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REPRESENTATION AND ELECTORAL<br />

SYSTEMS<br />

Section on Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems<br />

© The <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association<br />

Rockefeller College<br />

State University of New York at Albany<br />

135 Western Avenue<br />

Albany, New York 12222<br />

Vol. XXIII, No. 2 Editor: Joseph F. Zimmerman (zimmer@albany.edu) April 2008<br />

SECTION WEB SITE<br />

Webmaster Erik Herron of the University of Kansas reports the Section’s Website<br />

is functioning <strong>and</strong> can be accessed at http://www.apsanet.org/~res/ The site contains<br />

back issues of Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems with the exception of the current<br />

issue which is available only to Section members, <strong>and</strong> links to related sites in other<br />

nations.<br />

SECTION PANELS<br />

Program Chair Matthew Golder of the Florida State University has announced the<br />

Section-sponsored panels at the Annual Meeting of the <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong><br />

Association in Boston, August 28-31, 2008.<br />

Panel 1: Co-sponsored with Comparative Democratization<br />

Panel Title: “Changing Perspectives on Party System Institutionalization in New Democracies<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Richard Gunther (Ohio State)<br />

Panel Discussant<br />

Dr. Herbert Kitschelt (Duke)<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Michael Bernhard (Penn State) <strong>and</strong> Ekrem Karakoc (Penn State), “Moving West or<br />

Going South? Inequality <strong>and</strong> Institutionalization in Post-Communist Party Systems.”<br />

Scott Mainwaring (Notre Dame) <strong>and</strong> Carlos Gervasoni (Notre Dame), “Extra System<br />

Electoral Volatility <strong>and</strong> Party System Institutionalization.”<br />

Steven I. Wilkinson (Chicago), “How Colonial Legacies of Party Competition Affect<br />

Post-independence Levels of Democracy.”<br />

Margit Tavits (Wash. U.), “Party Organizations <strong>and</strong> Electoral Performance in Central <strong>and</strong><br />

Eastern Europe.”


Panel 2: Co-sponsored with Elections <strong>and</strong> Voting Behavior<br />

Panel Title: New Issues in Voter Turnout: <strong>American</strong>ists meet Comparativists<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Harold D. Clarke (UT Dallas)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Dr. Brad T. Gomez (FSU)<br />

Miki Caul Kittilson (Arizona State)<br />

2<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Jan E. Leighley (Arizona) <strong>and</strong> Jonathan Nagler (NYU), “Issues, Voter Turnout <strong>and</strong> Class<br />

Bias in the U.S., 1972-2004.”<br />

Jack Vowles (Exeter), “Turnout, Competitiveness, Age, <strong>and</strong> Generations in British<br />

Elections, 1964-2005.”<br />

Eric C.C. Chang (Michigan State) <strong>and</strong> Tse-Hsin Chen (Michigan State)<br />

“Uncovering the Micro-foundation of Turnout <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems.”<br />

Jean-Francois Godbout (Simon Fraser) <strong>and</strong> Mathieu Turgeon (UNT), “A Matter of<br />

Degree: Policy Preferences <strong>and</strong> the Probability to Vote.”<br />

Aina Gallego (Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona), “Why is Turnout More Unequal in<br />

Some Countries Than in Others? The Impact of Institutions <strong>and</strong> <strong>Political</strong> Mobilization.”<br />

Panel 3: Co-sponsored with Comparative Democratization<br />

Panel Title: Dictators, Citizens, <strong>and</strong> Elections<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Ellen M. Lust-Okar (Yale)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Susan Dayton Hyde (Yale)<br />

Jennifer G<strong>and</strong>hi (Emory)<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Andrew Barwig (Denver), “Electoral Rules <strong>and</strong> Electoral Participation in Arab<br />

Parliamentary Elections.”<br />

Henry A. Kim (Arizona), Nathan Batto (University of the Pacific), <strong>and</strong> Faten Ghosn<br />

(Arizona), “Wringing More Seats out of Votes: the Case of Jordan”<br />

Sarah Birch (Essex), “Electoral System Manipulation in Non- <strong>and</strong> Semi-Democracies”<br />

Philip Roessler (Oxford) <strong>and</strong> Marc Howard (Georgetown), “Risking Defeat: Explaining<br />

Electoral Contestation in Authoritarian Regimes.”<br />

Graeme Robertson (UNC) <strong>and</strong> Grigore Pop-Eleches (Princeton), “Elections, Revolution<br />

And Democracy in the Post-Cold War Era.”


Panel 4: Co-sponsored with Comparative Politics of Advanced Industrialized Societies<br />

Panel Title: Representation in Parliamentary Systems.<br />

Panel Chair Matt Golder (FSU)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Royce A Carroll (Rice)<br />

Michael D. McDonald (Binghamton)<br />

3<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Professor G. Bingham Powell Jr. (Rochester), “Party System Change <strong>and</strong> Ideological<br />

Congruence.”<br />

Jay K. Dow (Missouri). “Party Dispersion in Majoritarian <strong>and</strong> Proportional Electoral<br />

Systems.”<br />

Paul V. Warwick (Simon Fraser), “Bilateralism or the Median M<strong>and</strong>ate? An Examination<br />

of Rival Perspectives on Democratic Governance.”<br />

Lawrence Ezrow (Essex), “Party Responsiveness to Men <strong>and</strong> Women in Western Europe:<br />

Do Parties Respond Equally to the Policy Preferences of Men <strong>and</strong> Women?”<br />

Panel 5: Co-sponsored with Women <strong>and</strong> Politics<br />

Panel Title: Electoral Institutions <strong>and</strong> Female Representation<br />

Panel Chair Janet K. Boles (Marquette)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Rob Salmond (Michigan)<br />

Karen Beckwith (Case Western)<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Dr. Melody Ellis Valdini (Portl<strong>and</strong> State) <strong>and</strong> Lisa Baldez (Dartmouth),<br />

“Existence is not Enough: A Comparative Study of Gender Quota Implementation.”<br />

Andrew Roberts (Northwestern), “The Effect of Electoral Rules on Women’s<br />

Representation: Surprising Results.”<br />

Burt L. Monroe (Penn State) <strong>and</strong> Elena Kirtcheva (Penn State), “He Said, She Said:<br />

Feminine Pronouns <strong>and</strong> the Parliamentary Representation of Female Points of View.”<br />

Christina Xydias (Ohio State), “(Gender) Quota Vadit?: Electoral Institutions <strong>and</strong><br />

Concepts of Representation in Germany.”<br />

Robert G. Moser (UT Austin) <strong>and</strong> Stephanie Holmsten (UT Austin), “Do Ethnic Parties<br />

Discriminate Against Women?”<br />

Panel 6:<br />

Panel Title: Politics of Electoral Reform<br />

Panel Chair<br />

David M. Farrell (Manchester)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Richard S. Katz (Johns Hopkins)<br />

Kenneth R. Benoit (Trinity College)


4<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Jih-wen Lin (Academia Sinica), “The Endogenous Change of the Electoral System: The<br />

Case of SNTV.”<br />

Shaheen Mozaffar (Bridgewater State), “Context, Contingency <strong>and</strong> Choice in Electoral<br />

System Reform.”<br />

Alan J. Renwick (Oxford), “The Politics of Electoral Reform in Established<br />

Democracies.”<br />

Georg Lutz (Lausanne), “Explaining the introduction of PR: non-strategic actors, unfair <strong>electoral</strong><br />

competition <strong>and</strong> the need for political coordination.”<br />

Panel 7: Co-sponsored with Elections <strong>and</strong> Voting Behavior<br />

Panel Title: ID Requirements <strong>and</strong> Voter Turnout<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Richard Sobel (Harvard)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Jonathan Nagler (NYU)<br />

Richard Sobel (Harvard)<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Matt A. Barreto (University of Washington), Stepehn Nuno (UC Irvine), <strong>and</strong> Gabriel<br />

Sanchez (University of New Mexico), “The Disproportionate Impact of Photo Identification<br />

Requirements on the Indiana Electorate.”<br />

Jonathan N. Katz (Caltech), “The Effect of Voter Identification Laws on Turnout.”<br />

David Anderson (Rutgers), “A Peek Inside: How Provisional Ballots Can Cast Light<br />

Upon Voter ID <strong>and</strong> Turnout.”<br />

Stephen D. Ansolabehere (MIT), “The Voting Experience in the 2008 Presidential<br />

Primary Elections.”<br />

Marjorie R. Hershey (Indiana, Bloomington), “Costs of Voting: Effects on Turnout.”<br />

Panel 8: Co-sponsored with Comparative Politics of Advanced Industrialized Societies<br />

Panel Title: Voter Turnout: Who Votes <strong>and</strong> Why?<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Melanie Goodrich (NYU)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Robert A. Jackson (FSU)<br />

Timothy Hellwig (Houston)<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Todd Donovan (Western Washington University) <strong>and</strong> Caroline Tolbert (Iowa), “The<br />

<strong>Political</strong> Context of Learning: Electoral Competition <strong>and</strong> Turnout of Less Interested Citizens.”<br />

Marina Costa Lobo (Universidade de Lisboa) <strong>and</strong> Michael Lewis-Beck (Iowa), “Party<br />

Identification vs. Ideology in Portugal: Evidence from the 2005 Legislative <strong>and</strong> the 2006<br />

Presidential Elections.”


