An Abridgment of the History of the Cypriot Maronite Community

An Abridgment of the History of the Cypriot Maronite
Community 1
By
Guita G. Hourani
Lebanon, October 2007
1 Paper written for the Ministry of Education in Cyprus to be used in the history book of secondary schools at the
request of H. E. Antonis Haji Roussos, the Maronite Representative before the Cypriot Parliament.

An Abridgment of the History of the Cypriot Maronite
Guita G. Hourani 3
Community 2
Introducing the Maronites
The Maronites are Eastern Syriac Christians, who were named after Saint Maron (c. 350-410
AD). According to Bishop Theodore of Cyrrhus, Saint Maron lived near Mount Taurus situated
in the region of Apamea in “Syria Secunda”, at the time an administrative division of the
Byzantine Empire. Saint Maron, who is revered by the Greek and the Russian Orthodox
Churches as well as by the Catholic Church, lived as an ascetic monk under the element of
nature. His austere life of unrelenting fasting and prayers empowered him to heal the sick and
counsel the needy. 4 Many people pilgrimaged to see him and many, attracted by his way of life,
settled around his humble abode to be blessed by him and to emulate his life; with his disciples,
they formed the nucleus of the Maronite people and Church. Following his death, his disciples,
many of whom were later proclaimed saints, along with the laity, built a monastery after him on
the Orontes River. The Monastery became a legend and the head of several other monasteries
inspired by the life of Saint. From then on, all those who have congregated around these
monasteries and settlements and venerated the life of Saint Maron became known as the
Maronites. 5
2 This article of the history of the Cypriot Maronites is part of an ongoing work book by the author. This article is
exclusively intended for the use by the Ministry of Higher Education in Cyprus. No parts of this article may be used
by any other institution or individual without the written consent of the author. The author thanks His Excellency
Archbishop Boutros Gemayel for providing information pertaining to the history of the Maronites of Cyprus from
1988 to 1997, Dr. Andreko Varnava for sharing a copy of his article in Al-Mashriq and His Excellency Antonis Haji
Roussos, the Maronite Representative before the Cypriot Parliament, for entrusting the author with the writing of
this history overview. Finally, the author is grateful to Dr. Edward Alam for reviewing this article.
3 Guita G. Hourani founder of the Maronite Research Institute (MARI) is currently the Associate Director of the
Lebanese Emigration Research Center at Notre Dame University in Lebanon. She is also the founder of the
Maronite Research Institute (MARI) and has served as the Editor in Chief of the The Electronic Journal of Maronite
Studies (JMS) from 1997 to 2001.
4 Theodore of Cyrrhus. A History of the Monks of Syria, translated by R. M. Price, Michigan, 1985; see also J. A.
Abi-Aad, St. Maron: Glimpses on His Life, Hermitage and Burial, translated by V. Aoun, Zouk Mosbeh, Lebanon:
Notre Dame University Press, 2006.
5 For information about the history of Saint Maron and the Maronite Church see Dib, P. L’Eglise Maronite, 2 tomes,
Librairie Letouzey et Ane, Paris, 1930; P. Naaman, Thédoret de Cyr et le Monastère de St Maroun, Beyrouth,
2

The early Maronites “lived in the countryside of Antioch within the jurisdiction of its
Patriarchate. The territory of this Patriarchate covered nine provinces … from Isauria, Cilicia and
Urfa (Edessa) in present-day Turkey, to Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Euphratesia, Mesopotamia,
and Arabia. They were devout and much given to worship and prayer in their Syro-Aramaic
language with a slight use of Greek.” 6
The history of the Maronite Church took shape “in the midst of Church schisms and . . .
regional wars and conquests.” From the beginning, the monastic way of life strongly shaped
Maronite history: “by establishing communities around their monasteries and Churches, [the
Maronites] formed a kind of “monastic” community rather than a "political entity" and chose to
delegate their leadership to the Church. Consequently, the Church was compelled to be present
and to intervene and at times direct the temporal affairs of its people.” 7
By the 7 th century, “the Maronites were recognized as an independent religious community with
their own bishops. At this time, the Arabs had conquered Antioch, and the new rulers would not
allow a Chalcedonian patriarch to reside at Antioch. Constantinople appointed titular patriarchs
of Antioch, but they resided at Constantinople. After 702 and until 742, they did not even
appoint a nominal patriarch of Antioch.” 8 Seeing that the See of Antioch was vacant, the
Maronites elected from among their bishops and monks a Patriarch for Antioch. 9
In the early eighth century, after an initial dispersion “they regrouped in the mountains and
valleys of Lebanon, while the Islamic conquest advanced in the lowlands against the Byzantine
Liban: Librairie du Liban, 1987; and G. Hourani, Saint Maron's Relic "Ornament of the Divine Choir of Saints", the
Electronic Journal of Maronite Studies, The Maronite Research Institute (MARI), January 1997,
[http://www.mari.org/JMS/january97/Saint_Marons_Relic.htm#a].
6
Naaman, P. Church and Politics in the Maronite Experience (1516-1943), The Electronic Journal of Maronite
Studies, The Maronite Research Institute, January 1998,
[http://www.mari.org/JMS/January98/Church_and_Politics.htm].
7
Naaman, P. Church and Politics in the Maronite Experience (1516-1943), The Electronic Journal of Maronite
Studies, The Maronite Research Institute, January 1998,
[http://www.mari.org/JMS/January98/Church_and_Politics.htm].
8
Beggiani, S. The Patriarchs in Maronite History, The Electronic Journal of Maronite Studies, The Maronite
Research Institute (MARI), January 1997, [http://www.mari.org/JMS/January97/Saint_Marons_Relic.htm].
9
Dib, P. Histoire des Maronites: Histoire de L’Eglise Maronite, Liban : Librairie Orientale, 3 tomes, 2001, tome I,
p. 59-60.
3

Army.” 10 In Lebanon the Maronites “lived in relative isolation, driven by the necessity of selfprotection.
During this long period, the Maronites lived as villagers in utmost simplicity. They
concentrated their efforts on work, prayer, defending their freedom.” 11 Consequently, they
succeeded in marking Lebanon with their values and individuality and in assuring their
freedoms. 12
Bishop Gebrayel Al Qela'î, who was the bishop of Cyprus from 1505 to 1516, wrote that the
Maronites who were guided by God towards the inexpugnable mountains of Lebanon, who
entrusted to them the preservation of the Catholic faith and the dignity of the Christians of the
Orient. 13
The history of the Maronite people and church is a history of continued sacrifice for their
religious beliefs and love for freedom. Their history “reveals both times of struggle and
persecution, and periods of progress and glory. Its rich tradition and vibrant way of life is the
result of 1500 years of labor, sagacity, and perseverance. That which has remained most
constant throughout its history has been the leadership of its Patriarchs, in all aspects of Maronite
life.” 14
The Earliest Maronite Settlement in Cyprus
The Maronites were mainly in “Syria Secunda”, Lebanon and the Holy Land. They moved to
Cyprus from these ancient territories in four principal migrations between the eighth and the
thirteenth centuries. Tradition narrates that the first group of Maronites immigrated to Cyprus in
the seventh or eighth century. 15 This exodus was caused mainly by the Islamic conquest and the
10 Naaman, P. Church and Politics in the Maronite Experience (1516-1943), The Electronic Journal of Maronite
Studies, The Maronite Research Institute, January 1998. For further reading on the relation of the Maronites and
Lebanon see Naaman, P. Les Maronites et le Liban: Étapes Historiques des Plaines de l’Apamène au Mon-Liban,
Kaslik, Liban: Bibliothèque de l’Université Saint-Esprit de Kaslik, 2005.
11 Naaman, P. Church and Politics in the Maronite Experience (1516-1943), The Electronic Journal of Maronite
Studies, The Maronite Research Institute, January 1998.
12 Hayek, M. Maronite Nationalism and Universalism: The Maronites Sons of Lebanon, Citizens of the World, The
Maronite Voice, Vol. II, Issue No. 4, April 2006, p. 10. [http://www.stmaron.org/Maronite_Voice_April_2006.pdf].
13 Naaman, P. Les Maronites et le Liban: Étapes Historiques des Plaines de l’Apamène au Mon-Liban, Kaslik,
Liban: Bibliothèque de l’Université Saint-Esprit de Kaslik, 2005, p. 76.
14 Beggiani, S. The Patriarchs in Maronite History, The Electronic Journal of Maronite Studies, The Maronite
Research Institute (MARI), January 1997, [http://www.mari.org/JMS/january97/Saint_Marons_Relic.htm].
15 Cirilli, J. Les Maronites de Chypre, Cyprus, 1898, p. 5.
4

