'I Saw You' or, Love's labour lost - University of Glasgow

'I Saw You' or, Love's labour lost: the spatial work of finding
someone to love via practices of reading and writing
Authors:
Eric Laurier, University of Glasgow, UK. Elaurier@geog.gla.ac.uk
Angus Whyte, Napier University, UK. Awhyte@napier.ac.uk
Kathy Buckner, Queen Margaret University College, UK. Kbuckner@qmuc.ac.uk
Abstract:
Based on a multi-site ethnographic study of a romantic correspondance system, this
paper explores the themes of love, privacy, spatiality and public displays. Informed by
ethnomethodology and actor-network theory its investigations into these informal
affairs are somewhat unusual in that much of the research carried out by those bodies
of work concentrates on institutional settings such as laboratories, offices and
courtrooms. In contrast our research has been on informal places such as cafes and
bars where 'I Saw You' postcards are kept and written by people after brief romantic
encounters, and then submitted to a magazine. Sharing the approaches of
ethnomethodology and actor-network theory it attempts to re-specify some key areas
of interest in the social sciences and humanities; in this case, emotions, documents
and practices of writing and reading those documents. Re-specifying these topics for
the social sciences involves the detailed description of several situated and affective
ways in which the romantic correspondence system is used. Detailing the translations,
transformations and transportations of the documents through several orderings in
several different places (i.e. in a cafe, at the magazine office and at home), the article
suggests that documents have no 'essential' meaning and that making them
meaningful is part of the work of those settings. In our conclusion questions will be
raised about the topology of the 'romantic' postcard system in terms of how the
various translations and mediations from event to publication allow for the loss and
recovery of meaning.
1

1. Finding 'you'
We are going to arrange this paper back-to-front by starting with the empirical details
that we are interested in and working our way gradually toward what we might learn
from them about social and material space. The assembly of places, people, postcards,
writings, readings, remembering and recognisings that we will begin with is
something known as: "I Saw You"
To give you a sense of what "I Saw You" is about: Two strangers meet in a café, bar,
club, cinema or some other public place. Their meeting may just consist of an
exchange of glances or they may go so far as to flirt with one another, however at the
end of their meeting they part company without leaving a means of contacting one
another again. They have had what might be called a 'brief encounter'.
There are many of these kind of felicitous encounters in life and most just pass by
without expectation they will go any further. In a couple of cities in the UK some
magazines have tapped into this urban phenomena by starting "I Saw You" columns.
Their readers write in with a brief description of their 'brief encounter', addressed to
the other person, who they want to get back in touch with them (see Box 1).
Box. 1 Scanned text from "I Saw You" section of fortnightly urban arts and
entertainment magazine.
All the messages in this section begin with the three word opening sequence "I Saw
You", giving the title to this section of the magazine. This phrase recurs on average
about 100 times in exactly the same format (i.e. Box. 2, Box. 3 and Box 4) spread
over 2 pages at the back of the magazine. There are thus about one hundred 'I's who
2