5<br />

Lee Ann Banaszak (Penn State) <strong>and</strong> Ekrem Karakoc (Penn State), “Revisiting Bonding<br />

<strong>and</strong> Bridging Associations in Ethnically Diverse Societies: Their Differential Effect on <strong>Political</strong><br />

Participation.”<br />

Jae-Jae Spoon (Iowa) <strong>and</strong> Christian Jensen (Iowa), “Moving Beyond Turnout: The<br />

Effects of Compulsory Voting on Governments <strong>and</strong> Policy Outcomes.”<br />

Vincent A. Mahler (Loyola University, Chicago) <strong>and</strong> Sarah Skowronski, “Exploring the<br />

Sources of Cross-National Variation in Electoral Turnout: An Empirical Analysis of the<br />

Developed Countries.”<br />

Panel 9:<br />

Panel Title: Re-Examining Strategic Voting<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Bernard N. Grofman (UC Irvine)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Pradeep Chhibber (Berkeley)<br />

R. Kenneth Carty (UBC)<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Bernard Dolez (CERAPS), Annie Laurent (CERAPS), <strong>and</strong> Eric Dubois (CERAPS).<br />

Michael F. Meffert (Mannheim) <strong>and</strong> Thomas Gschwend (Mannheim), “Strategic<br />

Coalition Voting. Evidence from Austria.”<br />

Jungug Choi (Konkuk University), “The Extent <strong>and</strong> Determinants of Strategic Voting:<br />

The 2004 Indian General Elections.”<br />

Jiyoon Kim (Montreal), “Decision Under Two Ballots: Strategic Voting Behaviour of<br />

Korean Electorates.”<br />

Panel 10:<br />

Panel Title: Electoral Coordination <strong>and</strong> Volatility<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Kenneth W. Kollman (Michigan)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Indridi Haukur Indridason (Oxford/UC Riverside)<br />

Won-Ho Park (Florida)<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Heather Stoll (UCSB) <strong>and</strong> Allen Hicken (Michigan), “Legislative Policy-Making<br />

Authority <strong>and</strong> Electoral Coordination in Parliamentary Democracies.”<br />

Eitan Tzelgov (Penn State), “Party System Inflation in Proportional Representation<br />

Democracies.”<br />

Frank C. Thames (Texas Tech), Dennis Patterson (Texas Tech) <strong>and</strong> Joe Robbins (Texas<br />

Tech), “The Institutional Causes of Electoral Volatility.”<br />

Jon Fraenkel (Australian National University), “Neo-Patrimonialism, Unbounded Politics<br />

or Personal Rule? An Investigation of Parliamentary Instability & Incumbent Turnover in postindependence<br />

Melanesia.”


Panel 11: Co-sponsored with Women <strong>and</strong> Politics<br />

Panel Title: Gender Quotas <strong>and</strong> Women’s <strong>Political</strong> Representation<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Richard E. Matl<strong>and</strong> (Loyola University, Chicago)<br />

Panel Discussants<br />

Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer (University of Missouri, Columbia)<br />

Richard E. Matl<strong>and</strong> (Loyola University, Chicago)<br />

6<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Petra Meier (Antwerp), “Do Gender Quotas Have an Impact? Explaining the Increasing<br />

Number of Women in Belgian Politics.”<br />

Gretchen M. Bauer (Delaware), “Better Governors? The Impact of Women MPs on<br />

Governance in Africa.”<br />

Jennifer Marie Piscopo (UCSD), “The Framing <strong>and</strong> Articulation of Women’s Rights in<br />

Argentina: Evidence from Legislative Debates.”<br />

Aparna Thomas (Cornell College), “Formal <strong>and</strong> Informal Institutions: Gender <strong>and</strong><br />

Participation in the Panchayati Raj.”<br />

Susan Franceschet (Calgary) <strong>and</strong> Mona Krook (Wash. U.), “Measuring the Impact of<br />

Quotas on Women’s Substantive Representation: Towards a Conceptual Framework.”<br />

Panel 12: Co-sponsored with the law <strong>and</strong> <strong>Political</strong> process Study Group<br />

Panel Title: Debating Rules for Presidential Elections: Primaries <strong>and</strong> the Electoral College<br />

Panel Chair<br />

Mark Rush, Washington <strong>and</strong> Lee University<br />

Panel Participants<br />

Vikram, Amar, Hastings College of Law<br />

Bruce Cain, University of California, Berkeley<br />

Daniel Lowenstein, University of California, Los Angeles<br />

Steven Smith, Washington University<br />

Posters<br />

Josh Ryan (University of Colorado, Boulder), “The Relationship Between State<br />

Redistricting Methods <strong>and</strong> House Member Ideology.”<br />

Shigeo Hirano (Columbia University), “Direct <strong>and</strong> Indirect Representation.”<br />

Frank C. Thames (Texas Tech University) <strong>and</strong> Margaret Susan Williams (Goucher<br />

College), “<strong>Political</strong> Context <strong>and</strong> Party Gender Quotas in the OECD.”<br />

Paulina Pospieszna (University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa), “Government Responsiveness<br />

in Central <strong>and</strong> Eastern Europe:Relating Median Voter <strong>and</strong> Government Policy Preferences.”<br />

Ko Maeda (University of North Texas), “The Behavioral Differences between Ruling<br />

Parties <strong>and</strong> Opposition Parties: Policy Shifts, Leadership Changes, <strong>and</strong> Splits.”<br />

Ray Christensen (Brigham Young University), “Democratic Reversals, A Study of<br />

Electoral Outcomes that Differ from the Intent of the Voters.”<br />

Michael J. Ensley (Indiana University) <strong>and</strong> Edward G. Carmines (Indiana University,<br />

Bloomington), “The Long-term Consequences of Competitive House Campaigns.”


SECTION TREASURER REPORT<br />

7<br />

Professor Bonnie M. Meguid of the University of Rochester assumed the role of<br />

Section Treasurer/Secretary as of September 2007. Because the account information was<br />

not available at the time of the annual business meeting held during the 2007 annual<br />

meeting of the <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association, she submits a “mid-year”<br />

Treasurer’s Report on the state of the section’s finances as of January 31, 2008.<br />

<strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association<br />

Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems Organized Section<br />

Treasurer's Report (July 2007 - January 2008)<br />

1. Beginning Balance $5,701.63 [6/30/07]<br />

2. Income Since July 2007<br />

3. Expenses Since July 2007<br />

Quarterly Section Member Dues $248.00 [8/02/2007]<br />

Quarterly Section Member Dues $138.00 [10/17/2007]<br />

Mailing Label Sales $67.82 [8/02/2007]<br />

TOTAL INCOME $453.82<br />

2007 Award Plaques $541.26<br />

New Checks for the Account $30.00<br />

TOTAL EXPENSES $571.26<br />

4. Balance as of 31 January 2008 $5,584.19<br />

Respectfully Submitted,<br />

Bonnie M. Meguid<br />

Section Treasurer


8<br />

She notes “our income derives mainly from section membership dues. According<br />

to APSA’s count in January, our current membership is 379. We need to maintain a<br />

membership of at least 250 per quarter in order to retain APSA’s Organized Section<br />

status, which includes the right to be part of the official Program Committee of the<br />

Annual Meeting. This report also shows that our expenditures have exceeded our<br />

income, but by only a small amount; this has been the pattern over the last 18 months.<br />

SECTION BYLAWS<br />

I. NAME AND PURPOSE OF SECTION<br />

The name of this section is the Section on Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems of the<br />

<strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association. The purposes of this section are to promote<br />

teaching <strong>and</strong> research in the areas of <strong>representation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>, <strong>and</strong> to<br />

encourage communication among persons interested in these fields within the<br />

Association <strong>and</strong> with related disciplines.<br />

II. MEMBERSHIP<br />

Section 1. Membership in the Section is open to all persons with an interest in<br />

Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems who pay the annual section dues <strong>and</strong> their associate<br />

or regular <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association dues.<br />

Section 2. Annual section dues may be established at the annual meeting of<br />

the section <strong>and</strong> are payable at the time of payment of associate or regular <strong>American</strong><br />

<strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association dues.<br />

Section 3. The annual meeting of the section will be held in conjunction with<br />

the annual meeting of the <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association. The announcement of<br />

the section’s annual meeting will be published in the printed annual meeting program of<br />

the Association.<br />

III. GOVERNANCE<br />

Section 1. An executive committee consisting of eight members shall be<br />

elected at the annual meeting of the section in odd number years for two year terms.<br />

Section 2. One of the members of the Executive Committee shall be elected<br />

at the annual meeting of the section in odd number years to serve as chairperson. The<br />

chairperson of the section shall preside at the annual meeting, call meetings of the<br />

executive committee, <strong>and</strong> be responsible for implementing <strong>and</strong> coordinating the programs<br />

of the section for a two-year period.<br />

The chairperson shall appoint three members to serve as a Nominations Committee<br />

under the chairmanship of a member designated by the chair-person of the section. The<br />

Nominations Committee shall recommend at least one member for each office the terms<br />

of which are due to expire at the next annual business meeting.<br />

The chairperson shall appoint a Secretary-Treasurer who is responsible for submitting<br />

an annual report to the chairperson of the section <strong>and</strong> to the Executive Director of the<br />

<strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association. The chairperson shall appoint other officers


9<br />

from among members of the Executive Committee as the chairperson may consider<br />

appropriate.<br />

IV. PROGRAMS OF THE SECTION<br />

The Section may establish special panels, workshops, symposia, <strong>and</strong> social gathers at<br />

the annual meeting of the <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association, <strong>and</strong> at international,<br />

regional, state, <strong>and</strong> other professional meetings.<br />

V. AMENDMENT OF THE BYLAWS<br />

The annual meeting of the Section shall have the power to amend by Bylaws of the<br />

Section by a majority vote.<br />

ELECTIONS, PUBLIC OPINION, PARTIES CONFERENCE<br />

The 2008 annual Elections, Public Opinion, <strong>and</strong> Parties Conference will be held at<br />

the University of Manchester (Engl<strong>and</strong>) on September 12-14, 2008. High quality papers<br />

on any aspect of these subjects will be welcomed <strong>and</strong> there are no methodological biases<br />

or prejudices.<br />

Panel proposers should complete the Panel Proposal Form (see below) <strong>and</strong><br />

submit it as an E-mail attachment to conference convenor David Cutts at<br />

David.Cutts@manchester.ac.uk. All panels should have a minimum of three papers <strong>and</strong> a<br />

maximum of four papers. All panel proposals forms must be completed in full, including<br />

an abstract of each paper.<br />

Individuals submitting a paper proposal should submit an abstract of no more than<br />

150 words as an E-mail attachment to David.Cutts@manchester.ac.uk.<br />

The deadline for proposals is May 2, 2008. Conference details are available at<br />

http://www.epop08.com<br />

ELECTION LAW COURT DECISIONS<br />

Editor: Richard Winger<br />

Ballot Access News<br />

E-mail: richardwinger@yahoo.com<br />

During the period October 2007 through March 2008, political parties continued<br />

to win lawsuits involving their own autonomy when they nominate c<strong>and</strong>idates. There<br />

were also significant court developments in voter identification requirements for voting at<br />

the polls, <strong>and</strong> in equal treatment for minor parties relative to campaign assistance from<br />

state governments.<br />

However, the single most important development in election law in that period<br />

may not have been any particular court decision, but the enactment by the Vermont<br />

General Assembly of Senate bill 108 providing for the use Instant Runoff Voting for<br />

congressional elections. As of the date of this article, we do not know whether Governor<br />

James Douglas will sign or veto that bill. No state to date has used Instant Runoff Voting<br />

for statewide general elections.


