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REPRESENTATION AND ELECTORAL<br />
SYSTEMS<br />
Section on Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems<br />
© The <strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association<br />
Rockefeller College<br />
State University of New York at Albany<br />
135 Western Avenue<br />
Albany, New York 12222<br />
Vol. XXIII, No. 1 Editor: Joseph F. Zimmerman (zimmer@albany.edu) October 2007<br />
SECTION WEB SITE<br />
Webmaster Erik Herron of the University of Kansas reports the Section’s Website<br />
is functioning <strong>and</strong> can be accessed at http://www.apsanet.org/~res/ The site contains<br />
back issues of Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems with the exception of the current<br />
issue which is available only to Section members, <strong>and</strong> links to related sites in other<br />
nations.<br />
ANNUAL SECTION MEETING<br />
Chairman Andre Blais of the University of Montreal called the Section’s Annual<br />
Business Meeting to order at 12 noon on August 31, 2007, in Chicago. The Nominating<br />
Committee (Shaun Bowler, Erik S. Herron, <strong>and</strong> Joseph F. Zimmerman, Chairman)<br />
nominated the following members for office:<br />
Executive Committee: Douglas Amy (Mount Holyoke College), Sarah Birch<br />
(University of Essex), Andre Blais (University of Montreal), Gary Cox (University of<br />
California, San Diego) William Crotty (Northeastern University), Jason Kirksey<br />
(Oklahoma State University) Susan Scarrow (University of Houston), <strong>and</strong> Joseph F.<br />
Zimmerman (University at Albany).<br />
The committee nominated Andre Blais (University of Montreal) to be Chairman.<br />
All nominees were elected unanimously for a two-year term. The bylaws provide<br />
the President appoints the Secretary-Treasurer. Chairman Blais appointed Bonnie M.<br />
Meguid of the University of Rochester as Secretary-Treasurer <strong>and</strong> expressed his<br />
appreciation to Jason Kirksey for his service as Secretary-Treasurer.<br />
Section awards were presented to the following recipients:<br />
The Hallett Award for the book published more than ten years ago that has made<br />
a lasting contribution to the literature was awarded to Gary Cox of the University of<br />
California, San Diego, for his book entitled Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination<br />
in the World’s Electoral Systems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997). The<br />
Award Committee members were Chairman Paul Abramson (Michigan State University),<br />
Jack Nagel (University of Pennsylvania), <strong>and</strong> Michael Shamir (Tel-Aviv University).
2<br />
In view of the fact Professor Cox is the only two-time winner of the Hallett<br />
Award, we are publishing the statement of the selection committee read by Professor<br />
Paul Abramson of Michigan State University at the award ceremony in Chicago on<br />
August 31, 2007.<br />
“This is the second time in four years that Gary Cox has won the George H.<br />
Hallett Award, which is presented annually to the author of a book published in the last<br />
ten years that has made a lasting contribution to the literature on <strong>representation</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>. In 2003, he received the award for The Efficient Secret, his study of<br />
political parties in Victorian Engl<strong>and</strong>, published in 1987. Making Votes Count: Strategic<br />
Coordination in the World’s Electoral Systems, published in 1997, also includes a<br />
fascinating discussion of British politics, although it is much broader in scope. It was the<br />
unanimous choice of this year’s selection committee, Jack Nagel, Michal Shamir, <strong>and</strong><br />
me. Indeed, in the baseball parlance used for selection into the Hall of Fame, Making<br />
Votes Count was selected in its first year of eligibility.<br />
Gary’s book has won many awards already. In 1978, it won the Woodrow Wilson<br />
Award for the best book published in the United States in the previous year on<br />
government, politics, <strong>and</strong> international affairs, the most prestigious award of the<br />
<strong>American</strong> <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association. It was also named as best book by the <strong>Political</strong><br />
Economy section of APSA, as well as the Comparative Politics section.<br />
As the Woodrow Wilson award statement reads, “Making Votes Count is an<br />
intellectual tour de force combining the best features of traditional comparative studies<br />
<strong>and</strong> contemporary formal analysis.” In addition, reviews of Gary’s book lavished fully<br />
warranted praise. For example, in his review in the APSR, Mel Hinich wrote that “every<br />
serious scholar of political <strong>systems</strong> should read this book. Gary Cox has superbly<br />
organized the theoretical <strong>and</strong> empirical literature to illuminate the complex interactions<br />
between the rules used to select the winners in a political system <strong>and</strong> the behavior of<br />
c<strong>and</strong>idates, parties, <strong>and</strong> voters.” In the <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Quarterly, Olga Shevesova wrote<br />
that “this book is of potential interest for readers in all fields of political science. It<br />
epitomizes the balanced use of formal theory <strong>and</strong> comparative method as an approach to<br />
developing general underst<strong>and</strong>ing of diverse political phenomena. Making Votes Count<br />
will certainly become a required reading in many graduate <strong>and</strong> undergraduate seminars<br />
on comparative political institutions <strong>and</strong> positive political theory.” And, writing in the<br />
Canadian Journal of <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong>, André Blais wrote, “this is a great book. . . . Cox<br />
powerfully demonstrates the fruitfulness of looking at the impact of <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong><br />
from the perspective of formal theory, provided this is combined with solid empirical<br />
analysis.”<br />
Has Gary’s book stood the test of time? If ten years is enough time to test its<br />
endurance, certainly so. Not surprisingly, there have been quibbles raised about some of<br />
its arguments, but it remains the most important book on comparative <strong>electoral</strong> rules ever<br />
written. It is not at all surprising that eight years after Making Votes Count was published<br />
Gary was inducted into the National Academy of <strong>Science</strong>s.<br />
Will his book continue to st<strong>and</strong> the test of time? Naturally, if democracy<br />
continues to spread throughout the world, <strong>and</strong> as relatively new democracies gain<br />
political experience, we can expect changes in election rules. Even long-established<br />
democracies can change their rules. For example, New Zeal<strong>and</strong> changed from first-past-
3<br />
the-post rules to a mixed proportional <strong>representation</strong> system four years before Gary’s<br />
book was published, <strong>and</strong> did not use these new rules until the year before. When Making<br />
Votes Count was published Israel was experimenting with directly electing its prime<br />
minister, a major reform that was subsequently ab<strong>and</strong>oned, but would be well worth<br />
discussing. In 1999, for the first time since the Act of Union in 1707, there was a Scottish<br />
Parliament, a parliament chosen by an additional member system. Surely, Making Votes<br />
