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SUNDAY, JUNE <strong>30</strong>, 20<strong>13</strong><br />

Snowden's options narrow in bid to evade arrest<br />

Moscow may have<br />

no suficient reason<br />

to keep Snowden<br />

any longer as<br />

its intelligence<br />

services have<br />

already questioned<br />

him, report Matt<br />

Spetalnick and<br />

Lidia Kelly<br />

NEARLY a month after Edward Snowden exposed top<br />

secret US surveillance programmes, the former spy<br />

agency contractor looks no closer to winning asylum<br />

to evade prosecution at home — and his options appear to be<br />

narrowing. Stuck in legal limbo in a Moscow airport transit<br />

area and facing uncertainty over whether any of the destinations<br />

he is said to be contemplating — Ecuador, Venezuela<br />

and Cuba — will let him in, Snowden seems to be at the mercy<br />

of geopolitical forces beyond his control.<br />

Unseen in public since arriving in Moscow last weekend,<br />

much remains unclear about Snowden's overtures to various<br />

countries and how they have responded behind the scenes.<br />

Russia may no longer have suficient reason to continue<br />

harbouring Snowden if, as is widely believed, its intelligence<br />

services have already questioned him about the classiied<br />

documents that he has admitted to taking from the National<br />

Security Agency.<br />

The leftist government of Ecuador, already sheltering<br />

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange at its London Embassy, is<br />

reviewing Snowden's asylum request, though oficials have<br />

sent mixed signals, suggesting the process could drag on for<br />

weeks. Venezuela's new President, Nicolas Maduro, has spoken<br />

favourably of granting refuge to Snowden but has taken<br />

no action, and he may think twice about risking a setback in<br />

tentative steps towards post-Chavez rapprochement with<br />

Washington.<br />

And even if Ecuador or Venezuela decide to take Snowden,<br />

there is no guarantee that communist Cuba, the likely transit<br />

point for any light from Moscow to those South American<br />

A ile picture of Franco-Colombian hostage Ingrid Betancourt (R) with her mother Yolanda Pulecio at Catam air base in Bogota. — AFP<br />