persecution of Al-Mamoun (813-833) in Syria and Palestine 16 as well as the inter-Christian
rivalries between the Jacobites and the Byzantines, who inflicted suffering on the Maronites due
to Christological differences. 17 The second major migration followed the destruction of Saint
Maron's Monastery on the Orontes River in Apamea around the year 938 A.D., which led to the
transfer of the Maronite Patriarchal See to Mount Lebanon. 18 Little or nothing has so far been
found in the chronicles of the Byzantine historians of the seventh and tenth centuries concerning
the two immigrations to confirm or refute this belief. 19
The third Maronite migration occurred upon the purchase of Cyprus by Guy de Lusignan
towards the end of the twelfth century. 20 When King Baudouin took Jerusalem on May 10 th ,
1110, “the Emir of Beirut and a good number of its inhabitant took refuge in Cyprus. It is
probably then that the first Maronites established themselves on the island.” 21 The fourth
migration occurred at the end of the thirteenth century with the defeat of the Crusaders in Tripoli
and the Holy Land. 22
Available historical documents confirm that the Maronites were an active community in Cyprus
prior to 1192 A.D. The oldest manuscript accessible in this regard dates to the twelfth century --
Syriac Manuscript: Vatican, Bibl. Apost. Syr. 118 f° 262 r of the Vatican Library. This
manuscript contains a handwritten inscription in Syriac whereby a monk by the name of Sema’an
declares before the Maronite Patriarch that he was given authority over the monks and the
Monastery of Saint John Kouzband (Saint John Chrysostom at Koutsovendis) in the Island of
Cyprus in 1121 AD (1432 Greek Calendar). 23
Three other manuscripts substantiate the above statement: Two, Florence Laur.- Plat. I, 56 f° 7
v. Canon IV and Florence Laur.- Plat. I, 56 f° 8 r. Canon V, are to be found in the Syriac
16
Dib, P. History of the Maronite Church, Translated into English by Seely Beggiani, Detroit, 1971, p. 53.
17
Dib 1971: 51-52.
18
Assamarani, Ph. Al Mawarinat fi Jazirat Kubrus, Beirut, 1979, p. 17; Dib 1971: 52-53.
19
De Mas Latrie, M. L. Histoire de l’Île de Chypre, Vol. 1-3, Paris: Imprimerie Impérial, 1861, p. 108.
20
Cirilli 1898: 6.
21
De Groot, A. H. Kubrus, Encyclopédie de l’Islam: Nouvelle Édition, Tome V, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979, p. 302.
22
Dib 1971: 65, 77.
23
Leroy, J. I. Les Manuscrits Syriaques a Peintures Conservés dans les Bibliothèques d’Europe et d’Orient, Paris,
1964, p. 235.
5

Manuscript of the Laurentine Library of Florence known as the Rabbula Gospels (586 AD) and
one is inscribed in the Syriac Manuscript Vat. Syr. 118 f° 261 v of the Vatican Library.
The Florence Laur.- Plat. I, 56 f° 7 v. Canon IV dated 1154 AD (1465 Greek) and Vatican, Bibl.
Apost. Syr. 118 f° 261 v. dated 1140/1141 AD (1452 Greek Calendar) confirm that the monks
who served the monastery of Saint John of Kouzband were Maronites and under the authority of
the Maronite Patriarch in Lebanon. 24
This proves that the monks who were managing the St. John of Kouzband monastery were
Maronite monks. The manuscript reveals that on the 10th day of August of the year 1452
according to the Greek calendar [= 1140/1141 AD], a monk by the name of Daniel of the
Monastery of Kaftun in Lebanon visited Jacob of Ramat, the Maronite Patriarch, who granted
him the authority to be the superior and administrator of the Monastery of Saint John
[Kokinochromos, Kûzbandû] in the Island of Cyprus. 25
The Florence Laur.- Plat. I, 56 f° 8 r. Canon V manuscript reveals that in 1550 Greek [= 1239
AD], the Maronite Patriarch John Boutros of Jaj who resided in the Monastery of our Lady of
Mayfouq [Maiphuk] received a monk by the name of Matti (Matthew) from the Monastery of
Kouzband to whom he gave 300 hundred Dinars, the Mayroun [the Holy Chrism], a book of the
Law of Moses in Arabic, the Book of Laws, and the Book of Faith for the services of the
monastery in Cyprus. 26
The above manuscripts ascertain that the Maronites had active communities in Cyprus prior to
the twelfth century. They also certify that these communities were spiritually and ecclesiastically
shepherded by their own Maronite priests, that they were in communion in faith with their
brothers in Lebanon and that the laity and clergy were all under the authority of the Maronite
Patriarch who resided in Lebanon. It is to be noted that traditionally a monastery would not have
been established unless there was already a community to serve.
24 Leroy 1964: 146; Dib 1930: 152.
25 Hill, G. A History of Cyprus, Vol. 1-4, Cambridge, 1972, p. 305, n.1; Dib 1930: 151-152; Leroy 1964: 235, n. 2.
6

The Maronites under the Reign of the House of Lusignan (1192-1489)
When he began his reign in Cyprus in 1192 AD, Guy de Lusignan announced in the neighboring
regions that he would donate fief, properties and exemptions to all those who come to the Island
with the intention to settle. 27 Consequently, many Christian communities journeyed to Cyprus,
among whom were some Armenians, Syrians [meaning Syriac people] and Maronites. 28 Great
numbers of persons responded to Lusignan’s call and came to Cyprus from Acre and its
neighboring villages, from the Principality of Antioch and from Armenia… 29 The non-nobles or
commoners of oriental and occidental lineage who came to Cyprus were given land in the towns
or in their suburbs, 30 where they built houses and churches. 31 These settlers were also recruited
as members of the horse soldiery or Turcoples, which was an intermediate force between the
nobles and the infantry, and which developed significantly until its chief became the Grand
Turcoplier (or Tricoplier), one of the principal officers of the Crown. 32
Guy de Lusignan accorded the Maronites many privileges because they were Catholic and
companions of the Crusaders. 33 The Maronites chose to settle on the west part of the mountain
range in the northern part of Cyprus “in military villages in Kormakiti, Asomatos, Karpasia,
Kampyli, etc.” 34 There they "conserved, in Cyprus, the principal traits of their mores. They did
not mix with other nations [of the island]. They escaped the cities that were preferred by the
Syrians and the Armenians and withdrew to the mountains where they engaged in cultivating
land and rearing cattle. Inhabiting only the villages, they preserved, to our date, their simple and
honest customs.” 35
There is no accurate data available as to the number of the Cypriot Maronites during the reign of
the Lusignans. However, toward the end of the Lusignan reign and under the Venetian dominion,
26
Leroy 1965: 146; Assamarani 1979: 20.
27
De Mas Latrie 1861: 43.
28
Ibid., 102.
29
Ibid., 43.
30
Ibid.,43.
31
Palmieri 1905: col. 2462; Cirilli 1898: 7.
32
De Mas Latrie 1861: 44.
33
Cyrilli, J. Les Maronites de Chypre, La Terre Sainte, 1899 t. XVI, pp. 68-70 and 102-104, p.68.
34 Kyrris 1996: 206.
35 De Mas Latrie 1861: 109.
7

the Maronites occupied 33 villages, which indicates that there were at least seven to eight
thousand strong. 36 And “although, they were always considered exclusively a rural population,
the Maronites were in a superior condition to that of independent cultivators and had obtained
from the royal government extensive freedoms and exemptions.” 37
Under the Lusignans, the Maronite Bishopric of Cyprus included only the Island. Its bishop
“resided in a monastery in the village of Tale or Attalia [Dali or Attalu] in the Karpas.” 38 It is
recorded that Bishop Hananya was the first Maronite Bishop of Cyprus. He was on the island in
1316 during the reign of the Lusignans. 39 Bishop Girgis, who attended the Provincial Synod of
bishops, held in Cyprus in 1340, succeeded him. 40 Bishop Youhanna was bishop in 1357, Bishop
Jacob Al-Matrity in 1385, Bishop Elias, whose name was included in the working papers of the
Council of Florence in 1431, and Bishop Youssef in 1505. 41
The Reign of the Venetians and the Onset of the Degeneration of the Maronite Colony in
Cyprus (1489-1571)
The reign of the Venetians (1489-1571) was very harsh for the people of the Island. They
adopted a western feudal system and imposed exorbitant taxes. The worst reign was that of
Jacques II le Bâtard. His despotism caused a notable reduction in the Island's population.
Moreover, epidemics and the recurrent raids of the Muslims of Egypt, which ravaged the Island
from the fifteenth to the sixteenth centuries, caused even further reduction in the population of
the Island. 42
The calamity that weakened the Maronite presence was brought on not only by the corrupt reign
of the temporal rulers and governors of Cyprus, but also by the vile treatment of the people at the
hands of the Greek and Latin ecclesiastical authorities. 43 The treatment of the Maronites by some
36
De Mas Latrie 1861: 110.
37
De Mas Latrie 1861: 110.
38
De Mas Latrie 1861: 110.
39
Gemayel, B. Abrashiat Kubrus, Al Manarat, Year 33, No. 1, 1992, p. 191.
40
Gemayel 1992: 191.
41
Awwad, I. Tarikh Abrashiat Kubrus Al Marouniyat, Beirut: Fadel and Gemayel Press, 1950, p. 38, Daleel
Abrashiat Kubrus Al Marouniyat fi Lubnan wa Al Jazirat, Antelias, 1980, p. 107.
42
Cirilli 1898: 13, McGuire 1967: 568.
43 Palmieri 1905: col. 2462.
8

of the Latin rulers and clergy was unpredictable. At times they were protective, at other times
they tried converting them to the Latin rite, 44 and during other periods they were abusive to say
the least. This behavior prompted the intervention of the Maronite Patriarch many times over.
For example, in 1514, the Maronite Patriarch Sham'oun al Hadthy wrote from his seat in
Qannoubine to Pope Leo X informing him that the Latin Bishop of Nicosia had confiscated Saint
John’s Maronite Church and its property, and requested his intervention in favor of the
Maronites. 45 Furthermore, the Maronites who were under the ecclesiastical care of the Latin
Church suffered the consequences of the moral decadence of the Latin clergy, who were very
ambitious, greedy and buying and selling their Episcopal seats. 46
The Greeks, who suffered immensely at the hands of the Catholic clergy and who had schismatic
problems of communion with the Maronites who were in union with Rome, were also
persecuting the Maronites. This persecution led the Maronite Patriarch al Hadthy in 1518 to
write a letter to Prince Albertos in Italy complaining Greek injustice towards the Maronites, as
well as protesting against the Greek seizure of the Saint John Monastery in Kouzband. Similarly,
in 1564, Patriarch Mousa Al 'Akkari wrote to Pope Pius IV requesting that His Holiness
recommend the Maronites to the Venetians because the Greeks were controlling and insulting
them. 47 During this era, the Maronites must have sustained many natural and man-made
disasters, as evidenced by the fact that between 1224 and the Ottoman conquest of 1571, the
number of their villages was reduced from 60 to 33. 48
The Maronites retained their own ecclesiastical hierarchy by having their own bishops and
pastors. Despite the discrepancies in the sources regarding the names of the bishops who served
the Maronite Bishopric of Cyprus prior to 1736, we can infer that Gebrayel Al Qela'î served from
1505 to 1516, Maroun the prelate in 1516, Antonios was bishop in 1523, Girgis al Hadthy in
1928, Eliya Al Hadthy in 1530, Francis in 1531, Marcos El-Baytomini in 1552, Girgiss in 1562
and Julios in 1567. 49 It should be noted however, that prior to 1736 the bishops did not have a
44 Hill 1972: 1077.
45 Assamarani 1979: 26-29.
46 Palmieri 1905: col. 2462.
47 Assamarani 1979: 26-29.
48 Palmieri 1905: 2462.
49 Assamarani 1979: 106-112, Daleel 1980: 108.
9