have seen one hundred 'you's. For whoever looks at this section of the magazine they
have from the first three words of this message absolutely no way of recognising who
each 'you' or 'I'm might be, and whether they might have the thrill of having being
seen by someone. And whether they might have the further thrill of their 'brief
encounter' publicly memorialised in this way.
Normally, of course, we have no problem finding out who is declaring "I saw you".
They are the person who is currently speaking to us either face-to-face or on the
telephone. Or in a situation somewhat closer to the magazine column they are the
someone who has written a letter or sent an e-mail. In which case finding out who is
doing the addressing and who is the addressee is simply not a problem because who
these persons are has been established before 'I saw you' is said or written. So just as
we have written out paper backwards, we can, perhaps, see that 'I Saw You' is also
working back-to-front since who this phrase addresses remains an enigma, just as our
paper has not yet attempted to place its intended audience. 1
Let us look in more detail, then, at Box 1 to see how this 'I' writes a message which
will find its 'you'. What can we glean as third party readers of this message is that the
'you' is male, "incredibly cute", was at a certain event at a certain arts venue, has dark
hair, was wearing a top with a furry collar. The 'I' was at the same event, was
probably female, had a 'black top and long skirt' on and told the 'I' that they looked
either 'foxy' or "incredibly cute". Now, one half of the finding process has probably
been accomplished very quickly in that we can be pretty certain that this does not
refer to any of the authors of this article and we are guessing that none of our
audience think they have been identified by this 'I saw you' either. So a whole mass of
people have been ruled out in an instant.
Now this ruling out may be because although you are a guy you have never had dark
hair nor wore some clothing with a furry collar, or you may be someone who has a
long skirt but you are nevertheless sure that you never sent an 'I saw you' (though we
would be interested to hear you story if you have.) However we would like to suggest
that one of the first things you worked out was that you have never been to the
'Barrowlands' and certainly did not attend 'The Charlatans' there (in fact you may,
depending on your knowledge of pop music have no idea who or what the Charlatans
are). Using what conversation analysts call a membership categorisation 2 device you
were able to work out that you were not a member of the category of people who went
to that place for that event, even though you might belong to some of the other
categories mentioned (i.e. 'guy', 'dark-haired'.)
In Box 2 there are 3 'I Saw You's' grouped together, and if you read through them you
will see that each one mentions the 'Tron', 2 of them including it in the first sentence.
The 'Tron' is a theatre in one of the cities in which the magazine is distributed and it
has a bar and restaurant which are heavily used by theatre-goers and non-theatre goers
alike. We can speculate that due to the number of people passing through, without the
kind of qualification that the 'Charlatans' produced in the last sentence, narrowing
down the who the 'I' and 'you' are may prove difficult. The inclusion of '15/10' is a
solution this problem so that locating is done both by place and by date.
1
Except, of course, it has through various means which we will tease out later.
2
See (Sacks 1974)
3

Box.2 A place called the 'Tron'
Emanuel Schegloff wrote a detailed paper almost 3 decades ago now on 'locational
formulations' where he brought out how parties to a conversation picked out the
relevant way of identifying somewhere (as against someone) from all the possible
terms that might be used to refer to a place (Schegloff 1972). He noted for instance
that when all parties were in the same place then the preference would be for deictic
terms (i.e. 'here', 'to the left' etc.) or when people were friends or acquaintances they
would give preference to terms related to a member of their known group, such as
'Kathy's house' rather than 'Number 6 Cherry Lane'. However what Schegloff assumed
in his paper was that the parties involved in the interaction would be aware by various
means of who, for practical purposes, the addresser and addressees were. 'I saw you'
presents the intriguing puzzle of once again working backwards from the utterance
toward who could possibly have produced it and who it might plausibly be intended
for. Schegloff argues that 'geographical' formulations (such as 'Number 6 Cherry
Lane, London') will be fallen back on if the parties to the interaction are strangers. As
we noted at the outset the premise of 'I saw you' is that the 'I and the 'you' are
'strangers', however 'strangers' actually turns out to be too vague a category 3 . Indeed,
if we might begin to formulate the 'I saw you's writer's problem, it is that they cannot
present themselves as a 'stranger' since they are also trying produce a version of
seeing the 'you' that makes them seem acquainted in a romantic way, as a basis for
3 The social science and cultural/urban studies notion of the city as a place filled with strangers has
been critiqued for this kind of homogeneity by (Lee and Watson 1993).
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having their 'I saw you' answered. How they describe the meeting occuring and the
'you' is a matter which has to be worded with great care.
If we then consider for a moment that what the 'I saw you' is potentially doing is
making a move in a romantic language game we have to then be aware that the writer
is also risking some degree of embarrassment should their interest in the 'you' be
exposed to the wrong person. 4 Some sense of the complexities and perplexities of
finding the 'you', and doing so in a way which comes off as romantic, can be gathered
from the third 'I saw you' in Box 2 where the 'you' already has a partner 'super-glued'
to them. By using excessively 'objective' geographical formulations or personal
descriptions the writer may inadvertantly identify themselves, and the 'you' that they
fancy, to everyone. Part of the 'I saw you's functioning as a romantic language game is
that, like a masked ball, privacy can be maintained in a public place but only by not
pulling the mask away, or, the equivalent un-masking in the column being 'I saw you
Laura Ellison, outside your house, 6 Cherry Lane, London' (and the 'I' probably does
not have the 'you's postal address or telephone number anyway). So the 'I saw you' has
to find its addressee without unwanted others also finding the author or their 'you'.
Box. 3 A place called 'Broomhill Drive' and an "I saw you" with no place names at
all.
Sometimes 'I saw you's dispense with place names altogether as in the first one in Box
3 'dream No 3498'. We have written elsewhere (Laurier and Whyte 2000) on the
multiple uses of the 'I saw you' column and we can just note here that it is not only
used by people who have had a brief encounter and wish to get in touch again via the
magazine but is also used by couples already in love to send one another private
messages through a public forum. Messages that can only be decoded through having
prior awareness of the secret language of the couple (i.e. 'dream no 3498' and
'eeeaahch'). For groups of friends to play jokes by making up false messages that
4 By language game we are referring to Wittgenstein's notion of situated uses of words, phrases, queries
and responses (Hacker 1989; Wittgenstein 1953)
5