10<br />

<strong>Political</strong> Party Autonomy Cases<br />

On January 16, 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court rendered a unanimous opinion in<br />

New York State Board of Elections v Lopez Torres upholding New York State procedures<br />

for choosing party nominees for Justices of the Supreme Court (a general trial court).<br />

New York is divided into 12 Supreme Court districts. Each district elects its own<br />

Supreme Court Justices on a partisan basis. The Lopez Torres lawsuit concerned the<br />

election law governing how political parties nominate c<strong>and</strong>idates for these offices. The<br />

lower courts had invalidated the law, but the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated them, <strong>and</strong><br />

seemed to say that since the Democratic <strong>and</strong> Republican parties approve of those state<br />

laws, <strong>and</strong> since political parties have a freedom of association right to control their own<br />

nominations process, therefore they are constitutional.<br />

The case would have been more interesting if a New York state political party that<br />

does not approve of the state nomination procedures had filed a lawsuit. The Court’s<br />

decision is only 12 pages long <strong>and</strong> seems to add nothing new to judicial theory on<br />

political party autonomy. One of the oddities of the decision is that although it says the<br />

major political parties support the state nominations procedures, the lead plaintiffs are<br />

Democratic Party members <strong>and</strong> residents of Brooklyn. Neither the New York State<br />

Democratic Party, nor the Brooklyn Democratic Party, nor the national Democratic Party<br />

intervened in the case or expressed any opinion to any of the courts that heard this case.<br />

The only arm of the Democratic Party that expressed any opinion whatsoever was the<br />

Manhattan Democratic Party. However, the U.S. Supreme Court took no note of this<br />

anomaly. The most quoted line from the Lopez Torres decision will probably be this one:<br />

“A political party has a First Amendment right to limit its membership as it wishes, <strong>and</strong><br />

to choose a c<strong>and</strong>idate-selection process that will in its view produce the nominee who<br />

best represents its political platform.”<br />

The specific procedures upheld in the case require parties to nominate by<br />

convention, <strong>and</strong> to elect delegates to these judicial nominating conventions. The law<br />

provides that delegates are nominated from the 150 Assembly districts which vary in<br />

population. The lead plaintiff, Margarita Lopez Torres, lives in the Brooklyn judicial<br />

district which has 21 Assembly districts inside itself. So, if Lopez Torres wanted to place<br />

a full slate of delegate c<strong>and</strong>idates who were pledged to her c<strong>and</strong>idacy, she would need to<br />

recruit 305 c<strong>and</strong>idates, <strong>and</strong> have them placed on Democratic primary ballots. A slate of<br />

delegates within an Assembly district needs 500 signatures. Hence, she would have<br />

needed to coordinate 21 different petition drives, each requiring 500 valid signatures of<br />

Democrats who had not signed a petition for a competing slate. The U.S. Supreme Court<br />

did not discuss the record, which showed that in practice, organizing such slates <strong>and</strong><br />

getting them on the ballot is so difficult that not one insurgent c<strong>and</strong>idate for Judge has<br />

ever been able to do the job, in the 80 years this system has existed. The only group that<br />

can get the job done is the party organization, so generally, only delegates chosen by the<br />

county party leaders get on the primary ballot, <strong>and</strong> therefore the primary voters have no<br />

choice in which judicial c<strong>and</strong>idates are nominated. The U.S. Supreme Court did not refer<br />

to this matter. The court merely opined that since an individual c<strong>and</strong>idate for Delegate<br />

only needs 500 signatures, obviously there is no ballot access constitutional problem.


11<br />

Other <strong>Political</strong> Party Autonomy Decisions<br />

The Democratic Parties of Michigan, Florida, Texas, <strong>and</strong> Nevada, all won<br />

lawsuits filed by voters or c<strong>and</strong>idates who were unhappy with party decisions about the<br />

presidential nominating process. The Texas lawsuit was filed by presidential c<strong>and</strong>idate<br />

Dennis Kucinich, a member of Congress. He challenged a Texas Democratic Party rule<br />

providing no one can be placed on the presidential primary ballot unless that c<strong>and</strong>idate<br />

signs a pledge promising to “fully support” the eventual presidential nominee of the<br />

party. The U.S. District Court upheld the party rule <strong>and</strong> suggested that it is not important<br />

since it is not legally binding. Kucinich asked for injunctive relief from the 5 th circuit,<br />

but failed to get it <strong>and</strong> he did not appear on the Texas ballot in March. He also asked for<br />

injunctive relief from the U.S. Supreme Court, but he did not get that either. His lawsuit<br />

remains alive <strong>and</strong> he is asking the 5 th circuit to rule that the party’s Bylaw is illegitimate.<br />

The case is called Kucinich v Texas Democratic Party.<br />

The Nevada Democratic Party won a lawsuit filed by a voter who challenged the<br />

party’s decision to establish presidential caucus meeting places in large hotel-casinos.<br />

Nevada state law governs presidential caucus procedures <strong>and</strong> does not provide for<br />

meeting places that are not based on a voter’s residence. The party set up the special<br />

caucuses to accommodate workers who were required to work during the evening hours<br />

when the caucuses were held. A federal court ruled that freedom of association provision<br />

of the First Amendment protects the party’s decision. This case was called Chesnut v<br />

Democratic Party of Nevada.<br />

The Florida Democratic Party <strong>and</strong> the national Democratic Party won a lawsuit<br />

filed by U.S. Senator Bill Nelson, <strong>and</strong> another lawsuit filed by an ordinary voter. Both<br />

lawsuits challenged the party’s decision not to seat Florida delegates at the national<br />

convention. The Nelson lawsuit was filed in the Northern District, <strong>and</strong> when Senator<br />

Nelson lost the case, he did not appeal. The other lawsuit, DiMaio v Democratic<br />

National Committee <strong>and</strong> Florida Democratic Party, lost in the Middle District of Florida.<br />

On March 21, 2008, the 11 th circuit affirmed the lower court decision which was based on<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ing. However, the 11 th circuit said the voter is free to file a new case which should<br />

cure his st<strong>and</strong>ing problem.<br />

<strong>Political</strong> parties lost an election law decision in the U.S. Supreme Court on March<br />

18, 2008. That case, Washington State v Washington State Republican Party, had been<br />

filed in U.S. District Court in 2005. The lawsuit had been filed by the Republican,<br />

Democratic, <strong>and</strong> Libertarian Parties, to challenge the “top-two” primary initiative passed<br />

by the voters of Washington state in November 2004. Because the U.S. District Court<br />

had ruled the “top-two” system unconstitutional in 2005, <strong>and</strong> because the 9 th circuit had<br />

agreed in 2006, the “top-two” system has never been tried in Washington. The U.S.<br />

Supreme Court said that the system does not, on its face, violate the associational rights<br />

of political parties. It noted that the system may yet be shown to violate those rights, but<br />

until it is tried, courts won’t have enough evidence to decide the case.<br />

That system provides that all c<strong>and</strong>idates run on the same primary ballot in August (for all<br />

federal <strong>and</strong> state office except president). Then, only the two c<strong>and</strong>idates who poll the<br />

most votes, <strong>and</strong> the second-most votes, may appear on the November ballot.<br />

The “top-two” law provides that c<strong>and</strong>idates may express their party preference on<br />

ballots, but that no one should assume that this means that the political parties approve of<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idates who say they “prefer” that particular party. The U.S. Supreme Court said that


12<br />

since the Washington election system does not involve nomination by political parties,<br />

therefore the parties can not complain that they have lost the right to control their own<br />

nominations process. In effect, there is no longer a party nominations process in<br />

Washington state (except for presidential electors <strong>and</strong> delegates to presidential<br />

conventions). By contrast, the lower courts had ruled that since the system does place<br />

party labels on ballots, therefore the system suggests that parties do nominate c<strong>and</strong>idates,<br />

<strong>and</strong> therefore party associational rights are still implicated. The Washington Republican<br />

Party has already filed an amended complaint against the “top-two” system, to transform<br />

its original lawsuit into an “as applied” lawsuit, so it is clear that litigation over the<br />

Washington system will continue for some time.<br />

Other Areas of Election Law Litigation<br />

On January 9, 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments in a case<br />

involving whether states may require voters at the polls to show government photo<br />

identification in order to vote at the polls. No decision has been released in Crawford v<br />

Marion County Election Board. For the most part, state legislatures are not enacting new<br />

laws on this subject, <strong>and</strong> new lawsuits are not being filed on this subject while the nation<br />

awaits the decision.<br />

The only ballot access decision of note during the October 2007-March 2008<br />

period was from the 6 th circuit which, Citizens for Tax Reform v Deters, struck down an<br />

Ohio law that made it illegal for initiative proponents to pay circulators on a per-signature<br />

basis.The court noted that initiative proponents had presented credible evidence that the<br />

law would cost them an additional $300,000. The evidence showed that petitioners who<br />

are paid per signature are more productive than petitioners who are paid by the hour.<br />

Minor parties won four lawsuits against discriminatory state laws that relate to<br />

campaign assistance from governments, during the last six months. In New Hampshire<br />

<strong>and</strong> Michigan, minor parties won rulings striking down laws providing the government<br />

should give a free list of the voters to the major parties, but not other parties. In New<br />

Hampshire, the case was in state court <strong>and</strong> is called Libertarian Party of New Hampshire<br />

v Gardner. In Michigan, the case was in federal court <strong>and</strong> is called Green Party of<br />