Count will need to be updated. That it may be updated, however, does not mean it will<br />
fail to st<strong>and</strong> the test of time.<br />
Of course, this does not mean that Gary’s book will be important to political<br />
science several centuries from now. Lest we get too carried away we should remember<br />
that in the Quai de Conti in the 6 e arrondissement there is a statue of the Marquis de<br />
Condorcet, although in France he is better known for his theories of progress than for his<br />
work on election rules. Will there be a statue of Gary Cox in Washington, D.C. two<br />
centuries from now? Only time will answer this question.”<br />
The Weaver Award for the best paper presented at a 2006 Section-sponsored<br />
panel was presented to Jean-Benoit Pilet, Universitė Libre de Bruxelles, “Why Do Big<br />
Parties Oppose Majority Systems Satisfaction <strong>and</strong> Electoral Reform in Belgium.” The<br />
Award Committee members were Chairman Bernard Grofman (University of California,<br />
Irvine),Shaheen Mozaffar (Bridgewater State College), <strong>and</strong> Henk van der Kolk<br />
(University of Twente).<br />
The Longley Award for the best article published during the previous year was<br />
awarded to Shaun Bowler (University of California, Riverside), Todd Donovan (Western<br />
Washington University), <strong>and</strong> Jeffrey A. Karp (University of Exeter) for “Why Politicians<br />
Like Electoral Institutions: Self-Interest, Values, or Ideology?” Journal of Politics 68,<br />
2006, pp. 434-46. The Award Committee members were Chairman Kenneth Carty<br />
(University of British Columbia), Bonnie Meguid (University of Rochester), <strong>and</strong> Antoine<br />
Yoshinaka (University of California, Riverside).<br />
Chairman Blais appointed Professor Matt Golder of Florida State University<br />
Section Program Chair for the 2008 APSA annual meeting. He issued the following Call<br />
for Papers: “The Section welcomes paper, panel, <strong>and</strong> roundtable proposals on any aspect<br />
of <strong>representation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> that reflect the full range of the field’s empirical,<br />
theoretical, <strong>and</strong> methodological diversity. While proposals focusing on established<br />
democracies are welcome, particular consideration will be given to proposals addressing<br />
elections, <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>representation</strong> in dictatorships <strong>and</strong> new democracies. In<br />
keeping with the theme of ‘global inequality’ at the 2008 annual meeting of the <strong>American</strong><br />
<strong>Political</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Association, proposals exploring how <strong>electoral</strong> <strong>systems</strong> influence social,<br />
economic, <strong>and</strong> political inequality broadly conceived will also be looked upon<br />
favorably.”
4<br />
ELECTION LAW COURT DECISIONS<br />
Editor: Richard Winger<br />
Ballot Access News<br />
E-mail: richardwinger@yahoo.com<br />
During the period April 2007 through early October 2007, federal courts were<br />
very active in election law. This is especially true for cases involving the autonomy of<br />
political parties. There were also significant court developments in campaign finance<br />
law, voter ID requirements for voting at the polls, voting rights for felons <strong>and</strong> ex-felons,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the First Amendment rights of c<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>and</strong> political activists.<br />
<strong>Political</strong> Party Autonomy Cases<br />
The U.S. Supreme Court in 2000 ruled that blanket primaries are unconstitutional,<br />
if a political party dislikes them. Justice John Paul Stevens, in dissent in that case (which<br />
was called California Democratic Party v Jones), had warned that under the principles of<br />
the decision, open primaries are also vulnerable to being invalidated, if political parties<br />
don’t desire them. Stevens’ prediction is being fulfilled. On June 8, 2007, a U.S. District<br />
Court in Mississippi ruled that if the Democratic Party desires to exclude non-members<br />
from its primaries, it may do so. This was the second time that a federal court had<br />
invalidated an open primary (the first instance had been in Virginia, on December 1,<br />
2006). The Mississippi decision is Mississippi State Democratic Party v Barbour,<br />
4:06cv29. Like Virginia, Mississippi has never had registration by party. Therefore, in<br />
both states, any registered voter has always been free to vote in any party’s primary.<br />
Under the decision, the Mississippi Democratic Party must now wrestle with how to<br />
know which voters are Democratic Party members. The court decision suggested that the<br />
state might want to institute registration by party, but the court did not require it.<br />
An oddity of the Mississippi decision was that the decision also required<br />
Democrats to require that voters show identification, when they vote in party primaries at<br />
the polls. Currently Mississippi law does not require voters to show identification at the<br />
polls; voters merely sign in, <strong>and</strong> elections officials are free to compare the voter’s<br />
signature on the poll register with the voter’s signature on a voter registration form.<br />
Since Democrats in Mississippi <strong>and</strong> in most states are opposed to requiring voters to<br />
show identification in order to vote, Democrats asked the court to reconsider that part of<br />
its decision. The court declined to modify its original order. Therefore, both the<br />
Democratic Party (which basically won the case), <strong>and</strong> the state, appealed to the 5 th circuit.<br />
On July 11, a group of 72 Idaho Republican party leaders, legislators, <strong>and</strong><br />
activists filed a lawsuit in U.S. District Court, alleging the Idaho Republican Party also
5<br />
wants to close its primaries <strong>and</strong> to exclude non-members. This case is Beck v<br />
Ysursa,<br />
(07-299). No decision has been reached. Like Virginia <strong>and</strong> Mississippi, Idaho never has<br />
had registration by party, <strong>and</strong> any voter always has been able to vote in any party’s<br />
primary. This case is complicated by the fact the Idaho Republican Party itself is not a<br />
plaintiff. The Republican Party state chair supports open primaries <strong>and</strong> was able to<br />
prevent the state party itself from joining the lawsuit.<br />
On September 25, a U.S. District Court in Arizona ruled in favor of the<br />
Libertarian Party by holding a party that wishes to prevent independent voters from<br />
voting in the Libertarian primary may do so. The case is Arizona Libertarian Party v<br />
Brewer (02-144). Arizona does have registration by party. In 1998, the voters ratified<br />
Proposition 103, placed on the ballot by the legislature, amending the State Constitution<br />
to require all parties to permit independents to vote in their primaries. That amendment is<br />
now unconstitutional, at least as applied to the Libertarian Party. The court pointed out<br />
Libertarians are outnumbered by independents by a ratio of 17,249 to 590,360, <strong>and</strong> that<br />
the law effectively deprives Libertarian Party members from controlling their own<br />
nomination process. If a major party in Arizona were to file a similar lawsuit, it is not<br />
entirely clear whether it would prevail, since each of the major parties in Arizona has<br />
more members than there are independents in the state. Currently, the only ballot-<br />