contain jokes about one another using nicknames or shared recollections. Perhaps
more disturbingly, the plot for a recent television thriller was based on this kind of
column being used by a stalker to send threats to their victim.
2. Reading as a situated and spatial activity
So far we have been involved in a fairly close reading of three different excerpts from
the column. A reading which could indeed be compared to the way a certain kind of
textual criticism reads texts very closely to establish what, for instance, their author's
intention was. This kind of close reading is common for poetry which is, of course,
skillfully assembled to provide for multiple readings and further meaning to be found
through re-reading it (Livingston 1995). 'I saw you' has to draw on similar skills to
those used in writing poetry not only for romantic purposes but also because there is a
word limit of 30 words for each ad (see fig. 2), so writers have to make sure each
word counts. Our fairly close reading could also be compared to the close listening
which conversation analysts turn to peoples' talk, picking out a short section to see
how it works and what order there is in it (Sacks 1992). How the order of the small
piece is essential to seemingly larger objects which would normally be taken to
'contain' the smaller parts rather than be mutually dependent on them. This, here
briefly cited, dissolution of the micro-macro divide in studies of space and society
which has formed the basis not only for ethnomethodology and conversation analysis
but has also been re-worked in actor-network theory and its variants.
In this second section of our paper we would like to consider another element of the
field of practices within which these 'up close' readings were situated. A significant
difference between the aforementioned close reading of a poem and reading the 'I saw
you' section is that there are around about 100 of these 30 word texts arranged in
columns over 2 pages (see box 4). As ever working back-to-front, the reading practice
that precedes the close reading of section 1 is one where the reader scans columns of
similarly formatted messages, akin to a scan of the small ads listing 'washing
machines for sale' if they were looking to buy a secondhand washing machine.
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Box 4. Cropped section of "I Saw You" columns. About half a page of 2 pages in total.
For 'I saw you' readers, they are faced with around a 100 of these 'I saw you's every
fortnight, so even the most dedicated readers choose practical solutions to finding out
whether they might have been the object of someone's romantic attention. To support
the readers' scanning activities, the columns and their entries need to be relatively
standardized. They have to be given a form which consists of a standardized typeface,
an identifiable separator (a box number followed by a line break, bellow which is '♥ I
saw you'), even-edged columns and distinguishable from advertising (which is
frequently placed in amongst the 'I saw yous'.) Much of the work of translating the
individual 'I saw you' contributor's messages into this more standardised form is done
by the editor's of the magazine. They help in making the media move from one place
to another. Or as Latour (1998) (Latour 1998) puts it with reference to the work of
soil scientists' tabularising soil samples:
What would be the simplest way to characterize the type of mediation that renders a
visualizing activity scientific? The notion of in-formation captures a first trait, provided we
understand the word in a very practical sense, as what put something into a form, in its most
material aspect of inscription. To travel over distance, matters have to be charged into forms.
If there is no trans-formation in the sense of encoding or inscribing into a form, then there is
no travel nor transportation and the only way to know something is "to be there" and to point
at features silently with the index. (Latour 1998)
It may seem odd to compare the transecting, counting, sampling, numbering, colour
charting etc. of soil scientists with that of a romantic correspondance system.
However what Latour and other researchers in science studies have done is devoted a
great deal of attention to following 'paper trails' (Cussins 1992) that lead to and from
the different places where scientific work is done. They repeatedly show science to be
a spatialised activity which requires gathering up often messy samples from a field
setting and gradually transforming and translating them so that they can be summed
up as results elsewhere in the world. In the 'I saw you' section there is a parallel
orderly assembly of 'data' in the columns of this section to that which is done when
7