designated territory for which they were responsible; in fact they acted as vicars to the Patriarch,
with whom those who lived in Lebanon resided.
At the request of the Maronite Patriarch, Michal El-Ruzzi, who had expressed to Pope Pius V,
the need for the establishment of a Maronite College, the Pope “decreed its erection in Cyprus,
under the surveillance of the Latin archbishop of that kingdom. All was prepared for the
pontifical project when the Island was invaded by the Turks in 1570-1571.” 50 The college was
later established in Rome during the rule of Pope Gregory XIII by the constitution Humana Sic
Ferunt on June 17, 1584. 51
During the reign of the Latins and the Venetians in Cyprus, the Greek Orthodox hierarchy was
subordinate to the Latin and was atrociously abused. This was caused by attempts of the Latin
Church to convert the Greek Orthodox, using every means at their disposal, including force.
Many Greek Orthodox fled Cyprus and those who stayed did nothing to participate in the
defense of the Island against the Ottomans, but instead welcomed with open arms their conquest
of 1571. 52
The Cypriot Maronites under Ottoman Domination (1571-1878)
While the Greeks did not defend the Latins during the Ottoman invasion, the Cypriot Maronites,
to their great credit, stood beside the Latins, as the invasion of the Island ruined their villages.
Soon after the total Ottoman control over the island was secured, the allegiance of the Maronites
to the Latins was recalled. Similarly, the Greeks remembered the oppression of the Catholics,
and since most of the Catholics who had stayed on the Island were Maronites, it was they who
suffered retaliation. Together, the Ottomans and the Greek Orthodox inflicted the worst
treatment on “this unfortunate community”. 53
The Ottomans, after annexing Cyprus, “massacred Greeks and Latins alike, including bishops
and heads of monasteries; churches were profaned and turned into mosques, and monasteries into
50 Dib 1971: 102.
51 Dib 1971; 101-102.
52 McGuire 1967: 568-569; Palmieri 1905: cols. 2435-2436.
53 Palmieri 1905: col. 2462; Cirilli 1898: 14-15.
10

stables. When Turkish rule was firmly established, the Greeks were allowed to restore their
hierarchy and to buy back some of their monasteries; however, the old sees were not reestablished.”
54 When the Greeks gained some temporary advantage, they began their retaliation
against the Catholics –– which was mainly against the Maronites, who were the only Catholics
left on the Island. 55 The vengeance of the Greeks began with the confiscation of Maronite
churches and was intensified by accusing the Maronite clergy of working for the return of
Venetian rule to Cyprus and of plotting against the Ottoman Empire. Consequently, the
Ottomans killed, exiled, imprisoned, enslaved, or obliged many Maronites to embrace the Greek
Orthodox rite and to obey the Greek hierarchy. An unknown number of Maronites and other non-
Greek Christians adopted Islam as a survival mechanism. 56 Other Maronites fled to Lebanon,
another group accompanied the Venetians to Malta. 57
In 1677, the Greek hierarchy’s persecution of the Maronites increased in a manner that led the
Pope of Rome, Innocent XI, to write to the King of France to put an end to this treatment through
his ambassador to the Sublime Porte. But these efforts met no response from the Sultan. 58 By
1686, the persecution had intensified and resulted in a visit of a Maronite Cypriot delegation to
the French Ambassador in Istanbul. The delegation presented a memorandum in which it
complained about the Turks who were forcing the Maronites of the Island to pay taxes not only
for those 150 Maronites who were counted in their villages in Karpasia, Asomatos, Kampyli,
Vouno, Klavini, Agia Marina and Krosida, but for those, 350 strong, who had either died or fled
from the Ottoman tyranny. The memorandum demanded that the Turkish government accept the
taxes of the 150, as well as exempt the Maronite churches and the bishop from paying the
unlawful and exorbitant tributes imposed by the Greek bishops. Furthermore, it asked that the
forced ‘guardianship’ of the Greek bishops over the Maronites and their churches be lifted and
that they should not be obliged to celebrate their rituals according to the Greek rite, but be
allowed to do so in accordance with their own rites. 59
54
Mc Guire 1967: 569.
55
Palmieri 1905: col. 2464.
56
Cirilli 1898: 11, 21; Palmieri 1905: col. 2468.
57
Dib 1971: 177.
58
Assamarani 1979: 41-42.
59
Assamarani 1979: 42-43.
11

In 1686, a group of Cypriot Maronites paid a visit to the Ambassador of France in Istanbul Mr.
Gerardin. They had four request: the payment of property taxes for only the 150 residents who
remained in the villages but not for those who no longer resided there; the exemption of bishops
and priests from paying property and capitation/taxes (jaziyat); the cessation of the Greek
bishop's guardianship over the Maronite churches; and the freedom to celebrate in the Maronite
liturgical rite rather than the Greek. 60 In July 1686 four decrees or firmans from the Sublime
Porte were obtained to benefit the Maronites. These firmans, however, made only a temporary
impact, for the Greeks went back to their old ways of persecuting the Maronites and confiscating
their religious properties. 61
The Christians of the Island did not succumb totally to the Ottoman domination. Many uprisings
occurred between 1572 and 1670 by Cypriot Christian armed forces that included “mainly
Greek, but also some remnants of Albanians, Armenians, Italians and Maronites, especially those
settled on the north coast and mountain range.” 62 By 1636, the situation had become intolerable
and the conversion to Islam intensified. Because not everyone could stand the pressures of the
new situation, “those unable to resist converted to Islam and became crypto-Christians, mostly
Armenians, Maronites and Albanians in the northern mountain range and along the north coast,
particularly at Tellyria [Telliria], Kampyli, Agia [Saint] Marina Skillouras [Skyllouras], Platani
and Kornokepos." 63 Crypto-Christians were also known as Linobambaci or the ‘linen-cotton
people’, this word was taken illustratively from a fabric woven with cotton and linen which had
two different sides corresponding thus to the two aspects of these people’s faith who overtly
were Muslims and covertly kept their Christian beliefs at least for the first two generations.
The Maronites who had converted in despair did not fully renounce their Christian faith, but
were Muslims only in appearance. As time went by, they kept some beliefs and rituals, hoping to
go back on their 'conversion' when the Ottomans left. Covertly, they baptized and confirmed
their children according to Christian tradition, but openly administered circumcision in
conformity with Islamic practices. They also gave their children two names, one Christian and
60
Assamarani 1979: 41-47.
61
Assamarani 1979: 42- 44.
62
Jennings, R. Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World (1571-1640), New York,
London, 1993, p. 367.
12

one Muslim. Interviewing elder Maronites in Cyprus between 2002 and 2004, I learned that
those who were previously Maronites continue to this day to carve the sign of the cross on their
dough when preparing bread.
In 1572 the Maronites had 33 villages and their Bishop resided in the Monastery of Dali in the
district of Karpasia. 64 The Maronite bishops who were consecrated as bishops of Cyprus, but did
not reside on the Island, were Bishop Youssef (+1588) and Bishop Youhanna (1588-1596). 65
By 1596, about 25 years after the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus, 14 Cypriot Maronite villages
became extinct and the total number of Maronite villages had been reduced to 19. 66 Metoschi,
Floudi, Agia Marina, Asomatos, Kampyli, Karpasia, Kormakiti, Trimitia, Casapisani, Vouno,
Cibo, Ieri, Crusicida, Cesalauriso, Sotto Kruscida, Attalu (Attalia), Cleipirio, Piscopia, and
Gastria, which were served by their own priests and, at times, by more than one priest as in the
case of Metoschi. 67
However, when Reverend Jerome Dandini visited the Island in 1596, as legate of Pope Clement
VII to the Maronites, he found that the Maronites were occupying 19 villages and were in a
miserable situation. There were not many Maronite clergy left; many Maronites had either fled
or apostatized and there were only ten active parishes, the most important being Agia Marina,
Kormakiti and Asomatos. 68 The total number of the Maronites had dwindled from seven or eight
thousand to four thousand in 1596. 69
Dandini wrote that the Maronites still had a church in Nicosia, but it was very poor and that they
were obedient to the Patriarch, that they practiced the same rite on the Island which was
consistent with that of their nation [i.e., The Maronite nation in Lebanon]. Dandini also
63 Jennings 1993: 367.
64 Palmieri 1905: col. 2462.
65 Daleel 1980: 108.
66 Palmieri 1905: col. 2462, Dib 1971: 177.
67 Dandini, J. Missione Apostolica al Patriarca e Maroniti del Monte Libane, e sua Pellegrinazione a
Gierusalemme…, Cesena, 1656, p. 23. See also in French DANDINI, G. Voyage du Mont Liban, traduit de l'italien
par R. Simon et suivi de ses remarques, Kaslik, Lebanon : Université Saint-Esprit, 2005.
68 Dandini 1656: 23.
69 De Mas Latrie 1861: 110.
13