qualified parties in Arizona are the Democratic, Republican <strong>and</strong> Libertarian Parties.<br />
On October 1, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4 th circuit affirmed a 2006 U.S.<br />
District Court decision from Virginia by opining if the Republican Party wishes to close<br />
its primary to non-members, it may do so. The case is Miller v Brown (06-2334).<br />
However, the 4 th circuit agreed with the U.S. District Court that the party may only enjoy<br />
this right in situations when it is forced to nominate by primary. A unique Virginia law<br />
lets any party decide for itself whether to nominate by convention or primary, except in<br />
cases in which the party has an incumbent who is running for re-election. When the party<br />
has an incumbent running for re-election, the incumbent may decide whether to use a<br />
primary or a convention for his or her own office, <strong>and</strong> the party loses its choice of<br />
nomination method. Therefore, the ruling only applies to situations in which the party’s<br />
incumbent, not the party itself, has determined that a primary will be used.<br />
On October 5, a U.S. District Court in Florida ruled that if the Democratic<br />
National Committee wishes to deprive Florida Democrats of delegates to the party’s<br />
national convention, it may do so. The Democratic National Committee stripped the<br />
Florida Democratic Party of its delegates because the Florida Democratic Party intends to<br />
choose delegates on January 29, 2008. National party rules permit the Nevada, South
6<br />
Carolina, Iowa, <strong>and</strong> New Hampshire Democratic Party to choose delegates early than<br />
February 5, but do not permit any other state to do so. The lawsuit—DiMaio v<br />
Democratic National Committee, 8:07-cv-1552, Middle district—was filed by a<br />
Democratic Party voter who is also a party official. The court said he did not have<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ing, but even if he did, the Democratic Party is a “private actor” <strong>and</strong> therefore the<br />
14 th amendment has no applicability to this dispute. A somewhat similar lawsuit was<br />
filed by Democratic U.S. Senator Bill Nelson on October 4, 2008 in the U>S> District<br />
Court for the Northern District of Florida.<br />
Thus, political parties have won four lawsuits in the past six months, bolstering<br />
their ability to run their nominations process as they see fit. This trend probably will<br />
accelerate when the U.S. Supreme Court announces its opinions in the Washington state<br />
case in the “top-two” primary lawsuit, <strong>and</strong> the New York case over how political parties<br />
choose their nominees for State Supreme Court Justice. The Washington case—<br />
Washington State v Washington State Republican Party, no. 06-730—was argued on<br />
October 1, 2008. The New York case, New York State Board of Elections v Lopez<br />
Torres, was argued on October 3, 2008. Observers believe the Court will rule in favor of<br />
political party autonomy in both cases, although predictions are always dangerous.<br />
Still another party autonomy law is pending in the U.s. Court of Appeals for the<br />
9 th circuit. The Alaskan Independence Party desires to prevent a particular c<strong>and</strong>idate<br />
from running in its primaries in the future because he sued the party for $10,000,000 in<br />
damages on the ground the party endorsed his opponent in the primary in 2002. The<br />
party charges the c<strong>and</strong>idate is disloyal to the party <strong>and</strong> the First Amendment to the U.S.<br />
Constitution protects its decision to bar the c<strong>and</strong>idate from its primaries. The case is<br />
Winkelman v State of Alaska (07-35186). The lower court had ruled against the party.<br />
Campaign Finance Lawsuit<br />
On June 25, 2007, the U.S. Supreme Court h<strong>and</strong>ed down its decision in Federal<br />
Election Commission v Wisconsin Right to Life. By a 5-4 vote, the Court ruled the<br />
McCain-Feingold Campaign Finance Law cannot prevent corporations or labor unions<br />
from running broadcast advertisementss within 60 days of an election with their own<br />
funds if the advertisement merely mentions federal c<strong>and</strong>idates who are running for re-<br />
election but does not clearly endorse or oppose them. The Court had upheld the law in<br />
McConnell v Federal Election Commission on December 10, 2003, but that had been a<br />
facial challenge to the law, whereas the more recent case was an as-applied challenge.<br />
The vote in McConnell v FEC also had been 5-4. Justice S<strong>and</strong>ra Day O’Connor voted to<br />
uphold the law in 2003, but she left the Court <strong>and</strong> was replaced by Justice Samuel Alito.<br />
Many observers believe that there is unresolved tension between the two
7<br />
decisions, <strong>and</strong> that the difference between them cannot be explained on the merits, but by<br />
the fact the O’Connor was on one side <strong>and</strong> Alito is on the other side (the Court’s other<br />
change, the replacement of Justice William Rehnquist by Justice John Roberts, is not<br />
relevant since both Rehnquist <strong>and</strong> Roberts seem to agree with each other about the law).<br />
There will probably be much more litigation over the McCain-Feingold law.<br />
Voter Government-Photo Identification at the Polls<br />
On September 6, a U.S. District Court upheld a Georgia’s law, requiring voters to<br />
show government photo-identification at the polls. The case is Common Cause v Billup,<br />
(4:05-cv-201, Northern District). The same judge struck down a similar law in 2005.<br />
However, the Georgia legislature subsequently amended the law to provide low-income<br />
persons may receive a free state photo-ID. Plaintiffs still fought the law, charging that<br />
some low-income persons have difficult traveling to the state office that provides the ID<br />
card. However, this time they did not prevail.<br />
On September 25, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear the Indiana photo-ID<br />
lawsuit (Indiana Democratic Party v Rokita, 07-25). This case will be the first time the<br />
court has granted a full hearing on this issue. The U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the<br />
7 th circuit upheld the law by a vote of 2-1 with the dissenter charging the law was passed<br />
for the illegitimate purpose of discouraging persons of very low income, <strong>and</strong> persons who<br />
are at the margins of society, from voting. The majority acknowledged Indiana never has<br />
been able to identify a single instance in which someone impersonated another person at<br />
the polls, but nevertheless upheld the law. The court is expected to clarify whether laws<br />
interfering with voting rights must be measured under the “strict scrutiny” st<strong>and</strong>ard. The<br />
Court in Burdick v Takushi in 1992 had seemed to rule that the “strict scrutiny” test does<br />
not apply to many restrictions on voting, yet in Bush v Gore in 2000 the Court seemed to<br />
contradict Burdick v Takushi.<br />
Ex-Felon <strong>and</strong> Felon Voting<br />
On July 26, 2008, the Washington State Supreme Court ruled ex-felons who still<br />
owe fines or restitution may not register to vote. The decision, Madison v State (no.<br />
78598-8) upheld a provision of the State Constitution. The lower court ruled that<br />
requiring ex-felons to have paid off all fines or restitution payments is the equivalent of<br />
an unconstitutional poll tax.<br />
On August 30, 2008, a U.S. District Court in Massachusetts ruled the federal<br />