initially disorderly soil samples are boxed up and grided as mediators of the setting
from which they originated. They both allow a reader to scan the assembled
collection, though, of course, for radically different purposes.
Latour's (1999) (chapter 2) tour of the transformations that allow soil scientists to do
their science begins with them in a mucky rainforest and ends with the clean data after
a lengthy succession of shifts between places, materials, arrangements, reductions and
standardisations.
This maintaining of a constant through transformation has nothing to do with the carrying
over of the things themselves, as in the naive scenography of realism, since the things have to
be abandoned so that we have, at a distance, an information "about" them. But it has a lot to
do with conserving a constant through successive transformations of the medium. Information
is never simply transferred, it is always radically transformed from one medium to the next.
More accurately, it pays for its transport through a heavy price in transformations. (Latour
1998)
To say that information in science is the temporary product of transformations and all
kinds of processual work rather than being a hard objective fact is potentially
controversial, to depict a similar chain of places, practices, actors and artefacts that
are articulated to perform the 'I saw you' as a spatial assembly is much less
contentious. Even though less radical it is nevertheless of great interest since these
informal organisational arrangements tend to be left to one side as potentially trivial
even though they formed much of the basis of early work in ethnomethodology and,
of course, were the stock in trade of Goffman's (i.e. 1963) research.
Returning to 'I saw you' in its column form (Box 4) the practice of scanning is a way
of reading which is a way of picking out a relevant detail from a listing of words. We
might think of it as closer to picking out the aces from a pack of playing cards spread
out on a table than of the standardised western version of reading where we read a text
from left to right, finding its sense as we move along it. Learning to glance-read the 'I
saw you's involves scanning for details like geographical terms such as the 'Tron' in
order to rule out 'I saw you's that are not worth reading since they are places where the
reader has not been, though equally, if you have been to the Tron then these are
adverts that may require a closer reading just in case the date and the description
appear to match a brief encounter that you remember (and there are not so many brief
encounters in a person's life that they would fail to remember them a fortnight later).
So we have a scanning activity now working in sequence with a close up reading of
certain 'I saw you's. Here, then, is a surprising result which the editors of the events
magazine alerted us to; the multiple mentions of venue names like the 'Tron' marks
those places out as, at the very least, popular with readers. It is, as a by-product, a
kind of reader's poll on the different cafés, bars and gathering places in the city. There
is more to it than a simple strike rate (i.e. the Tron mentioned 6 times over 2 pages)
since this is a column which is filled with written romantic gestures which have
followed some form of felicitous meeting, so these are likely places where a reader
might 'meet somebody'. The close reading of the ads also provides clues as to what
the clientele are like in these venues in terms of age, dress, humour and sexual
orientation which provide a useful guide for which particular places a reader might
then go to on the basis of their age, dress etc. In other words we find that these ads are
not only at the end of a chain of translations leading to the reading of these columns
8

ut that the columns also spur readers to go find certain venues in the city to see new
people and (if they are lucky) be seen there by someone.
3. From place to text via some postboxes, postcards, delivery vans and magazine
racks.
Fig. 1 "I Saw You" silver postbox at arthouse cinema with empty transparent postcard
holder beneath.
A few years ago there was a remarkable leap in the number of submissions to the 'I
saw you' column; they more than quadrupled. Rising from a half page at the back of
the magazine to a double page spread with the possibility of more pages, were they
not limited in the space the editors were willing to give over to what is, after all, a free
service to readers which only generates money for the magazine through sponsorship
and advertising (from a tequila brand). What prompted this rise in the 'I saw you'
population was the introduction of a dedicated postal system for the section, including
postboxes (see fig. 1), postcards (fig. 2) and the related delivery drivers, white vans
and mailsacks. Involving these additional intermediaries changed the relationship
between the places where many of the 'brief encounters' occurred and the magazine
section. A 'realist' version of the relationship between the text in the column and the
'events' it provided 'information' on would suggest that the multiplication of
intermediaries and artefacts between the event and its inscription would increase the
9

