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sectors of the population without perpetuating channel divisions along racial lines, became a major problem. Radio and the beginnings of broadcasting In the early years of radio broadcasting, language was limited to English, 'as the only legitimate language of commerce, politics and social interaction'. Anglicisation had been deliberately practised and enforced during British colonial rule ending in 1910, when South Africa became the Union of South Africa. Afrikaans was not recognized as an appropriate language for the public sphere. This was challenged by the Afrikaans Broederbond, an organization advancing Afrikaans speakers' empowerment. Radio broadcasting had begun for the public with the establishment of three radio stations in Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town, between 1924 and 1925, but these were amalgamated in 1927 to form the African Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) in 1927. In 1936, the Broadcasting Act was passed and the South African Broadcasting Corporation took over the structure of the ABC, reflecting the hegemony of the English speaking industrial and commercial classes (Teer-Tomaselli, 1997: 125). However by 1936, use , -' -' of the Afrikaans language had been extended to one and some half hours daily on the same channel as English, broadcasting on medium wave. With the establishment of the SABC as a national public broadcaster, Afrikaans was allocated to short wave frequency transmitters but with a concomitant loss of fidelity. English was on the A programme and Afrikaans on the B Programme. Significant changes in broadcasting policy Until 1943 no African language programming existed but after that until 1945. the 'A' and 'B' services broadcast an hour-long indigenous language programme three times a week, split between Zulu, Xhosa and Sotho, depending on the territory served (Teer-Tomaselli, 1997). A rediffusion system or cable was wired into institutions, compounds and hostels in some major cities. When the National Party came to power, radio broadcasts were seen as a means of social distra5tion to ensure passivity. Afrikaner capital increased during the 1950 boom for the South African economy and increased black urbanization as well as dominance of the Broederbond economically, politically and culturally, particularly at the SABC. With the ascendancy of Dr Piet Meyer as Chairman of both the SABC and the Broederbond. the SABC became politically 31
and culturally an arm of Afrikaner hegemony. The Afrikaans service was on a par with that of English on medium wave, and in 1950 the Broadcasting Act was amended to establish a combined English-Afrikaans national commercial channel, Springbok Radio. The latter promoted local programme production houses in contrast to the previous situation which had relied on imported programming. The establishment of radio stations and language In the late 1950s, early 1960s, the introduction of frequency-modulated (FM) transmission upgraded the English and Afrikaans services and allowed target broadcasting in different languages over different areas, enabling broadcasts to indigenous-language speakers in areas deemed to be 'traditional homelands'. In 1960 the Broadcasting Amendment Act established Radio Bantu, which offered six channels run by white supervisors controlling black announcers and programmers. 'Pure' language separated black and white listeners and reinforced class and political divisions in the black community (Teer-Tomaselli, 1997). Radio Bantu classified black South Africans according to their indigenous language and geographic location which enabled rule by the whites, by preventing the 75% black population from cohering into a unified group (citing Louw,Teer-Tomaselli,1997:1 27). This 'separate development' or 'apartheid' language policy had already permeated education through the Bantu Education Act of 1953. Radio led to the establishment oflanguage-based radio stations. Eventually in 1976 a television language policy emerged and meant programming was split between English and Afrikaans. Advertisers' responded positively since the split of English and A.frikaans defined identity clearly. The national Thl network led to the establishment of bilingual radio stations aimed at the lower socio-economic classes of the white, Indian and Coloured listener and was modelled on American radio station formats with a mix of music-news-advertisement. This instituted bilingualism with an uneven rapprochement between English and Afrikaans interests, and a frequently contradictory pragmatic merging of boundaries between 'white' 'Coloured' and .'Indian' South Africans (Teer-Tomase!li,1997). In 1976, when the SABC took over the Radio Club of Mozambique - Lourenco Marques (LYI) Radio, with its somewhat 'subversive' rock and pop music - it cleaned up the music selection, and broadcast on AIvI and FM channels emireiy in English, illustrating the latter's commercial dominance. 32