Voting Rights Act of 1965 as amended does relate to state laws that make it illegal for ex-<br />
felons, or felons, to register to vote. The lawsuit, called Simmons v Galvin (01-11040)<br />
challenges a relatively new Massachusetts law that prevents felons from voting. The<br />
court will hold a trial on whether the Massachusetts law has a disparate impact on racial
8<br />
minorities. Other courts have divided sharply over whether the Voting Rights Act applies<br />
to state laws that disenfranchise felons <strong>and</strong> ex-felons. The U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals<br />
for the 2 nd <strong>and</strong> 11 th circuits ruled that it does not apply. But the 9 th circuit has ruled that it<br />
does apply. The Voting Rights Act outlaws state election laws <strong>and</strong> practices that create<br />
greater barriers to voting by racial minorities than by non-minorities. The criminal<br />
justice system in the United States has tended to imprison disproportionately more racial<br />
minorities in most states <strong>and</strong> at most times in the nation’s history.<br />
Free Speech for C<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>and</strong> Activists<br />
On August 6, 2008, the U.s. Court of Appeals for the 9 th circuit ruled the First<br />
Amendment protects “vote-swapping” web sites. Such a web site is enables people in<br />
different states who do not know each other to meet (electronically) <strong>and</strong> to work out a<br />
private agreement among themselves to vote strategically in presidential elections. Two<br />
such sites were set up in California in 2000. They were for the purpose of letting Gore<br />
supporters in states known to be uncompetitive (in that year’s presidential election) to<br />
vote for Nader. In exchange, Nader supporters in states known to be highly competitive<br />
would vote for Gore. The California Secretary of State in 2000, Bill Jones, ordered the<br />
web sites to be shut down, threatening them that if they did not shut down, he would<br />
prosecute them for bribery. The 9 th circuit ruled in Porter v Bowen (06-55517) that the<br />
web sites were not engaged in bribery <strong>and</strong> that their activity cannot be banned.<br />
On October 4, 2008, the Washington State Supreme Court ruled a law making it a<br />
crime for a c<strong>and</strong>idate to make an untrue statement about his or her opponent violates the<br />
First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Although the mainstream press reported on<br />
this decision as upholding a “right to lie”, the c<strong>and</strong>idate who won the lawsuit always<br />
insisted that she had made a factual error when she charged her opponent with voting to<br />
close a facility for the developmentally disabled. The evidence does not show that she<br />
had “lied”. The case is Rickert v State (no. 77769-1). The vote was 5-4. The c<strong>and</strong>idate<br />
who won the case, Marilou Rickert, had been a Green Party c<strong>and</strong>idate for the legislature<br />
in 2002.<br />
CALIFORNIA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOR INITIATIVE<br />
An initiative campaign was launched in 2007 to change the system of awarding<br />
California’s 55 votes in the Electoral College. Currently, all <strong>electoral</strong> votes for President<br />
<strong>and</strong> Vice President are awarded to the presidential-vice-presidential slate of c<strong>and</strong>idates<br />
receiving the largest number of popular votes in the state. The proposed initiative<br />
proposition would award two <strong>electoral</strong> votes to the slate receiving the largest number of<br />
state-wide popular votes. The remaining Electoral College votes would be awarded to<br />
the slate winning the popular vote in each of the 53 congressional districts. Twenty of the<br />
districts are viewed as safe Republican districts.
9<br />
Thomas Hiltachk, leader of an initiative petition campaign in California, resigned<br />
on September 28, 2007, thereby creating doubts whether the campaign will be able to<br />
raise the necessary funds, approximately $2 million, to employ a professional signature<br />
collection firm to collect the required number of signatures. Mr. Hiltachk resigned<br />
because Take Initiative America made a donation of $175,000 to the initiative campaign,<br />
but would not reveal the source of the money. This organization was established by a<br />
Missouri lawyer who has donated funds to Rudolph W. Giuliani’s presidential campaign<br />
committee.<br />
In a related development, an interstate agreement has been drafted to elect the<br />
President <strong>and</strong> Vice President by national popular vote. The Agreement Among the States<br />
to Elect the President by National Popular Vote draws upon (1) section 10 of Article I of<br />
the United States Constitution, authorizing states to enter into interstate compacts or<br />
agreements, <strong>and</strong> section I of Article II which stipulates: “Each State shall appoint, in such<br />
Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole<br />
Number of Senators <strong>and</strong> Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the<br />
Congress…” The consent of Congress is not required for the Agreement because it does<br />
not encroach upon the powers of Congress.<br />
The Agreement becomes effective upon enacted by states legislatures with a total<br />
of 270 <strong>electoral</strong> votes. Additional details are available at www.nationalpopularvote.com<br />
which contains a book: Every Vote Equal: A State-Based Plan for Electing the President<br />
by National Popular Vote by John R. Koza, Barry Fadem, Mark Grueskin, Michael S.<br />
M<strong>and</strong>ell, Robert Richie, <strong>and</strong> Joseph F. Zimmerman. The book may be downloaded freeof-charge.<br />
FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION<br />
The Commission (999 E Street, NW, Washington, DC 20463, telephone:<br />
800-424-9530) has published The 2007 Campaign Guide for Corporations <strong>and</strong> Labor<br />
Organizations explaining for each type of committee the complex regulations regarding<br />
the activity of political committees <strong>and</strong> providing direction to complete Commission<br />
reports <strong>and</strong> how the law applies to practical situations. The report may be accessed at the<br />
Commission’s website: http://www.fec.gov/info/publications.<br />
The Commission published The Combined Federal/State Disclosure <strong>and</strong> Election<br />
Directory for 2007 identifying the state <strong>and</strong> federal agencies responsible for the<br />
disclosure of campaign finances, lobbying, personal finances, public financing,<br />
c<strong>and</strong>idates on ballots, election results, spending on state initiative <strong>and</strong> other financial<br />
filings. The directory also includes contact information for national <strong>and</strong> international<br />
associations dealing with campaign finance <strong>and</strong> elections. The online version<br />
(http://www.fec.gov/pubrec/cfsdd/cfsdd.shhtml) is updated periodically <strong>and</strong> contains<br />
hyper-links that allows users to access the official home pages of the agencies listed in<br />
the publication. The directory also is available as a PDG or Word file, either of which can<br />
be downloaded <strong>and</strong> printed in its entirety. A printed version of the directory is available<br />
from the Public Disclosure Division (Telephone: 202-694-1120).<br />
The Commission makes available on its web site (http://query.nictusa.com/pres/)<br />
detailed information from the Commission’s reports of selected presidential<br />