Michigan v L<strong>and</strong>.<br />

In Connecticut, a U.S. District Court issued a 49-page ruling on March 20, 2008,<br />

suggesting that the Connecticut public funding law, enacted in 2005, is apt to be held<br />

unconstitutional. The case is Green Party of Connecticut v Garfield. The Court denied<br />

the state’s motion for summary judgment, <strong>and</strong> said a trial will be held to establish if the<br />

law is constitutional. The law provides that all c<strong>and</strong>idates for state office who want<br />

public funding must raise small contributions from many contributors. The amount of<br />

contributors is the same for all c<strong>and</strong>idates. However, if the c<strong>and</strong>idate is not a member of<br />

a party that polled 20 percent for Governor at the last election, <strong>and</strong> if the c<strong>and</strong>idate wants<br />

the full amount of public funding, he or she must submit a petition signed by 20 percent<br />

of the last vote cast for that office.<br />

Connecticut argued that it is constitutional to make public funding more difficult<br />

for people who are not Democrats <strong>and</strong> Republicans because the U.S. Supreme Court in<br />

1976 had upheld a federal law that gives general election public funding to political<br />

parties’ presidential campaign committees if that party polled 5 percent in the last<br />

presidential election. New parties <strong>and</strong> independent c<strong>and</strong>idates who were not eligible for


13<br />

the funding before the election could receive such funding after the election if they polled<br />

5%. But the Connecticut court said that the U.S. Supreme Court decision from 1976,<br />

Buckley v Valeo, does not settle the issue. The Connecticut court pointed out that<br />

presidential general elections in the U.S. are almost always very competitive. However,<br />

most Connecticut state legislative races are not competitive; in most districts, the seat is<br />

“safe” for one of the two major parties. Yet the Connecticut public funding system<br />

makes public funding readily available to the weaker of the two major parties, in these<br />

uncompetitive districts.<br />

Finally, on the subject of c<strong>and</strong>idate eligibility to run for Congress, a Minnesota<br />

state court in Rice County ruled on January 18, 2008, in Richards v Windschitl that a<br />

convict serving time in prison may run for Congress. This decision is consistent with the<br />

1995 U.S. Supreme Court decision in U.S. Term Limits v Thornton which held that states<br />

may not add to the constitutional qualifications for people to run for Congress. Even<br />

though individuals may not be able to vote, if they are old enough, <strong>and</strong> citizens, <strong>and</strong><br />

residents of the state they wish to represent, they may not be barred from running if they<br />

show a modicum of support.<br />

FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION<br />

The Commission on August 31, 2007 published notice of proposed rulemaking in<br />

the Federal Register seeking public comment on proposed changes to the Commission<br />

regulations pertaining to electioneering communications. The notice was a response to<br />

the U.S. Supreme Court’s June 25, 2007 decision in Federal Election Commission v.<br />

Wisconsin Right to Life, Incorporated (127 S.Ct. 2652, 168 L.Ed.2d 309) relating to<br />

Wisconsin right to Life, Incorporated use of its own general treasury funds, which<br />

included corporation contributions, to pay for broadcast advertisements that referred to<br />

the two U.S. Senators from Wisconsin, one of whom was identified as a c<strong>and</strong>idate for<br />

federal office in the election. The court opined that because the advertisements were not<br />

the “functional equivalent of express advocacy,” the prohibition on corporate or labor<br />

organization funding of electioneering communications was unconstitutional as applied<br />

to the plaintiff’s advertisements. The court added a communication is the “functional<br />

equivalent of express advocacy” only if it “is susceptible of no reasonable interpretation<br />

other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific c<strong>and</strong>idate.<br />

The text of the proposed rules is available in the Federal Register (72 FR 50261)<br />

<strong>and</strong> is posted on the Commissions web site at http://fec.gov/law/law_rulemakings.shtml<br />

The Commission on December 14, 2007, approved modifications of the rules governing<br />

the funding of electioneering communications by corporations <strong>and</strong> labor organization <strong>and</strong><br />

to apply the reporting <strong>and</strong> disclaimer requirements to electioneering communications<br />

made by corporations <strong>and</strong> labor organizations. A new section (11 CFR 114.15) provides a<br />

general exemption from the prohibition on corporate <strong>and</strong> labor organization funding of<br />

electioneering communications unless the communication is susceptible of no reasonable<br />

interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for or against a clearly identified federal<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idate.<br />

The full text of the final rule <strong>and</strong> explanation <strong>and</strong> justification is available in the<br />

Federal Register (72 FR 72899) <strong>and</strong> also is posted on the Commission’s web site<br />

http.//www.fec.gov/law/law_rulemaking.shtml#ec07.


14<br />

Congress enacted <strong>and</strong> president George w. Bush signed on September 14, 2007,<br />

the Honest Leadership <strong>and</strong> Open Government Act of 2007 (PL. 110-81, 121 Stat. 735, 2<br />

U.S.C.§1601) amending House <strong>and</strong> Senate Ethics Rules <strong>and</strong> the Federal election<br />

Campaign Act. Amendments to the latter act introduces new disclosure requirements for<br />

certain committees that receive bundled contributions from lobbyists <strong>and</strong> committees<br />

established or controlled by any lobbyist <strong>and</strong> new rules relating to travel on private jet<br />

aircraft. The law requires c<strong>and</strong>idates’ authorized committees, leadership political action<br />

committees, <strong>and</strong> party committees to disclose the name, address, employer of, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

bundled contribution amount credited to, each lobbyist (or lobbyist’s committee) who<br />

provided the committee with bundled contributions aggregating in excess of $15,000<br />

during specified time periods.<br />

The commission on December 20, 2007, certified $19,287,504.65 in federal<br />

matching funds to seven presidential c<strong>and</strong>idates (Joseph Biden, Christopher Dodd, John<br />

Edwards, Duncan Hunter, Dennis Kucinich, John McCain, <strong>and</strong> Thomas Tancredo) for the<br />

2008 election. Other c<strong>and</strong>idates declined to participate in the matching fund program.<br />

The presidential public funding program, however, lacks sufficient funds to make the<br />

payments.<br />

On December 20, 2007, the commission amended its written rules for the conduct<br />

of meetings to provide for circumstances when the commission has fewer than four<br />

members. Currently, the commission has only two members. The amended rules were<br />

published in the Federal Register on January 30, 2008 (73 FR 5569) <strong>and</strong> are available on<br />

the commission’s web site:<br />

http://www.fec.gov/law/cfr/ej_compilation/2008/notice_2008-01.pdf<br />

The commission reported a 1.5 percent increase in the number of federally registered<br />

political action committees (PACs) from 4,168 to 4,234 during the second half of 2007.<br />

Corporate PACs continue to be the largest category with 1,601 committees, an increase<br />

of 15. Labor PACs remained constant at 273, but trade/member/health PACs declined by<br />

1 to 925.<br />

The commission issued several advisory opinions.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-9 provides the Kerry-Edwards 2004 General Legal <strong>and</strong><br />

Compliance Fund may reimburse the Kerry-Edwards 2004 Incorporated Presidential<br />

Campaign Committee for the portion of its advertising expenses dedicated to compliance<br />

with the “st<strong>and</strong>-by-your-ad” provision of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-10 holds a c<strong>and</strong>idate’s committee may not recognize the<br />

corporate employers of individual contributors at a golf tournament fundraiser because<br />

the use of the corporation’s name, trademark, or service mark would result in the<br />

corporation facilitation of contributions which are prohibited by the Federal Election<br />

Campaign Act.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-16 holds the <strong>American</strong> Kennel Club (AKC) <strong>and</strong> its<br />

voting clubs <strong>and</strong> accredited clubs are membership organizations under the Federal<br />

Election Campaign Act <strong>and</strong> commission regulations, <strong>and</strong> the voting clubs <strong>and</strong> the<br />

accredited clubs are affiliated with AKC. Therefore, any separate segregated fund the<br />

AKC establishes may solicit contributions from the individual members of its affiliated<br />

voting clubs <strong>and</strong> accredited clubs.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-18 authorizes U.S. Representative Charles Rangel’s<br />

principal campaign committee or his leadership political action committee to pay for the


15<br />

commissioning of an official portrait of the representatives that will be donated to the<br />

U.S. House of representatives.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-19 stipulates a non-profit 501(c)(4) corporation qualifies<br />

as a membership organization <strong>and</strong> individuals selected to be members of that<br />

organization qualify as “members” for purposes of the Federal Election Campaign Act.<br />

Hence, the organization may solicit those individuals for contributions to a separate<br />

segregated fund established by the organization.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-22 provides Jim Hurysz for Congress may receive<br />

volunteer services <strong>and</strong> professional services from Canadian citizens <strong>and</strong> may use its<br />

campaign funds to pay for c<strong>and</strong>idate travel to Canada in order to gather campaign-related<br />

information. The committee may not accept elections materials donated by Canadian<br />

campaigns, but may purchase the materials at fair market value. Mr. Hurysz also may<br />

use his personal funds to pay for c<strong>and</strong>idate travel to Canada <strong>and</strong> to obtain information<br />

from Canadian citizens.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-24 allows the campaign committees of Jim Burkee for<br />

Congress (Republican) <strong>and</strong> Jeff Walz for Congress (Democrat) may engage jointly in<br />

fundraising <strong>and</strong> campaigning activities provided the committees use an appropriate<br />

payment method for each type of activity, <strong>and</strong> otherwise follow the limits, prohibitions,<br />

<strong>and</strong> other requirements of the Federal election Campaign Act.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-28 provides U.S. Representatives Kevin McCarthy <strong>and</strong><br />

Devin Nunes may, in addition to soliciting funds from federally permissible sources <strong>and</strong><br />

not exceeding the contribution limits for individuals <strong>and</strong> political committees, may solicit<br />

funds from individuals, subject to a $20,000 calendar year limit, for one or more<br />

independently run ballot measure committees in connection with the qualification <strong>and</strong><br />

passage of a redistricting initiative.<br />

Advisory Opinion 2007-34 holds a federal c<strong>and</strong>idate’s appearance on a billboard<br />

endorsing a nonfederal c<strong>and</strong>idate is not a coordinated communication <strong>and</strong> may be paid<br />

for with nonfederal funds.<br />

BOOK REVIEWS<br />

Editor: Richard Vengroff<br />

Kennesaw State University<br />

Kennesaw, Georgia 30144<br />

Telephone: (770) 423-6174<br />

E-Mail: Richard_Vengroff@kennesaw.edu<br />

Section members with forthcoming books should notify the book editor to facilitate the<br />

speedy review of books.<br />

Rein Taagepera, Predicting Party Sizes: The Logic of Simple Electoral Systems. Oxford<br />