mentioned that at the time of his visit, the Maronites had nineteen villages and were “Metochi,
Fludi, Sainta Marina, Asomatos, Kampyli, Karpasia, Trimidia, Kormakiti, Casapifani, Vouno,
Cibo, Jeri (near Kitrea), Kitrea, Kruchida, Kefalvovriso, Attali, Keipirio, Gastria, and Piscopia;
and that in each of these villages there were one, two and sometimes three churches.” 70
Several factors contributed to the reduction in the Maronite population, including the frequent
attacks by the Egyptians in the 15th and 16th centuries, epidemics, and the despotism of kings
such as Jacques II le Bậtard. 71
It should be noted, however, that the Council of Trent (1545-1563), which decreed the
establishment of seminaries and colleges to combat ignorance and educate boys destined for the
priesthood, included in its mandate the education of the Christians of the East (Gemayel 1984:
15-16, 28). Consequently, several Maronite students were sent to Rome to study at the Roman
College. Among the first students were Gaspar Al Garib of Peregrinus of Cyprus, who arrived in
Rome in 1597, followed by five other Maronite Cypriot, Marcus Stephane Metosita from
Metuchi (1581), Yuhanna Girgis of Vuno (1583), Boutros Gibrayel Metosita of Metuchi (1583),
Ya’qub Michael (1583) and Girgis Antonius (1583). 72 The number of Maronite Cypriot students
increased with the establishment of the Maronite College of Rome (1584) and reached 21
between 1584 and 1788. Several of them returned as priests and served their Maronite
community on the Island. 73
Due to maltreatment and exorbitant taxation, the Maronite bishops of Cyprus remained in
Lebanon. Noting the poverty of the Maronite people, the lack of priests to serve their
communities, and the sad state of their parishes, Dandini recommended that the Maronite
Patriarch send a bishop to serve the Maronites of Cyprus. In 1598, Father Moïse Anaisi of Akura
was “consecrated as Bishop to reside in Nicosia.” 74 He stayed on the Island until 1614. He was
followed by Girgis Maroun al Hidnani, known also as ‘George Maronios’, as Archbishop of
70 Dandini 1656: 23.
71 Cyrilli 1899: 69.
72 Gemayel, N. Les Échanges Culturels entre les Maronites et l’Europe: Du Collège Maronite de Rome (1584) au
Collège de ‘Ayn-Warka (1789), Beirut, 1984, pp. 96-98.
73 Gemayel 1984: 96-136.
74 Hill 1972: 381.
14

Nicosia. It seems that in 1619 this bishop was given the “faculty of blessing the Catholics of the
Kingdom.” 75 To assist the Catholic and Maronite bishops of Cyprus in shepherding their flock,
“the Dukes of Savoy, by virtue of their inherited claim to the crown of Cyprus, used from time to
time (as in 1662, 1664, 1678, 1684) to grant pensions to Bishops in Cyprus.” 76
Bishop Girgis Maroun was followed by Elias al Hidnani, who visited the island at the request of
the Patriarch in 1652; and then by Sarkis al Jamri al Hidnani (1662-1668), who lived in
Nicosia. 77 The latter was followed by Stephan Duwaihi, who was appointed bishop of Cyprus in
1668. When he was elected Patriarch of all the Maronites in 1670, he assigned Father Luke of
Karpasia, a native of Cyprus, as the new bishop (1671-1673). 78 After Bishop Luke’s death “the
see remained vacant… it was probably owing to the hostility of the Orthodox Church.
Succeeding Maronite Bishops and Archbishops of Cyprus became non-resident so far as Cyprus
was concerned, living in their Lebanese homes and leaving their flocks to their own devices.” 79
It should be noted, however, that prior to the Synod of Mount Lebanon in 1736, eparchies or
bishoprics were not defined, or even known. The bishops were considered auxiliaries of the
Patriarch and bore indifferently the titles of bishop, archbishop, or metropolitan. They resided
with the Patriarch and at his commission would represent him in Church matters. The Synod of
Mount Lebanon introduced some changes in this regard and “divided the Patriarchate into eight
eparchies: Aleppo, Beirut, Byblos (Jebail and Batroun), Cyprus, Heliopolis (Baalbek), Tripoli,
Tyr and Sidon…. However, this division was not fully implemented until 1742, when Pope
Benedict XIV in “a brief Apostolica Praedecessorum listed the seven Episcopal Sees outside the
Patriarchal See, fixed the boundaries, declared the bishop of each immovable and gave the
Patriarch the right to name bishops according to custom.” 80
The Maronite Bishops assigned to the See of Cyprus did not completely leave their flock but
continued to visit the community on occasions. Bishop Boutros Doumit Makhlouf (1674-1681)
75 Hill 1972: 381.
76 Hill 1972: 61, 81-382.
77 Daleel 1980: 108-109.
78 Hill 1972: 382.
79 Hill 1972: 382.
80 Dib 1971: 197.
15

visited the Island three times during his term. Bishop Youssef (1682-1687) was the last bishop to
visit the Island, in 1682. 81
In c. 1640, the Franciscans asked the Holy See for the Maronite church of the Holy Cross in
Nicosia, with all its property. They justified this request by noting that since there were very few
Maronites left in Nicosia and only one priest, the Maronites didn’t really need a church of their
own. They proposed that the church should be turned into a monastery-school in order to teach
the Greek children, while continuing to serve Maronite villages. 82
It is noted in the Franciscan archives in Nicosia that Maronite villages were administered by
Latin priests from 1690 to 1759, which shows that the Maronites lacked priests of their own
rite. 83 The Franciscans administered the sacraments of marriage and baptism to the Maronites
between 1690 and 1759, as shown in the archival registries of the order in Cyprus. These
registries also reveal that the Franciscans administered the sacraments to the Maronites in their
villages of Agia Marina, Kormakiti and Asomatos which didn’t have pastors to serve them. It
also seems that the number of villages was reduced to ten during that period. 84 The Maronites of
Cyprus were to wait until 1848, or 166 years, before their Bishop visited them again. They were
abandoned and left without any spiritual guidance of their own. Certain villages, such as Kitrea
[Kythrea] and Saint Raymond adopted Islam. The rest were hunted and massacred by the Greeks,
who were given jurisdiction over them. 85 In addition, the Maronite community at the time lacked
religious shepherds and consequently was deprived of its essential element of strength.
In 1735, a very important event took place in the Maronite community of Cyprus. The Superior
General Abbot Mekhayel Iskander al Ihdny of the Lebanese Maronite Order of Monks made the
decision to dispatch two monks -- Father Boutros al Mousawer and Father Makarios al
'Ashkouty -- to Cyprus to open a school for the children of the Maronite community on the
81 Daleel 1980: 109.
82 Assamarani 1997: 48.
83 Hill 1972: 382.
84 Cyrilli 1899: 69.
85 Cirilli 1898: 18, Palmieri 1905: 2463.
16

Island. 86 The school was opened in 1736 and a monastery was built in Metoschi named after
Saint Elias. 87
The Synod of Mount Lebanon in 1736 reduced the number of dioceses but kept the Bishopric of
Cyprus as one of the remaining eight. The new jurisdiction of this Bishopric encompassed the
Island of Cyprus, as well as several villages and towns in the Kisserwan, Matn and Beirut
districts of Lebanon. 88
Joseph Semaan Assemani, an alumnus of the Maronite College of Rome and a Papal envoy to
the Maronites, after accomplishing his mission in convening the Synod of Mount Lebanon in
1736, visited the Maronites in Lebanon, Egypt and Cyprus. When Assemani visited the Island in
1738, he “assembled a diocesan synod on March 7.” 89 The diocesan synod discovered that the
Maronites did not have enough priests to serve them and that Maronites could be found
everywhere on the entire Island, in Nicosia, in Larnaka, and in ten other villages. The synod
decided to oblige the Maronite Monks to open two new schools and to send missionaries to visit
the ten villages and serve the parishioners. 90
In 1745, Cyprus became an independent province with its proper pasha. In 1754, a decree of the
Sultan Khatt-I humayun, fixed the taxes at 21.5 piastres per head and gave the Greek bishops the
responsibility for the collection and payment of these taxes from their Greek subjects. However,
the representative of the Ottoman grand-vizir doubled the taxes of the Muslims and the
Christians, who revolted and killed him. 91 At this epoch, the Ottomans illegitimately decreed that
"all the Maronite churches in the villages are subject of the Greek bishops of the dioceses in
which they are situated, in accordance with the Sultan's berats; these Bishops grant them
dispensations for marriage and divorce…" 92 Consequently, the Maronites were paying taxes to
the Sultan through the Greek bishops. However, from 1777-1783, the Ottoman administration
and the Greek bishops, who employed tax collectors called dragomen, shared the collection of
86
Bleibel Volume 1: 220-221; Assamarani 1979: 95.
87
Bleibel Volume 1: 220-221; Assamarani 1979: 95-97.
88
Gemayel 1992: 188; Al Majmaa the Synod 1736: 127.
89
Dib 1971: 135.
90
Assamarani 1979: 127-128.
91
De Groot 1979: 305.
17