distance between them, however from our perspective it both strengthened the
'articulation' of the space and performed the distance between the actors involved. All
of which might seem a little abstract until we inspect the details.
The magazine initially placed a pilot group of around about a dozen postboxes in a
variety of public venues in the cities it serves. They were picked on the basis of
venues already mentioned in the 'I saw you' column but also on the usual basis -
venues that had existing links with the magazine and were willing to give the
postboxes a trial. Enrolling their interest involved pointing out to them that they
would be getting mentioned in a favourable light in the 'I saw you' column and also
that postboxes and postcards were 'cool enough' to interest their customers rather than
irritate them.
If we look at fig. 1 we can, even from our fairly poor quality photo, get a sense of the
use of colour and logos to make the postbox 'cool' and highly visible. It is a fairly
standard postbox which was customised by being spray-painted silver and logo-ed
The same distinctive logo is emblazoned on the front of the events magazine, on the
postcards and in the column itself. A love heart in the middle of the eye (see box 4)
displaying the various artefacts as part of the same set-up. In fig. 1 the postcard holder
is empty but it normally contains a stack of postcards in a matching silver with the
postbox.
Fig. 2 "I Saw You" postcard, normally stored beside postboxes (see fig.1)
A measure of the success of the postboxes and postcards in the bars and cafes of the
cities, apart from the dramatic increase in number of 'I saw yous', was that more
venues approached the magazine asking if they could also have postboxes and
postcards installed. This phenomenon is perhaps reminiscent of the insertion of PCs
10

into cafés, which then became 'cybercafes' to give their customers access to internet
and e-mail 5 . Or an older example mentioned by Habermas (1989) in his history of the
rise of the public sphere where, in certain 18 th century London coffee houses, there
were postboxes at which letters could be submitted directly to the London newspaper
offices.
Fig. 3 Other places we can find 'I saw you'.
Having signaled the importance of the new intermediaries introduced for the 'I saw
you' to gather together the interests of a variety of actors it should not be forgotten
that it also piggy backs on numerous other orderings of space. To name but one, the
magazine distribution and display system wherein its events magazine is delivered,
shelved, browsed, replaced fortnightly and otherwise displayed (see fig. 3). 'I saw you'
performs and connects spaces through articulating venues, the fortnightly events
magazine, newsagents, the events magazine’s regular and irregular readers at home on
their couches or standing flicking in a shop (as in fig. 3). It makes these places not
only 'networky' but also through the traversing of entities like postcards and
magazines allows spaces to interfere with one another (Law and Mol 2000) 6 .Looking
5 The terms 'internet' and 'e-mail' cover an incredibly diverse bunch of activities, including as we
recently discovered an 'I saw you' website (www.isawyou.com) which is based in Seattle and thus some
contrast should me made between a cybercafe and a café linked into ‘I saw you’ not least because the
latter relies more on the shared knowledge that readers of the events magazine and inhabitants of the
cities it serves are expected to have (i.e. where and what ‘Broomhill’ or the ‘Tron’ are).
6 Law and Mol (2000) delineate a complex argument about performing space which relies on a contrast
between Euclidean space and network space. Their argument which draws on the mathematical
discipline of topology relies in one part on treating topology literally as it is understood in maths and
then later trades on a mistranslation of the term into their own analyses where it becomes a more
metaphorical term for thinking about stability versus fluidity, distances, connections and disconnections.
In our paper we are not using the terms quite so literally but nevertheless find the
distinction between Cartesian space and topological space a useful one for considering the materiality
11