c<strong>and</strong>idates. Viewers quickly <strong>and</strong> easily can see each c<strong>and</strong>idate’s report information by<br />
categories. In addition to a summary <strong>and</strong> a detailed summary of each report, the new<br />
function provides an easy-to-read chart showing the c<strong>and</strong>idate’s contribution totals
10<br />
allocated by employee, state, zip code, date <strong>and</strong> election, <strong>and</strong> by c<strong>and</strong>idate’s<br />
disbursements classified by purpose, payee, <strong>and</strong> date. The site also will provide<br />
information detailing the state-by state spending of presidential c<strong>and</strong>idates who accept<br />
public funding for primary elections.<br />
Open meetings <strong>and</strong> public hearings held by the commission are available as<br />
audio recording via the web site. The audio files, <strong>and</strong> directions on how to subscribe to<br />
the podcasts are available under Audio Recordings through the Commission Meetings tab<br />
at http://sss.fec.gov. The audio files are divided into tracks corresponding to each portion<br />
of the agenda for ease of use. To listen to the open meeting without subscribing to the<br />
podcsts, click the icon next to each agenda item. The service is free, but a person<br />
interested in listening to podcasts must download the appropriate software listed on the<br />
web site. Podcast subscribers automatically will receive the files as soon as they become<br />
available—typically a day or two after the meeting.<br />
An updated <strong>and</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>ed Enforcement Query System (EQS), a web-based<br />
search tool, allows users to find <strong>and</strong> examine public documents regarding closed<br />
Commission enforcement matters. Using current scanning, optical character recognition<br />
<strong>and</strong> text search technologies, the system permits intuitive <strong>and</strong> flexible searches of case<br />
documents <strong>and</strong> other materials. Users can search for specific words or phrases from the<br />
text of all public case documents. Currently, EQS contains complete public case files for<br />
all matters under review (MURs) closed since January 1, 1999.<br />
Public Funding: The Democratic <strong>and</strong> Republican Parties each received<br />
$16,356,000 from the United States Treasury for planning <strong>and</strong> conducting their<br />
respective 2008 Presidential nominating Conventions. The Presidential Election<br />
Campaign Fund Act permits all eligible national committees of major <strong>and</strong> minor parties<br />
to receive public funds to pay the official costs of their Presidential nominating<br />
conventions.. Each major party convention committee is entitled to receive $4 million<br />
plus an adjustment for inflation since 1974 (26 U.S.C.§9008(b)(1), 11 CFR 9008.4(a).<br />
The Commission on August 28, 2007, certified Senator John McCain of Arizona<br />
as the first presidential c<strong>and</strong>idate eligible to receive matching public funds.. Although he<br />
requested the funds on August 10 th , he has not decided whether he will accept the funds.<br />
The public funding portion of Presidential elections if financed by the Presidential<br />
Election Campaign Fund which receives funds through dollars voluntarily “checked off”<br />
by taxpayers on federal income tax forms.<br />
The 2008 Democratic National Convention Committee, Incorporated, will hold its<br />
convention in Denver, Colorado, August 25-28, 2008. The Committee on Arrangements<br />
for the 2008 Republican National Convention will have its convention in Minneapolis-<br />
Saint Paul, Minnesota, September 1-4, 2008.<br />
Rule Making: The Commission on July 12, 2007, approved a Notice of<br />
Proposed Rule Making (NPRM) seeking public comment on propose rules to add two<br />
additional permissible uses of campaign funds to the regulations’ current list of<br />
permissible uses of such funds. Congress in the Consolidated Appropriations act of 2005<br />
amended the provisions of the Federal Election Campaign Act governing permissible<br />
uses of such funds <strong>and</strong> the NPRM proposes to conform the Commission’s regulations to<br />
the Act. The amendment allows donations to nonfederal c<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>and</strong> “any other<br />
lawful purpose.” The text of the NPRM is available in the Federal Register (72 CFR
11<br />
39583) <strong>and</strong> on the Commission’s website: http://www.fec.gov/pdf/nprm/useof<br />
funds/notice__2007-15.pdf<br />
The Commission in September 2007 reported the number of federally registered<br />
political action committees (PACs) declined from 4, 183 on January 1, 2007, to 4,168 on<br />
July 1, 2007. Corporate PACS remained the largest category with 1,586 committees <strong>and</strong><br />
was followed by nonconnected PACs with 1,247 committees.<br />
The Commission continues to issue advisory opinions.<br />
Advisory Opinion 2007-01 stipulates United States Senator Claire McCaskill<br />
may raise nonfederal funds to retire debt incurred as a c<strong>and</strong>idate for governor in 2004 <strong>and</strong><br />
state auditor of Missouri in 1998.<br />
Advisory Opinion 2007-02 holds that the Arizona Libertarian Party, Incorporated<br />
satisfies the federal requirements for state committee status. The Federal Election<br />
Campaign Act defines a state committee as “the organization which, by virtue of the<br />
bylaws of a political party, is part of the official party structure <strong>and</strong> is responsible for<br />
day-to-day operation of such political party at the State level, as determined by the<br />
commission” [2 U.S.C. §431 (15).<br />
Advisory Opinion 2007-03 indicates that United States Senator Barack Obama’<br />
2008 presidential campaign may solicit <strong>and</strong> receive private contributions for the general<br />
election, yet retain the option to refund contributions <strong>and</strong> accept public financing if he<br />
receives his party’s nomination for President.<br />
Advisory Opinion 2007-04 authorizes Atlatl, Incorporated to offer its simply<br />
Easier Payments credit card processing services to political committees without making<br />
impermissible corporate contributions because it would be acting as a commercial vendor<br />
in providing the services in the ordinary course of business <strong>and</strong> at the customary charge.<br />
Any processing fees paid by contributors would constitute contributions to the respective<br />
political committees <strong>and</strong> must comply with the limits established by the Federal Election<br />
Campaign Act.<br />
Advisory Opinion 2007-05 allows Erik Iverson, Chief of Staff to United States<br />
Representative Dennis Rehberg, to raise <strong>and</strong> spend nonfederal funds as Chairman of the<br />
Montana Republican State Central Committee provided he refrains from raising or<br />
spending nonfederal funds as an agent of Representative Rehberg.<br />
Advisory Opinion 2007-08 authorizes Michael King to make donations to<br />
charitable organizations <strong>and</strong> establish a 501(c)(3) charitable organization to encourage<br />
voluntary performances by professional entertainers at federal campaign events.<br />
ELECTRONIC VOTING SYSTEMS<br />
The United States Government Accountability Office (GAO) [441 G Street NW,<br />
Room LM, Washington, DC 20548. Telephone; (202) 512-6000. Facsimile: (202)<br />
512-6061] has published GAO-07-741T, a free report containing the testimony of<br />