<strong>and</strong> New York: University of Oxford Press, 2007. xxii, 314 pp. ISBN: 078-0-19-<br />

928774-1. Hardback, $84.00.<br />

Predicting Party Sizes is a testament to Rein Taagepera’s seminal contribution to<br />

cumulative theory development in comparative <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> research. It builds on


16<br />

but goes well beyond Seats <strong>and</strong> Votes (Taagepera <strong>and</strong> Shugart 1989) because of<br />

substantial advances since the publication of that classic in our underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the<br />

relationship between <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong> party <strong>systems</strong>. The book represents the<br />

culmination of almost four decades of painstaking research into unpacking, extending <strong>and</strong><br />

formalizing the Duvergerian macro-agenda with the goal of developing a parsimonious<br />

model of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> that can predict the number <strong>and</strong> size of political parties. That<br />

research began with Taagepera’s 1969 MA thesis on “The Seat-Vote Equation” at the<br />

University of Delaware, which he completed four years after earning a doctorate in<br />

physics also at the University of Delaware. It is thus no coincidence that Taagepera’s<br />

theory-building effort has embodied the rigorous analytical method of the hard sciences.<br />

In Predicting Party Sizes, Taagepera draws on his basic research to also delve into the<br />

realm of applied politics by offering practical advice to practitioners about the<br />

institutional design of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> they should adopt. This bold step is carefully<br />

calibrated, however, to the predictions of the analytical models <strong>and</strong> the advice is thus<br />

tempered with emphasis on what is feasible <strong>and</strong> not necessarily what is desirable, given<br />

the political goals politicians wish to achieve. This incursion into applied scholarship<br />

was motivated by the appreciation of the severe time constraints on practitioners’ ability<br />

to consider all the possible consequences of institutional choice that Taagepera gained<br />

through his own venture into politics, first as a presidential c<strong>and</strong>idate in Estonia (“ending<br />

a respectable third”) <strong>and</strong> then as the founding chair of a political party that, after his<br />

tenure, won parliamentary seats before “crashing” (p. ix).<br />

In contrast to the concern in much of the literature with the triviality that “institutions<br />

matter” (as if there was any doubt!), Taagepera begins with a succinct exposition of<br />

“How Electoral Systems Matter (Ch. 1) that appropriately emphasizes the remote effects<br />

of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> on the structure of party <strong>systems</strong> via their direct effect in restricting<br />

seat distributions <strong>and</strong> subsequent effect on the vote distributions of political parties. But<br />

Taagepera’s also draws attention to the exogenous conditions that limit the impact of<br />

<strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>: “An excellent institutional framework cannot compensate for flawed<br />

political culture, but inadequate institutions can make it worse” (p. 5). Unwittingly,<br />

Taagepera highlights an important but unacknowledged insight of institutionalism, that<br />

the hallmark of good institutional analysis is an appreciation of both the limits of such<br />

analysis <strong>and</strong> the bounds within which institutions shape political outcomes.<br />

This modest approach helps to buttress Taagepera’s preference for the analytical rigor<br />

<strong>and</strong> method of physics in developing the parsimonious predictive model of simple<br />

<strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>. To ensure that the substantive <strong>and</strong> technical complexity of the analysis<br />

does not obscure its practical utility, Taagepera wisely begins each chapter with a block<br />

of bulleted points “For the Practitioner of Politics,” which present in plain English the<br />

key lessons of the chapter as guidelines for choosing <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>. The chapters are<br />

themselves written in an engaging style with clear exposition of the mathematical<br />

formulas, graphs <strong>and</strong> numerical data presented to clarify the theoretical arguments. The<br />

more complex technical materials, such as proofs of equation, which should be of<br />

interests to specialists, are appropriately consigned to an appendix to each chapter.


17<br />

Part I of the book on “Rules <strong>and</strong> Tools” offers a useful review of the typology <strong>and</strong> key<br />

institutional components of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>. The discussion covers familiar ground –<br />

the origins of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> (Ch. 2), simple <strong>and</strong> complex <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> (Ch. 3), the<br />

number <strong>and</strong> balance of political parties (Ch. 4), deviations from proportionality (Ch. 5),<br />

<strong>and</strong> the degree of openness of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> to small parties (Ch. 6) – <strong>and</strong> sets the<br />

stage for Part II on the “Duvergerian Macro-Agenda: How Simple Electoral Systems<br />

Affect Party Sizes <strong>and</strong> Politics.” This is the substantive core of the book in which<br />

Taagepera draws on recent advances <strong>and</strong> his prodigious contribution in elaborating<br />

Duverger’s central argument concerning the relationship between <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

party <strong>systems</strong>. Chapter 7 presents a concise exposition of the Duvergerian agenda for<br />

simple <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>, “those that include no features beyond assembly size, a fairly<br />

uniform magnitude for districts, <strong>and</strong> seat allocation according to a usual PR formula<br />

(which boils down to FPTP when M = 1)” (p.110). This parsimonious model is<br />

employed to predict the number of seat-winning parties <strong>and</strong> the largest seat share (Ch. 8),<br />

the seat shares of all parties <strong>and</strong> the effective number of parties (Ch. 9), <strong>and</strong> the mean<br />

duration of cabinets (Ch. 10). Shifting gears from prediction to application, Taagepera<br />

presents an intriguing discussion of how to simplify complex <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> (Ch. 11),<br />

in which he employs the notion of an “output-based effective magnitude” to calculate<br />

which simple <strong>electoral</strong> system is likely to produce, on average, the observed value of<br />

some output, for example, the effective number of parties, of an existing complex<br />

<strong>electoral</strong> system. In Ch. 12, he employs the now classic cube root law of assembly size to<br />

clarify the logic of designing an optimum-sized assembly. In Ch. 13, Taagepera extends<br />

his initial exposition in his MA thesis of the “law of minority attrition” in FPTP <strong>systems</strong><br />

to PR <strong>systems</strong>. The law says that the under-<strong>representation</strong> of social minorities in lowerlevel<br />

political positions (e.g. city councils) will, on average, be replicated in higher-level<br />

positions (e.g. national legislatures). Ch. 14 presents a model for converting seats into<br />

votes that may facilitate more analytically precise calculations of the effective number of<br />

<strong>electoral</strong> parties, but this model is presented with only illustrative examples <strong>and</strong> will<br />

require further testing with empirical data.<br />

Part III on “Implications <strong>and</strong> Broader Agenda” begins with a discussion of the<br />

relationship between thresholds of <strong>representation</strong> <strong>and</strong> the number of pertinent parties (Ch.<br />

15). Because the inputs that determine the effective number of <strong>electoral</strong> parties include<br />

institutional variables as well exogenous (structural) <strong>and</strong> the more contingent strategic<br />

variables, the models in Chs. 14 <strong>and</strong> 15 do not have accurate predictive capability <strong>and</strong><br />

thus require further refinements. Ch. 16 extends the logic of simple <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> to<br />

seat allocation in federal chambers <strong>and</strong> the assemblies of the European Union. Ch. 17<br />

concludes with some realistic (read feasible) answers to the question “What Can We<br />

Expect from Electoral Laws?”<br />

The reliance on cumulative theory building <strong>and</strong> analytical rigor to develop a successful<br />

predictive model of simple <strong>electoral</strong> system <strong>and</strong> the use of this model to clarify future<br />

research directions for completing the Duvergerian agenda (e.g. Chs. 14 <strong>and</strong> 15) make<br />

Predicting Party Sizes an important book. The use of this model as a guide for offering<br />

practical advice on <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> choice also makes it an innovative book. The focus<br />

on a simple <strong>electoral</strong> system model defined by only three variables, of course, ignores the


18<br />

complexity of most <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> in practice, but the choice is analytically <strong>and</strong><br />

practically sound. Analytically, it facilitates the construction of a parsimonious<br />

predictive model <strong>and</strong> helps to clarify the logic, dynamics <strong>and</strong> outcomes of <strong>electoral</strong><br />

<strong>systems</strong>, not a mean feat because this is invaluable information for constructing<br />

predictive models of more complex <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>, such as, for example, mixed<br />

parallel <strong>and</strong> compensatory <strong>systems</strong> as well as other institutional permutations.<br />

Practically, it helps to identify for time-constrained practitioners the core institutional<br />

components of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong> clarify their consequences for party <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

cabinet duration.<br />

An innovative variable that underscores the predictive power of the simple <strong>electoral</strong><br />

<strong>systems</strong> model is vintage Taagepera. Inspired by Colomer’s “micro-mega” rule – “the<br />

small prefer the large, <strong>and</strong> the large prefer the small,” (Colomer 2004: 3) – the seat<br />

product of simple <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> (M F S) is obtained by multiplying the assembly size<br />

(S) by the number of seats in the average district (or the mean district magnitude M), with<br />

M modulated by the seat allocation “formula exponent” (F). The predictive power of the<br />

seat product rests on the fact that it is a combined summary expression of the three<br />

components of simple <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>, assembly size, district magnitude <strong>and</strong> <strong>electoral</strong><br />

formula. It represents the “comprehensive outcome of (Taagepera) trying to make sense<br />

of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> for over 40 years” (p. 92).<br />

Simple <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> predict average outcomes. This may not be entirely satisfactory<br />

if one is looking for predictive precision, but it is consistent with the requirements of<br />

conceptual parsimony <strong>and</strong> analytical rigor that facilitate the development of predictive<br />

models. Moreover, the predictions derived from the simple <strong>electoral</strong> system model<br />

conform, on average, to observed global patterns. Taagepera’s deductive approach thus<br />

holds up well against empirical evidence.<br />

Seats <strong>and</strong> Votes is one the most widely cited books <strong>and</strong> has inspired many of the best<br />

works in comparative <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> research. But its non-statistical approach has not<br />

been widely emulated in the field. Predicting Party Sizes may very well suffer the same<br />

paradoxical fate. There is no small irony in this. Within its narrowly defined focus on<br />

simple <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>, it has achieved the scientific ideals of cumulative theory<br />

building <strong>and</strong> prediction that motivated the behavioral revolution in political science over<br />

fifty years ago. But this accomplishment has come at a time when the emphasis in<br />

political science has shifted toward more context-sensitive theorizing. But even here,<br />