Page 1: Humour as 'Cultural Reconciliation'
Page 5 and 6: The responses of the focus groups w
Page 7 and 8: PREFACE There has been a forty-year
Page 9 and 10: An interregnum After the release of
Page 11: general it is not possible to talk
Page 15: Conclusion The aim of the ethnograp
Page 18: and cooperation of those in authori
Page 21 and 22: practice of using audience research
Page 24 and 25: produce a number of different meani
Page 26: • are of a qualitative nature •
Page 30 and 31: which to choose, so family members
Page 32 and 33: How the Research was Accomplished A
Page 34 and 35: Geographic area of research All int
Page 36 and 37: for the researcher to achieve. In a
Page 38: feel welcome. Each woman, including
Page 41 and 42: with the text and internalise the e
Page 44 and 45: ,,,-- in their contribution to the
Page 48: The introduction of television into
Page 56: The proposed new 'free -for- all' t
Page 61 and 62: • extend language services to ful
Page 64: wide range from food to clothing, i
Page 68: America was adapted originally from
Page 72: modernism, by introducing topics de
Page 82: Signification and cultural identifi
Page 92 and 93: circumstances and new infonnation a
Page 95 and 96: cannot be read just from its origin
Page 98:
characters struggle for one-upmansh
Page 104 and 105:
"r' women were responsible (Cock, 1
Page 110:
\ \ \ \ glory, downgrading Ike's pl
Page 115 and 116:
By satirising the norms of the 'per
Page 118 and 119:
counterpart. Sut Jhally & Justin Le
Page 120:
Eventually in England class became
Page 123 and 124:
a tension between pleasure and inst
Page 126:
a way that's a better moral charact
Page 130:
to their readings other cultural si
Page 134 and 135:
(popularly known as Jabu) and his t
Page 136 and 137:
suggestion Mr Noquase agrees to sho
Page 139 and 140:
homosexuality in South African soci
Page 142 and 143:
Situation comedy as narrative Narra
Page 144:
overhearing the sound of women' voi
Page 148 and 149:
abomination. These identity politic
Page 153 and 154:
' Performance factors Nuances of Ma
Page 155:
(Benyon interview, September 1996,
Page 158:
way that she talks, she's quite 'po
Page 161:
apartheid in Alexandra township by
Page 165:
Only after extensive testing with f
Page 176 and 177:
' conflicting images in their new e
Page 178:
CHAPTER V Towards Mediation and Acc
Page 182:
For the first time, on television,
Page 186:
something which she had secreted in
Page 192 and 193:
Researcher: Kobie - now the white w
Page 195 and 196:
not laughing, as they felt resentfu
Page 197 and 198:
,/ much more, causing some women to
Page 200:
Esther: [But I am J like zombie mak
Page 206 and 207:
' Moodley, 1993: 17). Susan's group
Page 208 and 209:
y these groups were frequently stat
Page 210 and 211:
, 195 aftermath. Janet's group had
Page 212 and 213:
define the rules has moved to the n
Page 214 and 215:
Pamela: But I don't think that was
Page 216:
",..- of communication between citi
Page 219:
",- overtones in the toyi-toyi sign
Page 223 and 224:
The response to the toyi - toyi of
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for scarce resources since the end
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The Coloured group was not as overw
Page 232:
"situations and representations of
Page 244 and 245:
' colour. We are still acceptable t
Page 246:
Mary (alias Abigail): That a[ways h
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Alternative sexuality Gays as 'moff
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epresentation of the opposite as it
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the ideas of sexual liberation and
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Language/identity, towards transfor
Page 265:
notes on a scale, clothing and faci
Page 268 and 269:
around Jabu's movement towards a gr
Page 270 and 271:
CHAPTER VII Identity and the Compre
Page 272 and 273:
the lang:uaae offeminist politics i
Page 274:
The writer's point of view Penguin
Page 277:
producer, felt that Mrs Jakobs, a C
Page 282 and 283:
motivational" (Palmer, 1994: 150).
Page 285:
to amuse, according to Palmer, ther
Page 293 and 294:
a more privileged life but Lynn, on
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Conclusion The responses of all the
Page 298 and 299:
CHAPTER VIII Conclusion: The tensio
Page 301:
transcripts, Appendix D). Among the
Page 305:
is not homogeneous. It is informati
Page 311 and 312:
Identity of 'difference' There is t
Page 315:
not successful. However, in the per
Page 319 and 320:
References Primary Sources Reviews
Page 321:
Macmillan Education Ltd. Berger, AA
Page 325 and 326:
Independent Broadcasting Authority
Page 327 and 328:
Murdock, G. & Golding, P. (1987). C
Page 329 and 330:
communication. London: Polity Press
Page 331:
New head ofSABC (1996, December 1)
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