R<strong>and</strong>olph C. Hite, Director of Information Technology Architecture <strong>and</strong> System before<br />
the Subcommittee on Information Policy, Census, <strong>and</strong> National Archives of the United<br />
States House of Representatives Committee on Oversight <strong>and</strong> Governmental Reform.<br />
Hite noted that a range of groups knowledgeable about elections or voting<br />
<strong>systems</strong> have expressed concerns about the security <strong>and</strong> reliability of electronic voting<br />
<strong>systems</strong>, including vague or incomplete voting system st<strong>and</strong>ards, system design flaws,
12<br />
poorly developed security controls, incorrect system configurations, inadequate testing,<br />
<strong>and</strong> poor overall security management.<br />
State <strong>and</strong> local governments’ responses to GAO surveys regarding the 2004<br />
national elections revealed they did not always ensure that important life cycle <strong>and</strong><br />
security management practices were employed for their respective electronic voting<br />
<strong>systems</strong>. In particular, responses indicated the most current st<strong>and</strong>ards were not always<br />
adopted <strong>and</strong> applied, security management practices <strong>and</strong> controls were employed to<br />
varying degrees, <strong>and</strong> certain types of system testing were not commonly performed.<br />
Furthermore, the responses reveal the governments did not consistently monitory the<br />
performance of their <strong>systems</strong>.<br />
These problems are complicated by other conditions such as the distribution of<br />
responsibilities among various organizations <strong>and</strong> funding opportunities <strong>and</strong> constraints.<br />
Given the diffused <strong>and</strong> decentralized allocation of voting <strong>systems</strong> roles <strong>and</strong><br />
responsibilities across all levels of government, addressing these challenges will require<br />
the combined efforts of all levels of government under the leadership of the Election<br />
Assistance Commission (EAC). To assist EAC in executing its leadership role, GAO has<br />
offered recommendations aimed at better planning the ongoing <strong>and</strong> future activities<br />
relative to, for example, system st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>and</strong> information sharing. EAC agreed with the<br />
recommendations, but reported its ability to effectively execute its role is constrained by<br />
a lack of adequate resources.<br />
MILITARY AND OVERSEAS CITIZENS VOTING<br />
The United States Government Accountability Office has published GAO-07-774,<br />
a free report entitled Elections: Action Plans Needed to Fully Address Challenges in<br />
Electronic Absentee Voting Initiatives for Military <strong>and</strong> Overseas Citizens. The<br />
Uniformed <strong>and</strong> Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act protects the rights of military<br />
personnel, their dependents, <strong>and</strong> overseas citizens to vote by absentee ballot.<br />
Congress in 2004 required the U.S. Department of Defense to develop an Internetbased<br />
absentee voting demonstration project <strong>and</strong> required the Election Assistance<br />
Commission, which reviews election procedures, to develop guidelines for the<br />
Department’s project. Congress in 2006 required the Department to report by May 15,<br />
2007, on plans for exp<strong>and</strong>ing its use of electronic voting technologies <strong>and</strong> required the<br />
U.S. Government Accountability Office to assess efforts by (1) by the Department to<br />
facilitate electronic absentee voting, <strong>and</strong> (2) the Commission to develop Internet voting<br />
guidelines <strong>and</strong> the Department to develop plans to exp<strong>and</strong> its use of electronic voting<br />
technologies.<br />
The Office found (1) the Department had developed several initiatives, but some<br />
exhibited weaknesses or had low participation rates that might hinder their effectiveness,<br />
(2) the Election Assistance Commission has not developed the guidelines for the<br />
Department’s use, <strong>and</strong> (3) the Department was developing, but had not completed plans<br />
for exp<strong>and</strong>ing the future use of electronic voting technologies.<br />
FAIR VOTE<br />
Fair Vote (6930 Carroll Avenue, Takoma Park, MD 20912, tel: 301-270-4616<br />
www.fairvote.org) has published four issues of its FairVote Policy Perspective in recent<br />
months: (1) “Fuzzy Math: Wrong Way Reform for Allocating Electoral College Votes”
13<br />
by Monideepa Talukdar, Rob Richie, <strong>and</strong> Ryan O’Donnell, August 9, 2007, (2) “A<br />
Survey <strong>and</strong> Analysis of Statewide Election Recounts: 1980-2006” by Monideepa Talukar<br />
<strong>and</strong> Rob Richie, July 27, 2007, (3) “International Snapshot: Scotl<strong>and</strong> 2007: A Dry Run<br />
for Proportional Voting” by Dan Tessier, July 11, 2007, <strong>and</strong> (4) “Assessing Instant<br />
Runoff Voting in Takoma Park (MD): Executive Summary of Exist Poll Findings of<br />
January 30, 2007” by Adam Bartoanzo, March 29, 2007.<br />
IDEA<br />
The International Institute for Democracy <strong>and</strong> Electoral Assistance (IDEA)<br />
[Strömborg SE-103-34, Sweden; E-Mail: infor@idea.int; Website: www.idea.int] has<br />
published Electoral Management Design: The International IDEA H<strong>and</strong>book by Alan<br />
Wall, Andrew Ellis, Ayman Ayoub, Carl W. Dundas, Joram Rukambe, <strong>and</strong> Sara Staino,<br />
<strong>and</strong> Engaging the Electorate: Initiatives to Promote Voter Turnout From Around the<br />
World by Andrew Ellis, Maria Gratschew, John H, Pammett, <strong>and</strong> Erin Thiessen.<br />
The first study, which may be downloaded free of charge from Idea’s website,<br />
shares best practices <strong>and</strong> know-how from around the world on financing, structuring, <strong>and</strong><br />
evaluating <strong>electoral</strong> management bodies. The h<strong>and</strong>book attempts to address issues from<br />
a practical point of view, by bringing together global experiences in <strong>electoral</strong><br />
administration <strong>and</strong> by presenting best-practice solutions in a non-prescriptive <strong>and</strong> userfriendly<br />
way. The volume examines the different models of <strong>electoral</strong> administration <strong>and</strong><br />
the management design issues that may have an impact on confidence in <strong>and</strong> the scope<br />
for independent action by election administrators. In addition, the h<strong>and</strong>book takes into<br />
account the entire <strong>electoral</strong> cycle, not only the highly visible time close to polling, <strong>and</strong><br />
highlights the importance of post-election audit <strong>and</strong> evaluation. Of particular interest are<br />
short case studies focusing on various nations including Norway, Zimbabwe, Spain,<br />
Georgia, India, Costa Rica, Iraq, <strong>and</strong> Afghanistan.<br />
Engaging the Electorate: Initiative to Promote Voter Turnout from Around the<br />
World examines statistics <strong>and</strong> some of the strategies currently being tested around the<br />
word that aim to reverse the decline in voter turnout <strong>and</strong> to increase popular participation<br />
in all types of elections. This publication maps out a large number of existing activities<br />
<strong>and</strong> programs promoting voter participation in elections. This report also includes voter<br />