taxes. 93 The Greek bishops remained in control and persecuted the Maronites "even to the
shedding of blood.” 94 Archbishop Chrysanthos and the Dragoman Haji Georgiakis Kornesios
were the perpetrators, and thus left a bad name behind them. 95
In 1756, under the patronage of Patriarch Semaan ‘Awwad, all the Maronite bishops signed a
petition and presented it to the French Ambassador in Istanbul following the confiscation of two
Maronite churches in Cyprus by the Greeks. In this petition, the bishops stated that the Greek
Bishop in the Island had confiscated two churches, Saint Mary of Kythrea and Saint Anthony of
Kefalovrysso. The petition was signed by Youhanna, Bishop of Arka, Gibrayel, Bishop of Tyr
and Sydon, Estephanos, Bishop of Baa’lbek, Philibbos, Bishop of Cyprus, Tobia, El Khazen
Bishop of Tripoli, Youssef, bishop of Beirut, Antonios, bishop of Byblos and Batroun, Michael
Bishop of Babel, Germanos, Bishop of Homs, and Abdallah Habkouk, Bishop of Nablus. 96 The
matter was not solved and thus in 1771 Patriarch Youssef Estphan El Duwaihi sent Father
Youssef Maroun El Duwaihi to Cyprus to resolve the matter. The latter stayed five years in
Cyprus working on the return of these churches to the Maronites, but to no avail. 97
In 1768, Patriarch Youssef Istephan Al Ghostawi appointed Elias Gemayel II as Bishop of the
Maronites of Cyprus. The Bishopric of Cyprus included the Island of Cyprus and villages in the
Matn area of Lebanon. As the persecution of the Maronites continued, Bishop Elias Gemayel
increased his efforts to alleviate the suffering of his flock by petitioning the Sublime Porte in El
Asetana (Constantinople), the French Consul in Larnaka, and the Propaganda Fide of the Holy
See in Rome to intervene to repeal the injustices that befell the Maronites. 98 When all of these
efforts failed to alter the situation, the Holy See requested Bishop Gemayel II to reside on the
island; however, due to the Bishop’s involvement in many projects for his flock who resided in
Lebanon, an agreement was reached to appoint a vicar to look after the Maronites of the Island.
92 Hill 1972: 382.
93 De Groot 1979: 305.
94 Hill 1972: 382.
95 Hill 1972: 382.
96 Patriarchal Record Volume 2, page 366-367, Drawer of Patriarch Semaan ‘Awwad, Patriarchal Archive, Bkerke,
Lebanon.
97 Drawer of Patriarch Youssef Estphan, paper 164, dated December 6, 1771, Patriarchal Archive, Bkerke,
Lebanon.
98 Sfeir, B. Al Batriark Philibbos Al Gemayel: His Historical Roots, His Life and His Accomplishments 1746-1796,
Holy Sprit University, Kaslik, 1999, pp. 27-28.
18

Padre Polikarpos, who was the custodian and guardian of the Holy Land residing in Cyprus, was
appointed vicar in 1777. 99
In 1821, the minimal participation of the Greek Cypriots in the Greek War of Independence
(1821-1829) “gave the Muslims a pretext to disarm first the Christians and then arrest and put to
death, in July of 1821, the principal personalities, notably Archbishop Kyprianos and three other
bishops. The massacre was followed by partial confiscation of the victims’ properties as well as
of many churches and monasteries of the island, but a great number of them were returned
afterward.” 100 History records that 500 Greek Cypriot notables, prelates and clergymen also
perished in this massacre. 101 Owing to this carnage, “many families of Maronite origin were
compelled to embrace Islam, and, as time went on, we hear of them desiring to return to their old
faith, and claiming French protection to that end.” 102
It was not until 1845 that the Maronite Patriarchate was successful in obtaining from the Sublime
Porte a firman removing the Maronites from the rule of the Orthodox bishops and restoring them
to the rule of the Maronite bishops. This was the result of the diplomatic efforts of Elias Efendi
Hawa, the Maronite Patriarch's representative in Constantinople, and the untiring labor of the
French Consul in Cyprus. 103 Consequently, the Maronite Bishops were able to again visit their
flock in Cyprus. This may have “led to a large increase in the number of professing
Maronites." 104 After 166 years (1682-1848) of not having a residing bishop, the Maronites
received Bishop Geagea, who made his first pastoral visit to the Island in 1848. Many other visits
followed in 1867, 1870 and 1879.
One of the most important documents available regarding the Maronites of Cyprus in the
Ottoman era is written by the Priest Bartelmaous Iskandar Al Ghabri to the Bishop of Cyprus
Elias Gemayel in 1776; this document is in the Patriarchal Archives in Bkerke. In this document,
which reads like a report on the situation of the Maronites on the Island, Al Ghabri gives detailed
99 Sfeir 1999: 28-29.
100 De Groot 1979: 305.
101 Kyrris 1996: 281.
102 Hill 1972: 382.
103 Cirilli 1898: 22-23; Hill 1972: 382.
104 Hill 1972: 383.
19

estimates of the names of the Maronite villages, the name and number of the churches, the
parishioners and priests, as well as the waqf or pious endowment of each parish. He estimates
that the number of the Maronites was 550 in 11 villages: Kythrea with 78 strong, St. Anthony of
Kefalovrysso 7, Klepini 1, Rophous 11, Marina [Skyllouras] 45, Asomatos (Kyrenia) 39,
Melleha [Larnaka] 40, Markeen [Marki, Margi] 12, Kampyli 79, Karpasia 99 and Kormakiti 139
(Bkerke, Vol. II, page 504, Assamarani 1979: 50-52). The customary Ottoman sources for
detailed population registration in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are severely lacking
for Cyprus. The total population of the Island was estimated to have been “90,000 in 1824-
1829… In 1841, the Governor Talaat Efendi put the total population [of the Island] at 108,000-
110,000, of whom 75,000-76,000 were Greeks, 32,000-33,000 Turks, 1200-1300 Maronites, 500
Roman Catholics (mostly European), and 150-160 Armenians." 105 In 1842, “Lilburn estimated
the Maronite population to be at 450, Niven Kerr, in 1844, put the figure at 490, Mas Latrie, in
1861, put it at 1200-1300, distributed in five or six villages, Colonna Ceccaldi’s estimate in 1868
was only 709 in five villages, with 95 in Nicosia, 50 in Larnaka, and a few scattered about the
Island. Laffon, in 1872, put them at 1300, in five villages….” 106
De Mas Latrie gives an account of the state of the Maronite nation toward the middle of the 19 th
century saying that:
“The traces of the retreat of the Maronites in the Northern Mountains can be recognized
by abandoned churches and chapels, by villages that became Turkish or fully deserted. Quite a
great gathering of the Maronites must have existed around the sources and the hamlets in the
heights of Kythrea. The remnants are all alive. Maronite priests revisit from time to time to
officiate in a church for Saint Anthony near the ruins of the Kephalovrysi village. The [Maronite]
nation has withdrawn little by little toward the extremity of the Lapithos district. [The Maronites
are] but half of the village of Kampyli, Turkish for the other half. The villages of Asomatos,
Karpasia and Kormakiti are all Maronite. There are churches in these villages and others in the
mountain area, a monastery of Saint Elias to the west of the settlement of Margi, now without
any inhabitant. The priest or of Kormakiti, who wears a cross, replaced the Maronite bishop of
the island, who was obliged long ago by the persecution of the Greeks to reside in Syria. In these
105 Hill 1972: 33.
106 Hill 1972: 383.
20

times, many families, owing to the cupidity of the Turks and the humiliation inflicted by the
Turks, solicited security in Lebanon, where their nation was alive prospering. However, for a few
years, France was given to the remaining of the [Maronite] colony incentives to stop emigration.
[The French] consuls have stopped the exaction of the Greek clergy over the Maronite Churches
and have obtained for their members justice of being badly treated no more.” 107
Maronites under the British Rule in Cyprus 1878-1959 and the Creation of the Republic of
Cyprus
On June 4 th 1878, Britain and Turkey signed the Cyprus Convention whereby Cyprus was ceded
to the British in exchange for the latter's aid to Turkey in defending the Ottoman Empire against
any Russian expansion in Asia Minor. 108 However, the British annexed the Island in 1914 and in
1923, under the Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey renounced its rights to Cyprus and recognized its
annexation to Britain; the Island became a British Crown colony in 1925. 109
Britain held a census for the Island in 189, which recorded a population of 209, 286 of whom
there were 1,131 Maronite. They were mostly in the district of Cerines and had owned
monasteries: Saint Elie near [the village of] Agia Marina, Saint Mary of Nicosia, Saint Marie of
Margi near Myrtou, and Saint Romanos in Vouno. 110
J. M. Cerilli, the Vicar General of the Maronites of Cyprus, documented the condition of the
Maronites, their villages and their churches toward the end of the nineteenth century. Cerilli
described the actual situation of the Maronites of the Island in 1889 as follows: “As the number
of Catholics comes immediately after that of the Turks and counts 4,000 [strong], of whom 3,000
[are] Maronites and 1000 [are] uniate Greek, Latins and Armenians…. The three villages of
Kormakiti, Asomatos, and Karpasia are entirely Maronites. Those of Agia Marina and Kampyli,
which were entirely Maronites, as proven by the existing kinship connections, are mixed with
Turks. A good number of Maronites are dispersed in the towns of Nicosia, Larnaka, Famagusta
and Limassol. We also find a few in Paphos and many other villages. Their churches are in
107 De Mas Latrie 1861: 110-111.
108 De Groot 1979: 306.
109 Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
110 Palmieri 1905: col. 2463.
21

miserable condition and facing ruination. Those of Asomatos, Nicosia and Larnaka are in need of
complete reconstruction and the others demand urgent reparation if we do not want to see them
fully collapse.” Cerilli further wrote that during this period the Maronites totally lacked schools
and although the Protestant propaganda on the Island offered to establish schools and teach the
children, Joseph Zoghbi, the Maronite bishop of Cyprus, refused the offer and removed the Vicar
General, who had, without the bishop’s consent, accepted the proposal. 111 “Now,” continues
Cerilli, “the Maronites do not have schools anymore and this has presented a great
inconvenience. Parents wishing to educate of their children send them to the schools of the nonuniate
Greeks in the nearby villages.” 112
Repetitive census estimated the number of Maronite Cypriots in 1921 at 1350 and in 1931 at
1704 113 and in 1960 at 2708. 114
When the Queen’s flag was raised on the Island, the Cypriots rejoiced and hoped that this change
of guard would lead to the transfer of the Island to Greece and hoped that their aspiration of
‘Enosis’ (union with Greece) would finally be realized. The Cypriots soon realized that the
British were another occupying power.
Before long, the new rulers imposed heavy taxes to cover the cost paid to the Sultan, who had in
effect sold the Island to the British. The British gave all governing power to the High
Commissioner and London. The latter was aided by two councils – Legislative and Executive –
whose members were appointed by the Queen or the High Commissioner. In 1882, the system
was reformed and some members of the Legislative Council were elected by the Cypriots, but in
reality their power was only marginal. 115
As a result of the religious freedom brought in by British, the Linobambaci showed signs of
wanting to return to the faith of their ancestors. Franciscans friars in Limassol, particularly
Father Célestin de Nunzio de Casalnuovo, worked on returning the Linobambaci (or
111 Cirilli 1898: 26-29.
112 Cirilli 1898: 29.
113 Hill 1972: 383.
114 De Groot 1979: 307.
22

