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Democratic Enlightenment

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154 The Radical Challenge<br />

Montesquieu too acquired an increasingly favourable image among the antiphilosophes<br />

as time went on, partly due to his well-publicized reconciliation with<br />

the Church, on his death-bed, but especially to the Esprit des loix’s claim that<br />

Christian states and society exhibit a general moral superiority over, and greater<br />

moderation than, other societies due to the gospel’s exhorting charity and love for<br />

one’s neighbour. 79 His well-publicized refutation of Bayle’s claim that a truly Christian<br />

society could not long maintain itself likewise counted in his favour, though<br />

Bergier thought Rousseau, in his Émile, had eclipsed him in this respect. 80 Like<br />

Descartes, Montesquieu struck Condorcet as a prime instance of a thinker whose<br />

writings provoked intense opposition among theologians and all those ruled by<br />

‘prejudice’ when they first appeared, but for later generations, on the contrary,<br />

became an arsenal where ‘prejudice’ found its most formidable weapons against<br />

reason. 81 Voltaire was never ‘pardoned’ to the extent Montesquieu and Rousseau<br />

were, his post-1755 attack on Christianity being too fierce and sustained for that. Yet,<br />

he too could be forgiven up to a point and sometimes quoted approvingly for<br />

championing God’s existence, divine creation and regulation of the world, the<br />

divinely given character of morality, inertness of matter, and the ordering and<br />

separation of species. These contradictory responses of censure and approval were<br />

reconciled by stressing Voltaire’s alleged incoherence. To illustrate this Nonnotte<br />

derides Voltaire’s eulogy of Chinese wisdom and the supposed vast antiquity of<br />

their empire, complaining he offers no proof Chinese history really stretches back<br />

over 4,000 years, something that seemed incredible to him. 82<br />

While Nonnotte, Guyon, and Countess de Genlis discuss Voltaire at length, this<br />

was uncharacteristic of anti-philosophie overall. Indeed, some major works of antiphilosophie,<br />

like the six volumes of Maleville’s La Religion naturelle et la révéléeétablie<br />

sur les principes de la vraie philosophie (6 vols., Paris, 1756), scarcely mention Voltaire,<br />

Rousseau, or Montesquieu at all. Although some anti-philosophes, like Madame de<br />

Genlis, pronounced Voltaire the founder of the ‘philosophic sect’, from an antiphilosophique<br />

standpoint choosing him entailed appreciable disadvantages. For one<br />

thing it meant playing down the political aspects of the movement: for stressing<br />

Voltaire’s role at once removed the alleged threat to society and lessened emphasis on<br />

the atheism and necessitarianism of la philosophie moderne as Voltaire invariably<br />

affirms providence, free will, and the soul’s immortality. Indeed, the only way to<br />

make Voltaire patriarch of the philosophique sect with some show of cogency was<br />

chiefly to stress the sect’s incoherence, contending that philosophisme ‘enrolled<br />

indifferently atheists and deists’. ‘The sect formed by M. de Voltaire’, asserts Genlis,<br />

‘having no fixed principles, could not have a plan; but it had an aim, that of<br />

persuading men and of domineering and reigning over their minds; and the means<br />

79<br />

Chaudon, Dictionnaire anti-philosophique, i, p. xxxviii; Lamourette, Pensées, 203; Shackleton,<br />

Montesquieu, 392–8.<br />

80<br />

Bergier, Apologie, i. 10–11, 161–7, 405 and ii. 127–8, 132.<br />

81<br />

Condorcet, ‘Essai sur la constitution’, in Œuvres, viii. 186–7.<br />

82<br />

Nonnotte, Dictionnaire, 77–91; Genlis, Religion, ii. 16; Pomeau, Religion de Voltaire, 344.

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