A HISTORY OF MODERN IRAN - Stoa

46 A History of Modern Iran
In fact, two years earlier a group of Iranian intellectuals working in Baku
had formed a circle named Hemmat (Endeavor) and had started to work
closely with the Russian Social Democratic Party.
The press was even more active. The number of newspapers jumped
from six at the eve of the revolution to more than ninety at the opening of
the Constituent Assembly. Intellectuals rushed to air concepts deemed too
dangerous in the previous decades. These concepts, especially liberty, equality,
and fraternity, inspired the names of many of the new publications –
Bidari (Awakening), Taraqqi (Progress), Tamadon (Civilization), Vatan
(Fatherland), Adamiyat (Humanity), Omid (Hope), ‘Asr-e Now (New
Age), Neda-ye Vatan (Voice of the Fatherland), Esteqlal (Independence),
Eslah (Reform), Eqbal (Progress), Hoquq (Rights), Haqiqat (Truth), Adalat
(Justice), Azadi (Liberty), Mosavat (Equality), and Akhavat (Fraternity). As
in other revolutions, the lifting of censorship opened up the floodgates.
According to Browne, one of the most popular of the papers was Sur-e Israfil
(Israfil’s Trumpet), which, despite its religious title, was forthrightly radical
and secular. 25 Written mainly by Dehkhoda, the lexicographer, it blended
satire and poetry with political commentary, all in plain modern Persian. It
took to task the whole upper class, including the landed ulama, for exploiting
and keeping “ignorant” the “common people” (‘avam). Its circulation of
5,000 topped that of other papers. Since Dehkhoda had studied theology
and was well versed in Islam, his satires on the ulama were especially biting.
Not surprisingly, it did not take long for conservatives to target Sur-e Israfil.
The National Assembly opened in October 1906. It contained more than
sixty bazaaris – merchants and guild elders; twenty-five clerics; and some
fifty landlords, local notables, and senior officials. 26 The members gradually
coalesced into two fluid parties: the Mo’tadel (Moderates) and the
Azadikhah (Liberals). The former were led jointly by a wholesale scarf dealer
who had led the 1905 demonstrations against Naus, and by a former royal
coin minter who had helped finance the venture into the British legation.
They enjoyed the backing of Sayyeds Tabatabai and Behbehani, who, while
not actual deputies, nevertheless participated in parliamentary debates.
On most days, the Moderates could muster a majority. The Liberals were
led by Hassan Taqizadeh, an eloquent speaker from Tabriz. Although he
had begun his career as a cleric and still wore his turban, he had become
increasingly enamored of modern ideas – in particular modern science –
especially after visiting Baku. In many ways, Taqizadeh – like Dehkhoda –
was typical of the first generation of the intelligentsia.
The Liberals and Moderates worked closely to draft a constitution that
would be acceptable not only to Muzaffar al-Din Shah, who died soon after