Linobambaci) to their Christian religion. Ten villages asked him officially to establish schools
for them: Ano Civida, Kato Cividat, Polemidia, Amathunta, Mannogna, Stavrocomi, Saint-
Georges, Marona, Pano-Archimandrita and Monagri. He obliged by opening two schools. But
the Greek hierarchy agitated the fanatics, who began attacking the Linobambaci, and their
agriculture fields. 116 However, the fear of “the reversion of the Island to Turkey and the
inevitable punishment of the “apostates”; the variously negative attitude of the Greek Cypriot
prelates and other church officials toward the returning of the “Crypto-Christians” to whom they
showed mistrust, and measures of coercion taken by the [Greek] Church against those still
remaining in their ambiguous status, forced many to choose Islam for good.” 117
The hope for ‘enosis’ continued to prevail on the Island despite the fact that, for different
reasons, Greece turned down the British offer of the Island in 1912 and in 1915 respectively. At
the onset of World War I in 1914, Britain annexed the Island; a representative regime was
installed in 1922 with a Legislative Council formed of 28 members: 9 Greeks, three Turks and
six British administrators. However, in 1923, during the Lausanne Treaty, Turkey renounced all
rights in Cyprus. 118 Consequently, the nine Greek members of the Legislative Council resigned
and the Cypriot Greeks called for the embargo of the upcoming elections.
In 1925, Britain made Cyprus a crown colony, which incited resistance against it by the Greeks
who advocated union or enosis with Greece and created a movement to that end. In 1950 when
“an unofficial referendum for self-determination showed that 96% of the Greek population
favored enosis,” a counter movement with a separatist ideology emerged among the Turkish
Cypriots advocating division or taksim. 119 The attacks against British locations and subjects
intensified and “entered a new stage in 1930. It was marked by violence, guerilla warfare,
terrorism and increasingly bitter relations and strife between the Greeks and the Turkish
elements in the population. 120 Due to this situation, the British declared a state of emergency and
115 Kyrris 1996: 304-309.
116 Palmieri 1905: col. 2468.
117 Kyrris 1996: 312.
118 De Groot 1979: 306.
119 Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
120 Mc Guire 1967: 569.
23

put the island under military rule until World War II. 121 However, the British were impelled by
the intensification of the opposition to grant the Island its independence in 1959. 122
The prime ministers of Great Britain, Greece and Turkey signed an agreement in Zurich in 1959,
which was accepted by the Greek and the Turkish representatives from Cyprus, whereby the
island was established as an independent republic. The agreement went into effect in 1960 and
Archbishop Makarios III was elected first president. The treaty precluded both the union with
Greece and partition but brought little peace to the Island. 123 A new Constitution was established
in 1960 in which the newly independent republic of Cyprus was endowed with a presidential
regime in which the official figures were Greeks and Turks. The President was to be Greek and
the Vice President, Turkish, elected by their respective communities and both were to hold veto
power. 124
The Zurich agreement, which observed the rights of the minorities, recognized only two major
political communities, the Greek and the Turkish, who had political rights. Other sects, to gain
political rights, had to join one of the two communities. The Maronites, headed by Bishop Elias
Farah, realized that this agreement was not just, especially in the light of the fact that the
Maronites had sacrificed themselves for the good of the Island and therefore deserved equal
political rights. The Maronite religious hierarchy and the Lebanese Republic asked that the
Maronites be represented by their own members in the parliament, administration, the army, the
police and the diplomatic and consulate cadres; to retain their personal status quo; and to enjoy
equality with the Greeks and Turks in the area of education and marital judgments. 125
These demands were based first upon the British statement, which complemented the Zurich
agreement that secured basic human rights to all the Cypriot parties, according to the Human
Rights Charter. It was also based upon Turkey’s admission in the Rome Agreement that the
fundamental rights included political rights. Moreover, the Maronites had been represented in all
121
De Groot 1979: 306.
122
Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
123
Mc Guire 1967: 569-570.
124
De Groot 1979: 307.
125
Abu Fadel, H. The Lebanese in the Island, Manuscript, the Archives of the Maronite Bishopric of Cyprus, n.d.,
pp. 6-8.
24

parliamentary councils in Cyprus since 1918, and even had a seat in the parliament, according to
the two constitutions; therefore, they claimed that there was a precedent for such representation.
Finally, they argued that to limit the representation of the Maronites to only one community
councils might lead to the weakening of their religious identity. 126
In one of his lobbying letters on behalf of the Maronite Cypriots, Bishop Elias Farah wrote a
memorandum on 24 April 1959 in which he stated “it is just and equitable to foresee for the
Maronites: a) the creation of a Communal Assembly which has the same attributes as the Greek
and the Turkish Assemblies; b) representation of the community in the Legislative Assembly by
a deputy elected by the Maronite community; c) Absolute equality before the law and open
access to public and private positions; and d) application of Maronite laws concerning personal
statute.” 127
In 1959, 1151 out of 1380 voters voted for the Archbishop Makarios and on 7 February 1960. In
the parliamentary elections, the Maronite Ioannis Mavrides was elected and served until 1980,
when he was succeeded by Ninos Haji Roussos (1980-1985), and then reelected from 1986-
1991. Haji Roussos’s successor was Ioannis Poyiatzis who served from 1991 to 1996. In 1996,
Mr. Antonis Haji Roussos won the election and has since been reelected; he is presently serving
his third term. 128
Since 1959 and according to article 109 of the Constitution of the Cyprus Republic, the
Maronites were represented in the Greek Communal Council or Chamber by a member of their
own community. However, owing to the communal clashes between the Greek and Turkish
Cypriots in 1963, the Greek Communal chamber was abolished in 1965. The Maronites
continued to elect their own member to the House of Representatives. The House of
Representatives, through its appropriate parliamentary committee, and before taking any
legislative measure on any such subject relating to the Maronite Community and any organ or
authority of the Republic, and before exercising administrative authority on any such subject
126
Abu Fadel n.d.: 8-9.
127
Farah, E. Memorandum: Les Minorites Libanaises de Chypre, Manuscript, the archive of the Maronite Bishopric
of Cyprus Antelias, 1959: 2-3.
25

elating to such community, had to take the views of the representative of the Maronite
Community into consideration.
During British rule, the Maronite bishops were able to visit their flock on the Island freely.
Bishop Youssef Al Zoghbi, visited Cyprus twice in 1885 and in 1889. 129 After his enthronement
in 1892, the new Bishop Nemtallah Selwan visited his parishioners on the Island in 1894 and in
1900. Bishop Boutros Al Zoghbi was appointed bishop of Cyprus in 1906 and visited his flock in
1907. He was followed by Bishop Boulos Awwad in 1911, who visited his episcopacy in 1914,
1921, 1924, 1930 and 1933. Bishop Francis Ayoub was enthroned bishop of Cyprus in 1943 and
visited the Island five times in 1942, 1947, 1949, 1951 and 1953. Bishop Elias Farah was elected
in 1954 and remained until his resignation in 1986. He visited the Island more than ten times.
During his episcopacy he fought for the rights of his people under the British rule, during the
struggle for independence and during and after the Turkish invasion of 1974, which affected the
whole Maronite Cypriot community due to the location of their villages in the part annexed by
the Turks. 130
The Independence Era of Cyprus (1960-1974)
Cyprus gained its independence in 1960 and created a “presidential form of government and a bicommunal
system to represent the interests of the Greek and the Turkish communities.” 131 The
Constitution decreed that Cyprus be governed by “a Greek President and Turkish Vice-President,
10 Ministers (7 Greek and 3 Turkish), and a unicameral House of Representatives (with 35
members elected by the Greek Community and 15 elected by the Turkish Community). 132 In
1963, the Turkish Cypriots representatives withdrew from the government due to their
disapproval of some constitutional amendments and began “forming social, political and
territorial enclaves that disrupted the population pattern of the Island.” 133 According to United
128
Information provided by Antonis Haji Roussos, Representative of the Maronites before the Government of
Cyprus, September 2007.
129
Assamarani 1982: 387.
130
Assamarani 1979: 134-147.
131
Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
132
Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
133
Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
26