turnout data in close to 200 national <strong>and</strong> territorial elections worldwide in the period<br />
1945-2006. The report may be assessed at Idea’s website: www.idea.int/vt<br />
GOVERNMENT IS GOOD<br />
Professor Douglas Amy of Mount Holyoke College, a long-time Section member,<br />
has established a free web resource for politic students containing original essays<br />
chronicling <strong>and</strong> critiquing the conservative attacks on government, <strong>and</strong> demonstrating<br />
how government plays a crucial role in improving the common good <strong>and</strong> improving the<br />
levels of all <strong>American</strong>s.<br />
The first essay is entitled “Why Defend Government? Four essays focus on “The<br />
Ward on Government,” <strong>and</strong> twelve essays answer the question “Why Government is<br />
good.” The website is governmentisgood.com
14<br />
BOOK REVIEWS<br />
Richard Vergroff, Editor<br />
Kennesaw State University<br />
E-Mail: rvergrof@kennesaw.edu<br />
Section members with forthcoming books should notify the book editor to<br />
facilitate the speedy review of their books.<br />
Anne Tiernan. Power Without Responsibility. Coogee, NSW: University of New South<br />
Wales Press, 2007. AUS$34.95.<br />
This volume updates James Water’s book entitled The Minister’s Minders:<br />
Personal Advisers in National Government (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986)<br />
<strong>and</strong> documents the growing size <strong>and</strong> influence of ministerial staff <strong>and</strong> the reduced role of<br />
career civil servants, especially departmental secretaries, during the previous three<br />
decades. Her study raises fundamental questions of democratic accountability in the<br />
Australian parliamentary system that is modeled on the traditional Westminster system.<br />
This system is based upon the Government (Cabinet) being responsible to<br />
parliament whose members are responsible to <strong>and</strong> elected by voters. Under this system,<br />
the department secretary was the principal adviser to a minister with a departmental<br />
portfolio. The book documents the fact the system has been modified <strong>and</strong> “secretaries<br />
must share the advisory space with the new legions of ministerial staff” (p. 3). This staff<br />
is larger than counterpart staffs in Canada <strong>and</strong> the United Kingdom <strong>and</strong> led the author to<br />
draw a conclusion in Chapter 1: “There is thus growing awareness that personal staff are<br />
an awkward fit in Westminster-style <strong>systems</strong>.” (p. 13).<br />
Chapters 2 <strong>and</strong> 3 present an overview of the growth of ministerial staffing<br />
concomitant with a more presidential media style. Ministers <strong>and</strong> their staff work in their<br />
parliamentary offices <strong>and</strong> thus are isolated from the staff of their respective portfolio<br />
department. The 1973 parliamentary election produced a Labor Government distrustful of<br />
civil servants <strong>and</strong> an exp<strong>and</strong>ed ministerial staff to ensure ministers would control policy<br />
making <strong>and</strong> implementation. The report of the Royal Commission on Australian<br />
Government <strong>and</strong> Administration is noted.<br />
Tiernan in chapter 4 traces ministerial staffing under Prime Ministers Whitlam,<br />
Hawkes, Keating, <strong>and</strong> Fraser in the period ending in 1996 <strong>and</strong> refers to a 1984<br />
amendment of the Public Service Act relating to civil servants seconded to ministerial<br />
offices <strong>and</strong> their roles, including policy advice <strong>and</strong> their accountability. The amendment<br />
also provides for the rotation of departmental secretaries every five years <strong>and</strong> in 1993<br />
term limits for secretaries were established.<br />
Chapter 5 focuses upon the agenda of Prime Minister John Howard who became<br />
leader of the Library Party in January 1995 <strong>and</strong> led the party to victory in the 1996<br />
general election. The new coalition Government had been in opposition for thirteen years<br />
<strong>and</strong> was suspicious of civil servants. Howard terminated the contracts of six<br />
departmental secretaries <strong>and</strong> appointed a political figure as cabinet secretary, a post<br />
historically held by a civil servant. Howard continued to reside in Sydney instead of<br />
Canberra which gave his Government “independence from the Canberra m<strong>and</strong>arins” (p.<br />
89). Although the staff for the twenty-eight Ministers initially was reduced from 364 to
15<br />
292, it increased to 325 in April 1998. This staff was composed of activists who relied<br />
heavily upon E-mail <strong>and</strong> the telephone in communicating with agencies.<br />
Chapter 6 emphasizes that Howard’s appointees were personally loyal <strong>and</strong> kept a<br />
profile lower than that of Ministers who suffered little interference from the Prime<br />
Minister’s Office. His media unit was astute in communicating directly with the public<br />
rather than through the press gallery. Tiernan concludes the ministerial staff supports<br />
“overburdened ministers, but” does “so in a framework within which the scope of their<br />
responsibilities is poorly defined, their relationship with the bureaucracy is often fraught,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the capacity of ministers to manage staff conduct <strong>and</strong> performance is questionable”<br />
(p. 150).<br />
Chapters 7 <strong>and</strong> 8 deal, respectively, with the “Travel Rorts Affair” in which there<br />
was role confusion relative to ministerial staff <strong>and</strong> public servants, <strong>and</strong> the “Children<br />
Overboard Affair” (involving illegal immigrants on a boat) where the ministerial staff<br />
undermined the integrity of advice to ministers” (p. 191).<br />
The 9 th Chapter is devoted to “Power Without Responsibility?” <strong>and</strong> highlights<br />
Australian parallels to White House sc<strong>and</strong>als <strong>and</strong> the increasing distance between a<br />
departmental secretary <strong>and</strong> the minister. The author concludes “there has been limited<br />
attention to developing a robust governance framework for ministerial staff” although the<br />
need for reform is great (p. 231).<br />
The concluding chapter—“Reforming the Staffing System”— reports few<br />
ministers believe there is a problem. The author summarizes the four major<br />
recommendations reform advocates submitted to the Senate Finance <strong>and</strong> Public<br />
Administration Committee Inquiry:<br />
• making ministerial staff more accountable;<br />
• clarifying the respective roles <strong>and</strong> responsibilities of ministerial staff <strong>and</strong><br />
public servants, <strong>and</strong> addressing interrelationships between staff <strong>and</strong> senior<br />
public servants.<br />
• developing a code of conduct for ministerial staff; <strong>and</strong><br />
• providing training <strong>and</strong> professional development opportunities for ministerial<br />
staff.<br />
She concludes prospects for implementation of outlined reforms are slim.<br />
The research undertaken by Tiernan is impressive <strong>and</strong> she documents thoroughly<br />
the growth of ministerial staff <strong>and</strong> their impact on the traditional governance system. The<br />
book would have been strengthened by an exp<strong>and</strong>ed section on the recommended reforms<br />
<strong>and</strong> her conclusions as to the desirability of each reform.<br />
