrymen.
Cut,though plundered without mercy,
and liable to the most frightful injuries
yet,as their services are valuable, and even
necessary to the invaders, they must be
allowed to retain the means of sustaining
existence; and if,under all the discouragements
to which they are subjected, they
neglect or refuse to cultivate their fields,
they must be driven to work at the point
of the bayonet, lest the invaders might suffer
from their negligence, and fall short of
forage and provisions.
Now, every plantation in the slave
States is to be looked upon as the seat of
a little camp, which overawes and keeps
in subjection the surrounding peasantry.
The master claims and exercises over
his slaves all the rights of war above described,
and others yet more terrible. Consider,
too. that this infliction is not limited
to a single neighborhood, as in the case
of an invading army, but is scattered and
diffused over the whole extent of the country;
nor is it temporary, as in the other
case, but constant and perpetual. It ia by
taking a view like this, that we are enabled
to form a primary, general outline
idea of the social condition of a slaveholding
community.
RESPOMSIBILITT OF voxBRs.-The People's
Advocate gives a synopsis of the debate in
Congresq, in which members denounced
President Tyler as " a miserable wretch,"
Francis Granger as "a black hearted abolitionist,"
and all abolitioniats as worthy ol
having "the mark of Hell set upon them,"
and adds the following spirited remarks upon
the source of such disgraceful scenes.
Such are the doings of the Legislature o;
a civilized—an enlightend nation,—a nation
boasting of iia liberty and republicanism!
We are Bick at heart as we reac
such things. Why the heathen Senators of
Rome, or the Democratic multitude oCsemi
barbarous Greece, never stooped to sucl
base and abandoned blackguardism as this
It is unparalleled in the history of legislation,
and it assures us that revolution is
at hand, unless a timely reform shall avert
the danger. Good men, if God's mercy
has left any good men among us, will ask
by what means such a state of things exists;
yet few we fear will be ready to apply
the remedy.
We can easily fiud the source of the evil
if we will. It lies just here, that men who
profess to fear God are the slaves of party
and vote for tne mo3t unprincipled, and
God abandoned of their race, because they
are "regularly nominated" by the party.
The great mass of Christians, when they go
to the polls have no fear of God before
1
Coiigre!*s--Whi{j{fe»
and of all sorts of political compromising.
Henceforth let us be Independent] neither
Whigs, nor Van Buren men, but Abolition
ists; glorying that we are permitted to labor
and suffer in so good a cauac as that
of the redemption of our country.
From the Maine Address.
The INortli and the South.
The people can surely be brought to
soe that men reared upon the bosom of
slavery, accustomed from infancy to the
xercise of despotic power, and are disqualified
lo rule a nation of freemen.—
That men accustomed only to a system of
coerced labor, and themselves living in
splendor on the unrequited toil of others,
are altogether incompetent to legislate for|
he industrious and laboring population of
the free States. That free and slave
abor cannot, in fact, be made to prosper
under the same system of legislation; and
that in the preponderating influence of the
South in our national councils, the interists
of the former will ever be sacrificed
o those of the latter. The people surely
can be made to understand, and that speedily,
that the fluctuating policy of our na
ional government, by which, for the last
hirty years the business of the North has
>een vexed and destroyed, is all occaioned
by the ever-changing views of the
South, growing out of their fixed determination
to maintain her system of forced
and extravagant expenditure upon an equality
with the paid labor and frugal
habits of the North, ft will not require
any very protracted effort to make the
>eople understand, that while at the North
where one-haif the population do work of
able-bodied laborers, capital can be increased
only at the rate of from five to six
>er cent—at the South, where less than
one third do the work and sustain the other
two-thirds in idleness, capital, instead
of being increased, must be continually
diminished, unless it receive constant supplies
from abroad. And thus they may
see how it is, that, in the shape of bad
dubts, millions upon millions of the hard
earnings of the North, are annually lust at
the South—swollowed up in the great
southern vortex occasioned by the waste
and extravagances and riotous living of
southern taskmasters. The history of the
suspended paper and almost universal
bankruptcy of the South may be speedily
written out, and a copy put in the hands
% y..Abolilioii'.!
Views ot tU« South.
Mr. Dawsou and others succeeded in "We are assured in almost every num-
restoring a temporary calm, which was ber, that public opinion at the North is
soon broken up bya speech of Mr. Payne, sound, and that only a few obscure pow-
democrat and slaveholder, of Alabama, erless individuals are moving in this mat-
who charged that Mr. Granger was markter. It does not enter into my present
ed with the black and hateful stain of ab