Nations estimates, approximately 20,000 Turkish Cypriots moved to special quarters within
towns and to ethnically “pure” villages. 134
In its Article 2(3), The Cypriot Constitution required the smaller “religious groups or
communities”, i.e. the Maronites, Armenians and Latins to chose to belong to either of the two
main communities, namely, to the Greek or the Turkish communities. 135 The Maronite
community, in its entirety, (1046 voters) voted to belong to the Greek Republic of Cyprus. 136 At
the time they were living mainly in their ancient villages of Asomatos, Agia Marina, Karpasia,
and Kormakiti and there number was around 2572 strong. 137
The Constitution of Cyprus does not make reference to “minorities” but rather to “communities”
and to “religious groups” which are mainly Maronites, Armenians and Latins. These religious
groups have the rights to elect their own representatives to the House of Representatives;
however they do not have any legislative powers and act as advisors in the matters pertaining to
their respective communities. The Maronites, like the other religious groups or communities,
retain their religious representative in the House of Parliament, whose role is to watch over the
education of the Maronite Rite in the schools and to guarantee the religious freedom of the
Maronites. The representative is mainly as observant and consultant; they do not enjoy any
political role or voting rights. 138 Having a representative marked the entry of the Maronites and
the other religious groups or communities into the constitutional life of the country.
During the ear of independence, the Maronites were clustered in their remaining four villages,
Kormakiti, Asomatos, Karpasia, and Agia Marina. They had their own elementary schools,
although these schools followed the curricula of the Ministry of Education and Culture, were
134 Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
135 Trimikliniotis, N. Report on Measures to Combat Discrimination in the 13 Candidate Countries (VT/2004/47):
Country Report Cyprus, MEDE European Consultancy, Netherlands and Migration Policy Group, Belgium, May
2003, [http://humanconsultancy.com/CYPRUS%20Final%20EN.pdf].
136 The Cyprus Labor Institute (PEO-INEK), The Historical Context: Ethnic Communities, Minorities and Mode
2006, [http://www.inek.org.cy/images/attachments/articles%20section/History.Modernity.Minorities(Draft).pdf].
137 Cyprus Embassy in Finland, Memorandum: Exploitation of Maronite Properties in Occupied Cyprus, n.d.,
[www.cyprusembassy.fi/Cyprus/filemanager/Exploitationmaroniteproperties.pdf]
138 The Cyprus Labor Institute (PEO-INEK), The Historical Context: Ethnic Communities, Minorities and
Modernity, 2006,
[http://www.inek.org.cy/images/attachments/articles%20section/History.Modernity.Minorities(Draft).pdf].
27

under its supervision and were open to all the Cypriots. The teachers were all Maronites, and the
pupils were engaged in extra curricular activities such as lessons in religious education according
to the Maronite Catholic faith, Arabic language, and Maronite cultural tradition especially in
songs and dances.
In terms of their political rights during the era of independence, the Maronites were represented
in the Greek Communal Chamber by a member elected by their own community. However,
following the turmoil of 1963 between the Greeks and the Turks, the Chamber was abolished in
1965. Following these events, the “religious groups or communities” including the Maronites,
had one representative in the House of Representatives. 139
1974 Turkish Occupation and the Current Situation
Following the 1974 Turkish invasion and the partition of the Island, the Maronites, like their
fellow Greek citizens, were displaced from their villages and were assisted by the Greek
government to settle in the southern part of the Island. The villages were virtually emptied of
their inhabitants with the exception of a few elderly persons who refused to leave their homes
and land in the Turkish occupied north.
The displaced, including the Maronites, were put in refugee camps and in rented houses or they
lodged with family members or friends who were in the southern part prior to the invasion.
When the chances of return to their villages looked grim, the Cypriot government assisted the
refugees to build churches and schools. Following the invasion and displacement, the Maronite
pupils began to attend Greek Cypriot elementary schools, and for those who could afford it,
private schools in the southern part of the Island. However, the government has funded the
building of an elementary school for the Maronites in Nicosia. The government subsidizes the
fees for Maronites who wish to do their secondary education studies at Catholic private
schools. 140
139 Republic of Cyprus, Measures for Turkish Cypriots Human Rights and Religious Groups in Cyprus: Supplement
B, n.d., p. 29, [http://www.youthboard.org.cy/english/sup_b.pdf].
140 Republic of Cyprus, Measures for Turkish Cypriots Human Rights and Religious Groups in Cyprus: Supplement
B, n.d., p. 28-29, [http://www.youthboard.org.cy/english/sup_b.pdf].
28

During the invasion, the village of Agia Marina was air raided and the Monastery of Saint Elias
was completely destroyed. Following the occupation, the Turkish authorities issued certain
regulations governing the movement of the Maronites. These regulations, however, were
gradually revoked and more stringent restrictions were imposed, among which no contact with
the neighboring villages was allowed, and a curfew was enforced from 9 p.m. to 6 a.m.
The village of Asomatos was inhabited by about 700 Maronites, however, only five persons
mainly elderly, stayed in the village following the invasion. During the Turkish occupation, the
Turkish army had a military camp in the village and had turned some of the houses and the
school into storages for their needs. 141
The village of Agia Marina had over 600 inhabitants prior of the invasion. However, no one was
allowed to stay in the village because the village was made into a military zone and civilians
were restricted from entering it. The icon of Agia Marina was taken out of its church by the
Turkish military and was put in a military museum in a nearby village. Some of the village’s land
was said to have been unlawfully registered in the name of Turkish Cypriots. 142
The village of Karpasia had 300 inhabitants prior to 1974; only a few stayed in the village after
the invasion. Many of the houses were occupied by the military and the fields were used for
military training. 143
The village of Kormakiti, which is the largest Maronite village in Cyprus, had 2000 inhabitants
before the invasion. Only one hundred, mainly elderly, were able to stay. 144
According to a memorandum by the Bishopric of Cyprus dated 16 December 1978 the Maronites
numbered 5,000 or so persons. They were disbursed as follows: 600 in Kormakiti, 60 in
141 Memorandum Exploitation of Maronite Properties in Occupied Cyprus, Cyprus Embassy in Finland,
[www.cyprusembassy.fi/Cyprus/filemanager/Exploitationmaroniteproperties.pdf].
142 Memorandum Exploitation of Maronite Properties in Occupied Cyprus, Cyprus Embassy in Finland,
[www.cyprusembassy.fi/Cyprus/filemanager/Exploitationmaroniteproperties.pdf].
143 Memorandum Exploitation of Maronite Properties in Occupied Cyprus, Cyprus Embassy in Finland,
[www.cyprusembassy.fi/Cyprus/filemanager/Exploitationmaroniteproperties.pdf].
144 Memorandum Exploitation of Maronite Properties in Occupied Cyprus, Cyprus Embassy in Finland,
[www.cyprusembassy.fi/Cyprus/filemanager/Exploitationmaroniteproperties.pdf].
29

Asomatos, 50 in Karpasia, 2500 in Nicosia, 800 in Limassol, 200 in Larnaka, 400 in Kotchati
and 600 in Polimikia. 145 Of the ancient Maronite villages in Cyprus, only four remained:
Kormakiti, Karpasia, Asomatos and Agia Marina. However, their populations have been largely
displaced due to the 1974 Turkish and partition of the Island. The four villages are all located in
the Turkish part of the island. The Turkish authorities issued several regulations governing the
living conditions of the non-Turkish population living in its territory in Cyprus. These
regulations placed sever restriction on freedom of movement, on the right of return and on the
right to transfer land through inheritance. 146
The Cypriot cause was and continues to be discussed on the highest international levels. In 2002,
the Maronites of Cyprus presented their demands to the United Nations Secretary General Kofi
Annan: a) The right to have access to their own villages, churches, monasteries and properties; b)
The right to be respected according to the standard of universal human rights; and c) the right to
live constitutionally and territorially with the Greek community.
As mentioned above, the Cypriot Maronites continue to exist in Cyprus and are recognized as a
“religious community.” They continue to have a Maronite Archbishop, who is elected by the
Holy Synod of the Maronite Church in Lebanon and confirmed by His Holiness the Pope of
Rome. Their liturgy is celebrated in Greek, but the consecration is said in Syriac, a dialect of
Aramaic, and the language spoken by Jesus Christ. Some of the hymns are also sung in Syriac
and Arabic. The Maronites congregate in their parishes in Limassol, Nicosia and Larnaka and a
small number live in Phaos. In Nicosia, the Maronites have Saint Mary’s Cathedral; in
Anthoupolis they built a church under the name of the patron saint of the Maronite nation—Saint
Maron; and in Kotsiatis they erected a new beautiful church under the name of one of their
venerated saints -- Agia Marina. In Limassol, they have two churches. Saint Charbel in Limassol
and Saint Marina in Polemidia; In Larnaka they celebrate their religious rites in the Catholic
church of Saint Joseph.
145 For information about the state of the villages, their churches and practice see M. Bradswell, A visit to Some of
the Maronite Villages of Cyprus, Eastern Churches Quarterly, Volume III, No 5, 1919, pp. 304-308; E. Bowron,
The Maronites of Cyprus, Eastern Churches Quarterly, Volume II, No 1, 1937, pp. 10-12.
30