Predicting Party Sizes contains important insights. The unfinished Duvergerian agenda<br />

noted by Taagepera involves, among other things, clarifying the microfoundations of<br />

simple <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>, which requires tackling the thorniest of contextual variables,<br />

political culture <strong>and</strong> its relationship to the psychological effects of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

the resulting strategic calculations of political actors. And if Taagepera’s disciplined<br />

approach motivates <strong>and</strong> informs theory-building in this endeavor, then Predicting Party<br />

Sizes could share another fate with Seats <strong>and</strong> Votes. In 1999, Seats <strong>and</strong> Votes won the<br />

George H. Hallett award (Disclosure: I chaired the award committee). It should not a be surprise if<br />

Predicting Party Sizes is a strong contender for the same award a decade from now


19<br />

Colomer, Josep. 2004. “The Strategy <strong>and</strong> History of Electoral Systems Choice,” pp. 3-78. In<br />

Josep Colomer (eds). H<strong>and</strong>book of Electoral Systems Choice. New York: Palgrave.<br />

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Electoral Systems. New Have: Yale University Press.<br />

Shaheen Mozaffar<br />

Bridgewater State College<br />

BIBLIOGRAPHY ON REPRESENTATION AND ELECTORAL SYSTEMS<br />

September 1007-March 2008<br />

Erik S. Herron<br />

University of Kansas<br />

E-Mail: eherron@ku.edu<br />

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Brunell, Thomas L. 2008. Redistricting <strong>and</strong> Representation: Why Competitive Elections Are Bad for<br />

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20<br />

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Greene, Kenneth F. 2007. Why Dominant Parties Lose: Mexico's Democratization in Comparative<br />

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on Four Continents. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />

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Participation, <strong>and</strong> Power. Berkeley: Berkeley Public Policy Press.<br />

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Accountability. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

McCool, Daniel, Susan M. Olson, <strong>and</strong> Jennifer L. Robinson. 2007. Native Vote: <strong>American</strong> Indians, the<br />

Voting Rights Act, <strong>and</strong> the Right to Vote. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

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Poundstone, William. 2008. Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (<strong>and</strong> What We Can Do About It).<br />

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Roy, Ramashray <strong>and</strong> Paul Wallace. 2007. India's 2004 Elections: Grass-Roots <strong>and</strong> National Perspectives.<br />

Thous<strong>and</strong> Oaks: Sage Publications.<br />

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Academic Press.<br />

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21<br />

Democracies. New York: New York University Press.<br />

Steinbrecher, Markus, S<strong>and</strong>ra Huber, <strong>and</strong> Hans Rattinger. 2007. Turnout in Germany: Citizen Participation<br />

in State, Federal, <strong>and</strong> European Elections Since 1979. Baden-Baden: Nomos.<br />

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University Press.<br />

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Sex Quotas. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.<br />

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Zuckerman, Alan S., Josip Dasovic, <strong>and</strong> Jennifer Fitzgerald. 2007. Partisan Families the Social Logic of<br />

Bounded Partisanship in Germany <strong>and</strong> Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

Books (Non-English Language)<br />

IUrydychna Vidpovidal Nist Za Porushennia Zakonodavstva Pro Vybory Narodnykh Deputativ Ukraïny.<br />

2007. Kyiv: Parlaments'ke vydavnytstvo.<br />

Parlamentskie Vybory v Kazakhstane 2007. 2007. Moskva: Moskovskii gos. universitet. Istoricheskii<br />

fakul'tet.<br />

Vybory-2007--Novyi Etap v Razvitii Politicheskoi Sistemy Respubliki Kazakhstan. 2007. Almaty:<br />

Kazakhstanskii institut strategicheskikh issledovanii pri Prezidente Respubliki Kazakhstan.<br />

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Referendumi Kryminal No-Pravova Kharakterystyka. Kyiv: KNT.<br />

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al-Khartum.<br />

Baglai, Marat V. 2008. Prezidenty Rossiiskoi Federatsii i Soedinennykh Shtatov Ameriki Rol, Poriadok<br />

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Behnke, Joachim. 2007. Das Wahlsystem Der Bundesrepublik Deutschl<strong>and</strong> Logik, Technik Und Praxis Der<br />

Verhältniswahl. Baden-Baden: Nomos.<br />

Chernyshov, A. 2007. Vybory v Rossii--Vybor Dlia Rossii. Moskva: Globulus.<br />

Chon, Hak-son, Sang-u Chong, <strong>and</strong> Hyon-ch o. Kang. 2007. Son'Go Kwallyon Pomnyong Ui Pomnyong<br />

Yongo Wa Munjang Ui Munjechom Kwa Kaeson Pangan. Soul T`ukpyolsi: Han'guk Popche Yon'guwon.<br />

Davydovych, IA. V. <strong>and</strong> TSentral na vyborcha komisiia Ukraďny. 2007. Mizhnarodna Naukovo-<br />

Praktychna Konferentsiia "Vybory, 2006--Dosvid, Problemy, Perspektyvy": Vybory, 2006--Dosvid,<br />

Problemy, Perspektyvy Zbirnyk Materialiv Mizhnarodnoď Naukovo-Praktychnoď Konferentsiď Kyďv, 31<br />

Zhovtnia--1 Lystopada 2006 Roku. Kyiv: TSentral na vyborcha komisiia. Atika.<br />

Golovin, A. G. 2007. Izbiratelnoe Pravo Rossii Kurs Lektsii. Moskva: Norma.<br />

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Parti Socialiste, UDF, UMP, Extrême Droite. Paris: Publibook.<br />

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Mets hratarakch`ut`yun.<br />

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Kantonen Appenzell Ausserrhoden, Appenzell Innerrhoden, Glarus, Nidwalden Und Obwalden. Zürich:<br />

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22<br />

Partai Politik. Cet. 1 ed. Jakarta: Eko Jaya.<br />

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Parada Rivero, Walter. 2007. Constitución o Fraude? Autonomía : Unidad : Proceso Constituyente.<br />

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Rojas Benítez, Expedito, Gustavo Rojas Bogado, <strong>and</strong> Paraguay. 2007. Derecho Electoral Positivo<br />

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Rojas Díaz Durán, Alej<strong>and</strong>ro <strong>and</strong> Ricardo Colina Rubio. 2007. La Participación Ciudadana. México, D.F:<br />

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Aarts, Kees <strong>and</strong> Henk van der Kolk. 2007. "The Parliamentary Election in the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s, 22 November<br />

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Abramson, Paul R., Abraham Diskin, <strong>and</strong> Dan S. Felsenthal. 2007. "Nonvoting <strong>and</strong> the Decisiveness of<br />

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Adler, Scott E. <strong>and</strong> John D. Wilkerson. 2008. "Intended Consequences: Jurisdictional Reform <strong>and</strong> Issue<br />

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Aidt, Toke S. <strong>and</strong> Bianca Dallal. 2008. "Female Voting Power: The Contribution of Women’s Suffrage to<br />

the Growth of Social Spending in Western Europe (1869–1960)." Public Choice 134(3-4):391-417.<br />

Aili Mari Tripp <strong>and</strong> Alice Kang. 2008. "The Global Impact of Quotas: On the Fast Track to Increased<br />

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Akarca, Ali T. <strong>and</strong> Aysit Tansel. 2007. "Social <strong>and</strong> Economic Determinants of Turkish Voter Choice in the<br />

1995 Parliamentary Election." Electoral Studies 26(3):633-47.<br />

Ansolabehere, Stephen, John M. Hansen, Shigeo Hirano, <strong>and</strong> James M. Snyder Jr. 2007. "The Incumbency<br />

Advantage in U.S. Primary Elections." Electoral Studies 26(3):660-668.<br />

Antweiler, Werner. 2007. "Estimating Voter Migration in Canada Using Generalized Maximum Entropy."<br />

Electoral Studies 26(4):756-71.<br />

Arter, David. 2007. "The End of the Social Democratic Hegemony? The March 2007 Finnish General<br />

Election." West European Politics 30(5):1148-57.<br />

Atkeson, Lonna R. <strong>and</strong> Kyle L. Saunders. 2007. "The Effect of Election Administration on Voter<br />

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Back, Hanna. 2008. "Intra-Party Politics <strong>and</strong> Coalition Formation: Evidence From Swedish Local<br />

Government." Party Politics 14(1):71-89.<br />

Bali, Valentina A. 2007. "Terror <strong>and</strong> Elections: Lessons From Spain." Electoral Studies 26(3):669-87.<br />

Balkir, Canan. 2007. "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey: A Test for Democracy." Mediterranean Politics<br />

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Bardi, Luciano. 2007. "Electoral Change <strong>and</strong> Its Impact on the Party System in Italy." West European


23<br />

Politics 30(4):711-32.<br />

Bardi, Luciano <strong>and</strong> Peter Mair. 2008. "The Parameters of Party Systems." Party Politics 14(2):147-66.<br />

Barretto, Matt A. 2007. "Latino C<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>and</strong> the Mobilization of Latino Voters." <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong><br />

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Barrow, Lynda K. 2007. "Party On? Politicians <strong>and</strong> Party Switching in Mexico." Politics 27(3):165-73.<br />

Battaglini, Marco, Rebecca Morton, <strong>and</strong> Thomas Palfrey. 2007. "Efficiency, Equity, <strong>and</strong> Timing of Voting<br />

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Beckwith, Karen <strong>and</strong> Kimberly Cowell-Meyers. 2007. "Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation Thresholds<br />

<strong>and</strong> Women's <strong>Political</strong> Representation." Perspectives on Politics 5(3):553-65.<br />

Behnke, Joachim. 2007. "The Strange Phenomenon of Surplus Seats in the German Electoral System."<br />

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Bellucci, Paolo. 2008. " The Parliamentary Election in Italy, April 2006." Electoral Studies 27(1):185-90.<br />