Joseph F. Zimmerman<br />
University at Albany
16<br />
Bibliography on Representation <strong>and</strong> Electoral Systems<br />
(March 2007-September 2007)<br />
Erik S. Herron, University of Kansas (eherron@ku.edu)<br />
As I have noted in the past, I welcome requests to include specific publications in the bibliography. This<br />
semester, I am writing from Ukraine <strong>and</strong> do not have all of my notes regarding recent requests with me. If<br />
I neglected to include a publication, please contact me <strong>and</strong> I will publish it in the Spring edition of the<br />
newsletter.<br />
Books (English Language)<br />
Arnautovic, Suad. 2007. Ten Years of Democratic Chaos: Electoral Processes in Bosnia <strong>and</strong> Herzegovina<br />
From 1996 to 2006. Sarajevo: Promocult.<br />
Bickerstaff, Steve. 2007. Lines in the S<strong>and</strong>: Congressional Redistricting in Texas <strong>and</strong> the Downfall of Tom<br />
DeLay. Austin, Tex: University of Texas Press.<br />
Center for People Empowerment in Governance. 2007. Election Debacle Disenfranchising the Voters,<br />
Mangling the Party-List System: A Reader on the Philippine Elections. Quezon City, Philippines: Center<br />
for People Empowerment in Governance.<br />
Choudhary, Satinath <strong>and</strong> Indian Social Institute. 2007. Reservation for Women <strong>and</strong> SC/ST in Elections.<br />
New Delhi: Indian Social Institute.<br />
Cotta, Maurizio <strong>and</strong> Heinrich Best. 2007. Democratic Representation in Europe: Diversity, Change, <strong>and</strong><br />
Convergence. New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
Cwiek-Karpowicz, Jaroslaw, Piotr Ka zmierkiewicz, <strong>and</strong> Magdalena Pucyk. 2007. The Polish Members of<br />
the European Parliament Their Activities <strong>and</strong> Impact on the Polish <strong>Political</strong> Scene. Warsaw: Institute of<br />
Public Affairs.<br />
DeBardeleben, Joan. 2007. Democratic Dilemmas of Multilevel Governance: Legitimacy, Representation<br />
<strong>and</strong> Accountability in the European Union. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.<br />
Déloye, Yves <strong>and</strong> Michael Bruter. 2007. Encyclopedia of European Elections. New York: Palgrave.<br />
deVreese, C. H. 2007. The Dynamics of Referendum Campaigns: An International Perspective. New York:<br />
Palgrave Macmillan.<br />
Emerson, Peter. 2007. Designing an All-Inclusive Democracy: Consensual Voting Procedures for Use in<br />
Parliaments, Councils <strong>and</strong> Committees. New York: Springer.<br />
Espino, Rodolfo, David L. Leal, <strong>and</strong> Kenneth J. Meier. 2007. Latino Politics: Identity, Mobilization, <strong>and</strong><br />
Representation. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press.<br />
Farrell, David M. <strong>and</strong> Roger Scully. 2007. Representing Europe's Citizens? Electoral Institutions <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Failure of Parliamentary Representation. New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
Fowler, James H. <strong>and</strong> Oleg Smirnov. 2007. M<strong>and</strong>ates, Parties, <strong>and</strong> Voters: How Elections Shape the<br />
Future. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.<br />
Green, John C. 2007. The Faith Factor: How Religion Influences <strong>American</strong> Elections. Westport, Conn:<br />
Praeger Publishers.<br />
Greene, Kenneth F. 2007. Why Dominant Parties Lose: Mexico's Democratization in Comparative<br />
Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.<br />
Gunther, Richard, Hans-Jürgen Puhle, <strong>and</strong> José R. Montero. 2007. Democracy, Intermediation, <strong>and</strong> Voting<br />
on Four Continents. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />
Hajnal, Zoltan. 2007. Changing White Attitudes Toward Black <strong>Political</strong> Leadership. New York:<br />
Cambridge University Press.<br />
He, Baogang. 2007. Rural Democracy in China. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.<br />
Henderson, Ana. 2007. Voting Rights Act Reauthorization of 2006: Perspectives on Democracy,<br />
Participation, <strong>and</strong> Power. Berkeley Calif.: Berkeley Public Policy Press<br />
Hix, Simon, Abdul Noury, <strong>and</strong> Gérard Rol<strong>and</strong>. 2007. Democratic Politics in the European Parliament.<br />
New York: Cambridge University Press.<br />
Jankowski, Nick. 2007. The Internet <strong>and</strong> National Elections: A Comparative Study of Web Campaigning.<br />
Milton New York: Routledge.<br />
Kurtz, Karl T., Bruce E. Cain, <strong>and</strong> Richard G. Niemi. 2007. Institutional Change in <strong>American</strong> Politics: The<br />
Case of Term Limits. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.<br />
Levine, Stephen I. <strong>and</strong> Nigel S. Roberts. 2007. The Baubles of Office: The New Zeal<strong>and</strong> General Election
17<br />
of 2005. Wellington N.Z.: Victoria University Press.<br />
Little, Patrick <strong>and</strong> David L. Smith. 2007. Parliaments <strong>and</strong> Politics During the Cromwellian Protectorate,<br />
1654-1659. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />
Lundberg, Thomas C. 2007. Proportional Representation <strong>and</strong> the Constituency Role in Britain. New York:<br />
Palgrave Macmillan.<br />
McCool, Daniel, Susan M. Olson, <strong>and</strong> Jennifer L. Robinson. 2007. Native Vote: <strong>American</strong> Indians, the<br />
Voting Rights Act, <strong>and</strong> the Right to Vote. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press.<br />
Norton, Peter. 2007. Episcopal Elections 250-600: Hierarchy <strong>and</strong> Popular Will in Late Antiquity. Oxford,<br />
New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
Roy, Ramashray <strong>and</strong> Paul Wallace. 2007. India's 2004 Elections: Grass-Roots <strong>and</strong> National Perspectives.<br />
Thous<strong>and</strong> Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications.<br />
Schaffer, Frederic C. 2007. Elections for Sale: The Causes <strong>and</strong> Consequences of Vote Buying. Boulder,<br />
Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers.<br />
Torjesen, Stina <strong>and</strong> Indra Řverl<strong>and</strong>. 2007. International Election Observers in Post-Soviet Azerbaijan:<br />
Geopolitical Pawns or Agents of Change? Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag.<br />
Tremblay, Manon. 2007. Women <strong>and</strong> Legislative Representation: Electoral Systems, <strong>Political</strong> Parties, <strong>and</strong><br />
Sex Quotas. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.<br />
Wring, Dominic. 2007. <strong>Political</strong> Communications: The General Election Campaign of 2005. New York:<br />
Palgrave.<br />
van der Brug, Wouter., Cees van der Eijk, <strong>and</strong> Mark N. Franklin. 2007. The Economy <strong>and</strong> the Vote:<br />
Economic Conditions <strong>and</strong> Elections in Fifteen Countries. New York: Cambridge University Press.<br />
Books (Non-English Language)<br />
Apriyanto, Pemi. 2007. Database Pemilu 2004 Peta Daerah Pemilihan, Perolehan Suara Dan Kursi Untuk<br />
DPR RI, DPRD Propinsi, Dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota Se-Indonesia. Jakarta: Spirit Research <strong>and</strong><br />
Database.<br />
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United States, Congress, Senate, <strong>and</strong> Committee on Foreign Relations. 2007. Post-Palestinian Election<br />
Challenges in the Middle East Hearing Before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States<br />
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