Bishop Youssef Beshara became the Bishop of Cyprus in 1986 and in 1988 the Bishopric of
Cyprus was separated from the Bishopric of Antelias and reinstated as an independent
episcopate. Bishop Boutros Gemayel was elected prelate of the Maronites of Cyprus. It was only
in 1988 that the seat and residence of the Bishopric of Cyprus returned to the Island and its
jurisdiction was again exclusively that of the Island. 147
Currently, the border of the Maronite Bishopric of Cyprus encompasses the whole 9400 Square
Meters of the island which is 37% Turkish in the north and 63% Greek in the south. The number
of the Maronite parishes is currently ten; the number of priests is nine. In 2001, the Cypriot
government estimated that the Cypriot Maronite population of the Island was at 4,800 or 0.6% of
the total population. 148 However, the total number of Maronite parishioners is 7,500 including
Lebanese patriots. There are three monks from the Lebanese Maronite Order (LMO) who are
trying to rebuild the Maronite monastic life in Cyprus. There are three nuns from the Antonine
Sisters who teach Arabic language classes, prepare pupils for their first communion, teach
catechism, visit the sick, work on the formation of apostolic movements; they have been
involved in these activities since the establishment of their mission on the Island in 1979.
The community has one school in Acropolis named after Saint Maron, however, two other
schools, the Terra Santa and Saint Mary’s, receive Maronite students. The community is active
in social, religious, sports and cultural activities. There are several religious and social
associations such as Mary’s Legion, Maronite Youth, Saint Anthony Fraternity, Fraternity of the
Blessed Mother, Association of Catechism Teachers, Association of Camps Directors, Faith and
Light Association and Caritas Cyprus. 149 Other clubs include Sistima Proskopon Maroniton, a
Cypriot Maronite Scout club; ENA Asomatou, Kormakitis, EMA Anthoupolis, Kedros Ayias
Marinas are all football clubs; Sindesmos Epistimonon Maroniton and the Kiprou Kermia Ztite
club, which preserves and promotes Maronite culture; and Hki Fi Sanna, which is a Non
146 Republic of Cyprus, Measures for Turkish Cypriots Human Rights and Religious Groups in Cyprus: Supplement
B, n.d., p. 29, [http://www.youthboard.org.cy/english/sup_b.pdf].
147 Gemayel 1992: 191-1993.
148 Cyprus [http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/cy_en.pdf].
149 Gemayel 1992: 193-194.
31

Governmental Organization aiming at preserving and promoting Maronite Cypriot Arabic
language. 150
In terms of cultural distinctiveness, the Maronites of Cyprus are native Greek speakers;
presently, however, they also speak different languages, as they have throughout their history,
which include Syriac, Arabic, French and Italian. 151 Kormakiti is the only Maronite village that
maintained, at least through its older inhabitants, the ancient practice of a dialect that came to be
known as the Cypriot Maronite Arabic (CMA). 152 This spoken dialect, which does not have a
written form, is the result of an exceptional combination of Aramaic, Arabic and Greek which
developed on the Island among Christian migrants from the area of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and
Palestine. 153 Unfortunately, due to the fact that the Cypriot Maronite Language is not written,
because of the 1974 invasion, that displaced the Maronite Community of Kormakiti, the
language has not been handed down to the new generation.
The Maronites continue to celebrate the feasts of their saints particularly that of Saint Maron.
The feast starts with a solemn mass at the Cathedral in Nicosia; the mass is usually celebrated by
the Maronite Archbishop of Cyprus and attended by the President of Cyprus.
In recent years, the Cypriot Maronites have had several famous personalities: Mr. Antoniou
Avraam, who was an elected Member of Parliament for the Nicosia constituency of the AKEL-
LEFT-New Forces Political Party. He was first elected in 1991 and reelected in 1996. He was the
Secretary General of the largest trade union organization of Cyprus, the Pan-Cyprian Federation
of Labour (PEO). He was also the Chairman of the House Standing Committee on Labour and
Social Insurance; Ms. Felissa Haji Hanna, who was from Agia Marina and who wrote many
children’s books, and Mr. Toni Solomou, a singer and a composer, who also from Agia Marina.
150
Information provided by Antonis Haji Roussos, Representative of the Maronites before the Government of
Cyprus, September 2007.
151
Varnava, A. The Maronite Community of Cyprus: Past, Present and Future, Al-Mashriq: A Quarterly Journal of
Middle East Studies, I, 2, September 2002, pp. 45-70, p.21.
152
For information about the cultural aspect of Kormakiti and its people see ΦΡΑΓΚΙΣΚΟΥ, Α. ΛΑΟΓΡΑφΙΑ
ΤΟΥ ΚΟΡΜΑΚΙΤΗ, ΛΕΥΚΩΙΑ, 1969.
153
For details see A. Borg, A Glossary of Cypriot Maronite Arabic 9Arabic-English: With An Introductory Essay,
Boston, MA: Brill, 2004; M. Tsiapera, A Descriptive Analysis of Cypriot Maronite Arabic, The Hague: Mouton,
1969; and A. Roth, Le Verbe Dans le Parler Arab de Kormakiti, Chypre, Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul
Geurthner, 1975.
32

With the return of the bishop of Cyprus to the Island in 1988, the Cypriot Maronite community
began to witness a much sought after and long desired renaissance. Archbishop Boutros
Gemayel, who was elected bishop of Cyprus in 1988, has been an inspiration to the community.
In cooperation with the Maronite clergy and community and through his excellent relationship
with the Cypriot government, including the consecutive presidents of the republic and the leaders
of the Greek Orthodox church, he was able to build a new Episcopal residence in Nicosia,
another in Acropolis with a kindergarten; a new church, a community hall and burial site in
Limassol; a new church in Kotchatis, and the renovation of the old churches in the Greek section
of the Island. He also established an atelier for iconographic painting in 1992, which had and
continues to have its in-house iconographer, Ms. Jacqueline Ascott. The first output of this
atelier was a set of 52 icons for the 52 weeks of the liturgical year and another set depicting the
Saints of the Maronite Church. The two sets were published in two separate books with
annotations. The bishop also amassed the ancient icons that were venerated in the Maronite
churches of the north, restored them and conserved them. These invaluable icons, which are from
the 13 th , 14 th , 15 th , 16 th , 17 th and 18 th centuries, are now housed in a special room in the new
Episcopal residence. This residence also accommodates a small Cypriot Maronite Museum and
Library which houses what has survived of the cultural material of the church and the
community.
Bishop Gemayel also built the Saint Peter's Maronite Cypriot House in Qornet Shehwan in
Lebanon with the aim of hosting the Cypriot Maronites who visit Lebanon, to aid those who
want to make a pilgrimage to the holy sites in Lebanon, and to facilitate the strengthening of ties
with their Maronite Church and its people. The House has since been a hub for spiritual, social
and cultural activities of the Cypriot Maronite Community.
Bishop Gemayel also established the Center for Cypriot Maronite Studies, which is in the
process of preparing a book on the history of the Maronites of Cyprus, a book containing three
hundred years of baptisms, marriages and burial records, a Christian education book for the
youth, and other liturgical and prayer books.
33

Prior to the 1974 invasion, the Maronites lived in their homogenous villages in the Kyrenia
district in the northern part of the Island. They were mainly peasants involved primarily in
agricultural production, as such they “retained a clear sense of ethnic identity” predominantly
because of their separate ecclesiastical hierarchy, their schools and clubs and “because of their
geographical separation and isolation.” 154 However, the 1974 invasion and its consequent
disbursement of the Maronites outside their traditional villages have caused them to face new
challenges especially in regard to their sense of ethnic identity. While for centuries they were a
rural community and small land owners and peasants, they suddenly became urban communities
working in the government or the banking sector. Today, the Maronites in general and the
Maronite youth, in particular, are experiencing what has they call an “identity crisis”.
Traditionally, their Catholic identity is what distinguished them from the Greek and the
Armenian Christians. However, this distinction is becoming blurred as they attend Greek schools
and universities and associate in Greek society, and, above all, marry into the Greek community.
This “identity crisis” is the consequence of their displacement from their villages, the loss of
their homogenous environment and the forces of assimilation imposed by the de facto
majority. 155 However, their displacement allowed them access to university education, wider
interaction with other communities on the Island, overseas travel, and diversification in their
economic activities including entrepreneurship. Furthermore, it permitted them to visit Lebanon
in order to rediscover their religious and cultural roots; this opportunity to come to Lebanon has
been further facilitated with the establishment of Saint Peter's Maronite Cypriot House.
In 2003, the Maronites were able to return to visit their villages, however, they continue to hope
for a comprehensive peaceful solution so that both they themselves as well as their Greek
compatriots can all to return to their lands.
The Cypriot Maronites and Their Relation with Lebanon
154 Mavratsas, C. The Armenians and the Maronites of Cyprus: Comparative Considerations Concerning Ethnic
Assimilation, Méditerranée: Ruptures et Continuités, TMO 37, 2003, p.206.
155 See Mavratsas, C. The Armenians and the Maronites of Cyprus: Comparative Considerations Concerning Ethnic
Assimilation, Méditerranée: Ruptures et Continuités, TMO 37, 2003, p.206-210.
34

The Cypriot Maronites are first and foremost Cypriots, and their relationship with Lebanon and
their fellow Maronites in Lebanon is mainly spiritual and ecclesiastical. They cultivate a warm
relationship with their co-religionists and visit, whenever possible, their Patriarch, the holy sites
and their ancestral villages. In fact, two of the Cypriot Maronites were appointed representative
of the community in Cyprus to the Patriarchal Synod which was convened from 2003 to 2005.
Their relationship to Lebanon was tested several times throughout the history: in 1974, when the
Turks invaded the Island, and in 1975, when the war broke out in Lebanon causing thousands of
Lebanese, including Maronites, to flee to the Island and to other parts of the world. With respect
to the former, the Maronites of Lebanon rose to assist the displaced in the Island and their fellow
Maronites. With respect to the latter, many Lebanese and Maronites remained on the Island
enjoying the opportunity to be safe, to raise family and to work. Consecutive waves of Lebanese
and Maronites flooded the Island at different levels between the wars that befell Lebanon from
1975 and 1990. 156 As recent as the summer of 2006 during Israel’s July War in Lebanon, Cyprus
opened its costal and air borders to receive Lebanese dual citizens and foreigners who were
being evacuated from Lebanon due to the attack on the country. 157 Lebanon and Cyprus have
long been neighbors, but it seems that they are destined not only by geography, but also by fate,
to always be connected.
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36