Bereni, Laure. 2007. "French Feminists Renegotiate Republican Universalism: The Gender Parity<br />

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Bernhagen, Patrick <strong>and</strong> Michael Marsh. 2007. "The Partisan Effects of Low Turnout: Analyzing Vote<br />

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Berry, Christopher R. <strong>and</strong> William G. Howell. 2007. "Accountability <strong>and</strong> Local Elections: Rethinking<br />

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Birch, Sarah. 2007. "Electoral Systems <strong>and</strong> Electoral Misconduct." Comparative <strong>Political</strong> Studies<br />

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Bjorklund, Tor. 2007. "Unemployment <strong>and</strong> the Radical Right in Sc<strong>and</strong>inavia: Beneficial or Non-Beneficial<br />

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Blais, Andre, Jean-Francois Laslier, Annie Laurent, Nicolas Sauger, <strong>and</strong> Karine Van der Straeten. 2007.<br />

"One-Round Vs Two-Round Elections: An Experimental Study." French Politics 5(September ):278-86.<br />

Blau, Adrian. 2008. "The Effective Number of Parties at Four Scales: Votes, Seats, Legislative Power <strong>and</strong><br />

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Bochsler, Daniel. 2008. "The Parliamentary Election in Serbia, 21 January 2007." Electoral Studies<br />

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Bogaards, Matthijs. 2008. "Dominant Party Systems <strong>and</strong> Electoral Volatility in Africa: A Comment on<br />

Mozaffar <strong>and</strong> Scarritt." Party Politics 14(1):113-30.<br />

Bogaards, Matthijs. 2007. "Measuring Democracy Through Election Outcomes: A Critique With African<br />

Data." Comparative <strong>Political</strong> Studies 40(10):1211-37.<br />

Borisyuk, Galina, Colin Rallings, Michael Thrasher, <strong>and</strong> Henk van der Kolk. 2007. "Voter Support for<br />

Minor Parties: Assessing the Social <strong>and</strong> <strong>Political</strong> Context of Voting at the 2004 European Elections in<br />

Greater London." Party Politics 13(6):669-93.<br />

Born, Richard. 2008. "Party Polarization <strong>and</strong> the Rise of Partisan Voting in U.S. House Elections."<br />

<strong>American</strong> Politics Research 36(1):62-84.<br />

Bowler, Shaun <strong>and</strong> Todd Donovan. 2007. "Reasoning About Institutional Change: Winners, Losers <strong>and</strong><br />

Support for Electoral Reforms." British Journal of <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> 37(3):455-76.<br />

Br<strong>and</strong>t, Loren <strong>and</strong> Matthew A. Turner. 2007. "The Usefulness of Imperfect Elections: The Case of Village<br />

Elections in Rural China." Economics & Politics 19(3):453-80.<br />

Buchler, Justin. 2007. "The Statistical Properties of Competitive Districts: What the Central Limit Theorem<br />

Can Teach Us About Election Reform." PS: <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> & Politics 40(2):333-37.<br />

Buckley, Fiona, Neil Collins, <strong>and</strong> Theresa Reidy. 2007. "Ballot Paper Photographs <strong>and</strong> Low-Information<br />

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Burden, Barry C. 2007. "Ballot Regulations <strong>and</strong> Multiparty Politics in the States." PS: <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> &<br />

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Call<strong>and</strong>er, Steven <strong>and</strong> Catherine H. Wilson. 2007. "Turnout, Polarization, <strong>and</strong> Duverger's Law." The<br />

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Calvo, Ernesto. 2007. "The Responsive Legislature: Public Opinion <strong>and</strong> Law Making in a Highly<br />

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Canes-Wrone, Br<strong>and</strong>ice <strong>and</strong> Kenneth W. Shotts. 2007. "When Do Elections Encourage Ideological<br />

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24<br />

Carson, Jamie L., Erik J. Engstrom, <strong>and</strong> Jason M. Roberts. 2007. "C<strong>and</strong>idate Quality, the Personal Vote,<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Incumbency Advantage in Congress." <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Review 101(2):289-301.<br />

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Den Hartog, Chris <strong>and</strong> Nathan W. Monroe. 2008. "The Value of Majority Status: The Effect of Jeffords's<br />

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):63-84.<br />

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European Politics 30(4):733-62.<br />

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42.<br />

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European Politics 5(September):339-41.<br />

Elff, Martin. 2007. "Social Structure <strong>and</strong> Electoral Behavior in Comparative Perspective: The Decline of


25<br />

Social Cleavages in Western Europe Revisited." Perspectives on Politics 5(2):277-94.<br />

Eom, Kihong <strong>and</strong> Donald A. Gross. 2007. "Democratization Effects of Campaign Contribution Limits in<br />

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Fieldhouse, Edward, Mark Tranmer, <strong>and</strong> Andrew Russell. 2007. "Something about Young People or<br />

Something about Elections? Electoral Participation of Young People in Europe: Evidence From a<br />

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822.<br />

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Studies 26(3):598-611.<br />

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Fraenkel, Jon <strong>and</strong> Bernard Grofman. 2007. "The Merits of Neo-Downsian Modeling of the Alternative<br />

Vote: A Reply to Horowitz." Public Choice 133(1-2):1-11.<br />

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209.<br />

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Ganiel, Gladys. 2007. "'Preaching to the Choir?' An Analysis of DUP Discourses about the Northern<br />

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Gawn, Ryan. 2007. "Truth Cohabitation: A Truth Commission for Northern Irel<strong>and</strong>?" Irish <strong>Political</strong><br />

Studies 22(September):339-61.<br />

Gay, Claudine. 2007. "Legislating Without Constraints: The Effect of Minority Districting on Legislators'<br />

Responsiveness to Constituency Preferences." The Journal of Politics 69(2):442-56.<br />

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101.<br />

Gerrity, Jessica C., Tracy Osborn, <strong>and</strong> Jeanette M. Mendez. 2007. "Women <strong>and</strong> Representation: A<br />

Different View of the District?" Politics & Gender 3(2):179-200.<br />

Gidengil, Elisabeth, Allison Harell, <strong>and</strong> Bonnie H. Erickson. 2007. "Network Diversity <strong>and</strong> Vote Choice:<br />

Women's Social Ties <strong>and</strong> Left Voting in Canada." Politics & Gender 3(2):151-77.<br />

Gilardi, Fabrizio. 2007. "The Same, But Different: Central Banks, Regulatory Agencies, <strong>and</strong> the Politics of<br />

Delegation to Independent Authorities." Comparative European Politics 5(September):303-27.<br />

Gimpel, James G., Kimberly A. Karnes, John McTague, <strong>and</strong> Shanna Pearson-Merkowitz. 2008. "Distance-<br />

Decay in the <strong>Political</strong> Geography of Friends-<strong>and</strong>-Neighbors Voting." <strong>Political</strong> Geography 27(2):231-52.<br />

Gimpel, James G., Karen M. Kaufmann, <strong>and</strong> Shanna Pearson-Merkowitz. 2007. "Battleground States<br />

Versus Blackout States: The Behavioral Implications of Modern Presidential Campaigns." The Journal of<br />

Politics 69(3):786-97.<br />

Gomez, Brad T., Thomas G. Hansford, <strong>and</strong> George A. Krause. 2007. "The Republicans Should Pray for<br />

Rain: Weather, Turnout, <strong>and</strong> Voting in U.S. Presidential Elections." The Journal of Politics 69(3):649-<br />

63.<br />

Goodman, Craig <strong>and</strong> Gregg R. Murray. 2007. "Do You See What I See? Perceptions of Party Differences<br />

<strong>and</strong> Voting Behavior." <strong>American</strong> Politics Research 35(6):905-31.<br />

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Studies 55(3):629-55.<br />

Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. 2007. "The Growing Importance of Issue Competition: The Changing Nature<br />

of Party Competition in Western Europe." <strong>Political</strong> Studies 55(3):607-28.<br />

Greene, Kenneth F. 2008. "Dominant Party Strategy <strong>and</strong> Democratization." <strong>American</strong> Journal of <strong>Political</strong><br />

<strong>Science</strong> 52(1):16-31.<br />

Gronke, Paul, Eva Galanes-Rosenbaum, <strong>and</strong> Peter A. Miller. 2007. "Early Voting <strong>and</strong> Turnout." PS:<br />

<strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> & Politics 40(4):639-45.<br />

Hakhverdian, Armen <strong>and</strong> Christel Koop. 2007. "Consensus Democracy <strong>and</strong> Support for Populist Parties in


26<br />

Western Europe." Acta Politica 42(December):401-20.<br />

Hall, Thad, J. Q. Monson, <strong>and</strong> Kelly D. Patterson . 2007. "Poll Workers <strong>and</strong> the Vitality of Democracy: An<br />

Early Assessment." PS: <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> & Politics 40(4):647-54.<br />

Han, Jeong-Hun. 2007. "Analysing Roll Calls of the European Parliament: A Bayesian Application."<br />

European Union Politics 8(4):479-507.<br />

Harfst, Philipp. 2007. " The Politics of Electoral Systems." Acta Politica 42(December):466-68.<br />

Hartlyn, Jonathan, Jennifer McCoy, <strong>and</strong> Thomas M. Mustillo. 2008. "Electoral Governance Matters:<br />

Explaining the Quality of Elections in Contemporary Latin America." Comparative <strong>Political</strong> Studies<br />

41(1):73-98.<br />

Hasecke, Edward B. <strong>and</strong> Jason D. Mycoff. 2007. "Party Loyalty <strong>and</strong> Legislative Success: Are Loyal<br />

Majority Party Members More Successful in the U.S. House of Representatives?" <strong>Political</strong> Research<br />

Quarterly 60(4):607-17.<br />

Heckelman, Jac C. <strong>and</strong> Andrew J. Yates. 2008. "Senate Elections with Independent C<strong>and</strong>idates." Journal of<br />

Theoretical Politics 20(1):31-46.<br />

Heinrich, Gudrun <strong>and</strong> Steffen Schoon. 2007. "The 2006 L<strong>and</strong>tag Election in Mecklenburg-Western<br />