at fig. 1 we see the reading and writing of 'I saw you's' in a public place where clients
of the arthouse cinema pass by the box on their way to buy tickets, see a film, eat or
drink at the cinema café. Admittedly one seldom sees other cinema-goers actually
posting their cards but nevertheless this 'private' romantic box is publicly available.
Also although one seldom sees strangers we have gathered several incidences of
where friends and acquaintances have written cards (Laurier and Whyte 2000). From
the ethnographic research that we have carried out it is clear that the 'I saw you'
postcards are often written on the spot. Sometimes written in front of the 'you' they
refer to. An incidence of this being a man writing a card at a table in bar with his
friends after talking to a previously unacquainted woman whilst ordering his drinks,
in view of both his friends and the woman sitting at an adjacent table. In another a
case a group of friends drafting a fake/joke postcard together, one person writing
down but each line being rehearsed aloud beforehand by the group.
Doubtless many 'I saw you' entries are drafted at home and remain in one sense
'private' but part of the affordances of these paper postcards (positioned at hand,
templated and ready for immediate submission) is that they allow for their collection,
drafting and posting to be displayed to friends and strangers. Jaffe remarks on the
related properties of greeting cards, describing the social significance of the moment
of selection and purchase in the greeting card shop which sometimes eclipses that of
the subsequent writing of the message on the card (Jaffe 1999). One of the reasons for
scrutinising the 'I saw you' pages is then that the fact you have seen someone writing
one after meeting you, even though you may not know exactly what has been written
on it. Another reason for scrutinising the 'I saw you' pages is to borrow and adapt the
phrases and methods which other 'I's have used to attempt to address their 'you's.
There are further aspects of writing postcards at a café table or in a bar which can be
made clear if we once again compare the 'I saw you' cards to a masked ball. A card
can be written in full view of other customers and indeed its intended 'you' without, if
it is cleverly drafted, those third parties being able to identify from the columns (i.e.
box 4) which particular 'I saw you' belongs to the person they say writing the card nor
who the 'you' is. Should the 'you' wish to reject or simply ignore the 'I's note of
interest then embarrassment is avoided by the 'mask' of the postcard, the description
which will not necessarily find its addressee and the 'PO box' system of the 'I saw
you', as an intermediary maintains a degree of anonymity for the 2 persons involved.
However the 'I saw you's do not always proceed on this anonymised-masked basis and
we can see quite the opposite occurring in an example drawn from the newspapers. T.
Lawson & Anna Claybourne reporting in the Scotsman newspaper, on a romance that
bloomed from an 'I Saw You' provide a wonderful example of how other
intermediaries (i.e. James Thin (a placename), a member of staff, a photocopier and
'the tea room wall') can help a you be found:
The ad read: "I Saw You working in James Thin. South Bridge. Friday 2/2/96.
7.30pm. You tall(ish), long brown hair. 3rd year Economics. I interrupted your phone
call, bought some books, chatted but left without asking for your number. My
mistake. Box No u/273/9"
of ‘I saw you’. Without entering into a larger exposition of ethnomethodology it should be understood
that the ‘members’ of ‘I saw you’ do not orientate to this dual version of space and thus it is an
analyst’s category and not a member’s. This signposts a disjuncture between the ethnomethodological
studies and actor-network theory that have informed our research.
12

It might well have been a forlorn attempt: Ms Leslie was unaware of the I Saw You
column. Her friends, however, were not: they recognised the girl in the advert and
took action.
The trainee accountant, now 23, said: "I walked into the shop one night and
somebody had spotted the ad, blown it up, and pinned it on the tea-room wall."
"I was flattered and a little scared. I was worried it may be someone weird who might
start following me home. All boys I told said, no, don't go near him. But all my female
friends said that they wished it had happened to them." (Scotsman, Tuesday 16th May
2000, p3)
What this example highlights is the issue that we have alluded to several times earlier
which is that the use of place names, and members, especially shop staff may mean
that this seemingly anonymous system actually can be decoded by other members
with the relevant local knowledge. A further point it brings out is that just as the
writing of the postcards is an occasioned activity that happens amongst groups of
acquaintances in cafés, bars and cinemas, so it is that the reading of magazine section
is often a shared activity. One in the above example where a large part of the staff of a
bookshop collectively find the 'you' that is being sought by the 'I'.
4. Conclusion
In bringing this paper to a close we hope it has become clearer through the
progression of the paper some of the audiences that we are addressing. Fields of
research endeavor which deal non-reductively with mundane spatial and material
practices and knowledges. There are various approaches to society which favour
either the close reading of texts somewhat in the manner which we carried out in
section 1 and others which seek to offer 'contextual' explanations for how affairs like
'I saw you' are founded in social behaviour in particular places (i.e. a crude form of
'situated cognition'). What we hope to have made conspicuous in this paper is that the
ordinary romantic troubles of writers and readers of 'I saw you's traverse these two
extreme versions of social inquiry as they seek to find one another worthy objects of
attention.
13

Acknowledgements:
The rest of the QMUC LiMe Team: Tom Shearer and Katie Bates. Funding for this
research was provided by the Esprit Research Programme as part of Intelligent
Information Interfaces (project 25621). For her helpful comments and title choosing
on a previous version of this work -Venetia Evergeti. Particular thanks are owed to
our informants who shall remain psuedonymous: the editors at City Events, Paolo
Conte on the piano, the girl with the dinosaur smile, 'Nicole' from Barcelona, the girl
with the dalmations, the other guy from the Betty Ford Clinic, the female Sally.
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