Pomerania." German Politics 16(4):526-33.<br />

Hellwig, Timothy. 2007. "Economic Openness, Policy Uncertainty, <strong>and</strong> the Dynamics of Government<br />

Support." Electoral Studies 26(4):772-86.<br />

Hicken, Allen <strong>and</strong> Joel W. Simmons. 2008. "The Personal Vote <strong>and</strong> the Efficacy of Education Spending."<br />

<strong>American</strong> Journal of <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> 52(1):109-24.<br />

Hillygus, D. S. 2007. "The Dynamics of Voter Decision Making Among Minor-Party Supporters: The 2000<br />

Presidential Election in the United States." British Journal of <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> 37(2):225-44.<br />

Hinich, Melvin, Valerii Khmelko, Marianna Klochko, <strong>and</strong> Peter C. Ordeshook. 2008. "A Coalition Lost,<br />

Then Found: A Spatial Analysis of Ukraine's 2006 <strong>and</strong> 2007 Parliamentary Elections." Post Soviet<br />

Affairs 24(1):63-96.<br />

Hirano, Shigeo. 2008. "Third Parties, Elections, <strong>and</strong> Roll-Call Votes: The Populist Party <strong>and</strong> the Late<br />

Nineteenth-Century U.S. Congress." Legislative Studies Quarterly 33(February):131-60.<br />

Hix, Simon <strong>and</strong> Michael Marsh. 2007. "Punishment or Protest? Underst<strong>and</strong>ing European Parliament<br />

Elections." The Journal of Politics 69(2):495-510.<br />

Hood, M. V. <strong>and</strong> Seth C. McKee. 2008. "Gerrym<strong>and</strong>ering on Georgia's Mind: The Effects of Redistricting<br />

on Vote Choice in the 2006 Midterm Election*." Social <strong>Science</strong> Quarterly 89(1):60-77.<br />

Horowitz, Donald L. 2007. "Where Have All the Parties Gone? Fraenkel <strong>and</strong> Grofman on the Alternative<br />

Vote - Yet Again." Public Choice 133(1-2):13-23.<br />

Huckfeldt, Robert, Edward G. Carmines, Jeffery J. Mondak, <strong>and</strong> Eric Zeemering. 2007. "Information,<br />

Activation, <strong>and</strong> Electoral Competition in the 2002 Congressional Elections." The Journal of Politics<br />

69(3):798-812.<br />

Indridason, Indridi H. 2008. "When to Run <strong>and</strong> When to Hide: Electoral Coordination <strong>and</strong> Exit."<br />

Economics & Politics 20(1):80-105.<br />

Ivaldi, Gilles. 2007. "Presidential Strategies, Models of Leadership <strong>and</strong> the Development of Parties in a<br />

C<strong>and</strong>idate-Centred Polity: The 2007 UMP <strong>and</strong> PS Presidential Nomination Campaigns." French Politics<br />

5(September ):253-77.<br />

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Grievance Mobilization Models in Seven Successful Cases." Comparative <strong>Political</strong> Studies 41(1):3-23.<br />

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National Analysis of Economic Voting in New Democracies." Comparative <strong>Political</strong> Studies 41(3):362-<br />

88.<br />

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Justesen, Mogens K. 2007. "The Social Choice of EU Treaties: Discrepancies Between Voter Preferences<br />

<strong>and</strong> Referendum Outcomes in Denmark." European Union Politics 8(4):537-53.<br />

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Electoral Studies 26(3):720-724.<br />

Karp, Jeffrey A. <strong>and</strong> Susan A. B<strong>and</strong>ucci. 2008. "When Politics Is Not Just a Man's Game: Women's<br />

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<strong>Political</strong> Research Quarterly 60(4):722-32.


27<br />

Kasuya, Yuko <strong>and</strong> Johannes Moenius. 2008. "The Nationalization of Party Systems: Conceptual Issues <strong>and</strong><br />

Alternative District-Focused Measures." Electoral Studies 27(1):126-35.<br />

Kausch, Kristina. 2008. "Elections 2007: The Most Transparent Status Quo in Moroccan History."<br />

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Kehrberg, Jason E. 2007. "Public Opinion on Immigration in Western Europe: Economics, Tolerance, <strong>and</strong><br />

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the Radical Right: Evidence From the March 2004 Regional Elections in France." European Journal of<br />

<strong>Political</strong> Research 46(6):773-96.<br />

Kim, HeeMin, Jun Y. Choi, <strong>and</strong> Jinman Cho. 2008. "Changing Cleavage Structure in New Democracies:<br />

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Klemmensen, Robert, Sara B. Hobolt, <strong>and</strong> Martin E. Hansen. 2007. "Estimating Policy Positions Using<br />

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Kousser, Thad, Jeffrey B. Lewis, <strong>and</strong> Seth E. Masket. 2007. "Ideological Adaptation? The Survival Instinct<br />

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Kriesi, Hanspeter. 2008. "<strong>Political</strong> Mobilisation, <strong>Political</strong> Participation <strong>and</strong> the Power of the Vote." West<br />

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Kroh, Martin. 2007. "A Unified Theory of Party Competition: A Cross-National Analysis Integrating<br />

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Lacroix, Justine. 2007. "A Liberal Defence of Compulsory Voting." Politics 27(3):190-195.<br />

Ladrech, Robert. 2007. "National <strong>Political</strong> Parties <strong>and</strong> European Governance: The Consequences of<br />

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Laffin, Martin. 2007. "Coalition-Formation <strong>and</strong> Centre Periphery Relations in a National <strong>Political</strong> Party:<br />

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Lago, Ignacio. 2008. "Rational Expectations or Heuristics?: Strategic Voting in Proportional<br />

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Exploration into Coalition-Making in Nordic Parliaments." Acta Politica 42(December):355-79.<br />

Larcinese, Valentino. 2007. "Voting Over Redistribution <strong>and</strong> the Size of the Welfare State: The Role of<br />

Turnout." <strong>Political</strong> Studies 55(3):568-85.<br />

Lazarus, Jeffrey. 2008. "Incumbent Vulnerability <strong>and</strong> Challenger Entry in Statewide Elections." <strong>American</strong><br />

Politics Research 36(1):108-29.<br />

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LeDuc, Lawrence. 2007. "The Federal Election in Canada, January 2006." Electoral Studies 26(3):716-20.<br />

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Causality Issues <strong>and</strong> Panel Data." <strong>American</strong> Journal of <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> 52(1):84-95.<br />

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Rights Act <strong>and</strong> the Election of Nonwhite Officials." PS: <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> & Politics 40(03):489-94.<br />

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Comparison." Government <strong>and</strong> Opposition 42(4):471-90.<br />

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in Relation to Party <strong>Political</strong> Affiliation." Irish <strong>Political</strong> Studies 22(September):321-38.<br />

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Representatives." Economics & Politics 19(3):289-315.<br />

Mahler, Vincent A. 2008. "Electoral Turnout <strong>and</strong> Income Redistribution by the State: A Cross-National


28<br />

Analysis of the Developed Democracies." European Journal of <strong>Political</strong> Research 47(2):161-83.<br />

Mair, Peter. 2008. "The Challenge to Party Government." West European Politics 31(1):211-34.<br />

McDonald, Michael P. 2007. "Regulating Redistricting." PS: <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> & Politics 40(4):675-79.<br />

McElroy, Gail. 2007. "Legislative Politics As Normal?: Voting Behaviour <strong>and</strong> Beyond in the European<br />

Parliament." European Union Politics 8(3):433-48.<br />

McElwain, Kenneth M. 2008. "Manipulating Electoral Rules to Manufacture Single-Party Dominance."<br />

<strong>American</strong> Journal of <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> 52(1):32-47.<br />

McEvoy, Joanne. 2007. "The Northern Irel<strong>and</strong> Assembly Election 2007." Irish <strong>Political</strong> Studies<br />

22(September):367-81.<br />

McGhee, Eric. 2008. "Cohort Effects <strong>and</strong> the Incumbency Advantage." Legislative Studies Quarterly<br />

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Mckay, Joanna. 2007. "The Berlin L<strong>and</strong> Election 2006." German Politics 16(4):518-25.<br />

Merckx, Marieke <strong>and</strong> Patrick V<strong>and</strong>er Weyden. 2007. "Parliamentary <strong>and</strong> Presidential Elections in the<br />

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Mershon, Carol <strong>and</strong> Olga Shvetsova. 2008. "Parliamentary Cycles <strong>and</strong> Party Switching in Legislatures."<br />

Comparative <strong>Political</strong> Studies 41(1):99-127.<br />

Meszaros, Jozsef, Norbert Solymosi, <strong>and</strong> Ferenc Speiser. 2007. "Spatial Distribution of <strong>Political</strong> Parties in<br />

Hungary 1990-2006." <strong>Political</strong> Geography 26(7):804-23.<br />

Milkis, Sidney M. <strong>and</strong> Jesse H. Rhodes. 2007. "George W. Bush, the Republican Party, <strong>and</strong> the New<br />

<strong>American</strong> Party System." Perspectives on Politics 5(3):461-88.<br />

Moller, Jorgen. 2007. "The Gap Between Electoral <strong>and</strong> Liberal Democracy Revisited. Some Conceptual<br />

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Moraski, Bryon. 2007. "Electoral System Reform in Democracy's Grey Zone: Lessons From Putin's<br />

Russia." Government <strong>and</strong> Opposition 42(4):536-63.<br />

Morel, Laurence. 2007. "The Rise of <strong>Political</strong>ly Obligatory Referendums: The 2005 French Referendum in<br />

Comparative Perspective." West European Politics 30(5):1041-67.<br />

Moser, Robert G. 2008. "Electoral Systems <strong>and</strong> the Representation of Ethnic Minorities: Evidence From<br />

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Muller, Wolfgang C. 2008. "The Surprising Election in Austria, October 2006." Electoral Studies<br />

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Blogs<br />

Election Law Blog: http://electionlawblog.org/<br />

Election Updates: http://electionupdates.caltech.edu/blog.html<br />

Fruits <strong>and</strong> Votes: http://fruits<strong>and</strong>votes.com/<br />

<strong>Political</strong> Arithmetik: http://politicalarithmetik.blogspot.com/

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