FIVE years after her rescue from Farc<br />

rebels, former Colombian presidential<br />

candidate Ingrid Betancourt says she vividly<br />

remembers on July 2, 2008 — the day an<br />

army helicopter took her to freedom.<br />

But now, the onetime hostage, who says<br />

she has taken some time to rebuild her life, is<br />

preaching forgiveness as the way to achieve<br />

peace in Colombia after decades of conlict.<br />

Far from the lush jungles where she spent<br />

six years in captivity, much of it in chains, the<br />

Franco-Colombian woman recalls the feeling of<br />

being released from the clutches of the Revolutionary<br />

Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc).<br />

"There is satisfaction to have been able to<br />

survive. It's quite a primal feeling, but that's the<br />

way it is," Betancourt said in an Internet video<br />

interview from London, where she is studying<br />

for a doctorate's degree in theology at Oxford<br />

University.<br />

During recent spring cleaning, she came<br />

across a box illed with her jungle belongings: A<br />

radio, a watch "that always shows the exact jungle<br />

time," her detainee uniform.<br />

"The feelings I got from taking out these<br />

mementos are completely different from those<br />

I felt when I put them away," the 51-year-old<br />

said. She still recalls the small details of her rescue<br />

by undercover soldiers who had duped the<br />

rebels into thinking they were handing 15 hostages<br />

— including Betancourt, three Americans<br />

and 11 Colombian troops and police — to a humanitarian<br />

mission.<br />

"I can still see the movement of the grass<br />

when the helicopter landed on the coca ield,"<br />

she said.<br />

Betancourt was kidnapped in southern Colombia<br />

on February 23, 2002, along with her<br />

campaign manager Clara Rojas during her<br />

longshot bid for the Colombian presidency as a<br />

green party candidate.<br />

She said she emerged from her ordeal "more<br />

humane," though her return from captivity was<br />

initially tough because "you return to a world in<br />

which you no longer belong."<br />

Betancourt has given up Colombia's political<br />

countries, would let him pass through and further complicate<br />

its own thorny relations with the United States.<br />

Adding to Snowden's troubles, the Obama administration,<br />

embarrassed by his disclosures on US surveillance programmes<br />

and his ability to dodge extradition when he led<br />

Hong Kong last Sunday, is bringing heavy pressure to bear on<br />

any country that might consider accepting him, diplomats say.<br />

"Thus far, he has chosen his destinations carefully," said<br />

Carl Meacham, a foreign policy expert at the Center for Strategic<br />

and International Studies in Washington. "His time, even<br />

in those countries, however, may be running out."<br />

Another potential complication is the role of anti-secrecy<br />

group WikiLeaks, whose alliance with Snowden further politicizes<br />

his case. British legal researcher Sarah Harrison, a top<br />

WikiLeaks lieutenant and Assange conidante, escorted Snowden<br />

on the light from Hong Kong to Moscow and is believed<br />

to have remained with him.<br />

Russia remains the chief focus of the diplomatic scramble,<br />

and while President Vladimir Putin has clearly delighted in<br />

the chance to tweak Washington, there are questions whether<br />

he wants a prolonged saga that threatens deeper damage to<br />

already-chilly US-Russia relations.<br />

The former NSA contractor's trek took him to Moscow because<br />

he had little choice of any other route that would keep<br />

him relatively safe from American pursuers, former Russian<br />

intelligence oficers and political and security analysts said.<br />

"He has almost nowhere to go. He does not have much of<br />

a choice," said Fyodor Lukyanov, editor of the journal Russia<br />

in Global Affairs and a member of an inluential foreign policy<br />

Preaching forgiveness for peace<br />

Now, the onetime<br />

hostage, who says she<br />

has taken some time<br />

to rebuild her life, is<br />

preaching forgiveness<br />

as the way to achieve<br />

peace in Colombia after<br />

decades of conlict,<br />

writes Philippe Zygel<br />

arena, preferring to focus her energy on her human<br />

rights foundation.<br />

But she sparked controversy and outrage<br />

among Colombians following her release when<br />

she sought compensation from the government<br />

over her kidnapping, accusing the state of failing<br />

to protect her.<br />

"This affair hurt me a lot. I thought that it<br />

was very unfair. I felt that it was very spiteful,"<br />

said Betancourt, who eventually gave up her<br />

legal bid. "It prolonged the time I needed to get<br />

myself back together."<br />

Betancourt now hopes the government's<br />

peace talks with the Farc, which began six<br />

months ago, will bring an end to the conlict<br />

that has left 600,000 people dead and more<br />

than 3.7 million displaced in 50 years.<br />

"Forgiveness is obviously a central element,<br />

but not forgiveness in the form of charity," she<br />

said. "We are all, in Colombia, responsible for<br />

this horrible war. We are all part of a generation<br />

that, with forgiveness, must assume this<br />

responsibility."<br />

The two sides struck a irst deal last month<br />

related to the thorny issue of land reform, but<br />

other sticking points — like allowing rebels<br />

who repent to avoid to jail — still have to be resolved.<br />

Despite the misery she endured in captivity,<br />

Betancourt voiced support for suspending<br />

jail sentences.<br />

"We can't continue with a justice of vengeance.<br />

Peace will require us to accept a certain<br />

degree of impunity, it's inevitable," she said.<br />

A Gallup Colombia poll, however, showed last<br />

Friday that 80 per cent of people were opposed<br />

to amnesty for the rebels in return for their participation<br />

in political life.<br />

Betancourt remembered that the Farc commander<br />

who held her prisoner was quite brutal.<br />

He was captured during her release and has<br />

been in jail for the past ive years. Would she<br />

forgive him?<br />

"Life gave him the possibility to understand<br />

what he made us go through since he's now a<br />

prisoner, like we were," she said. "If I had him in<br />

front of me, I would simply hug him."<br />

council. "Considering that he came out with a serious statement<br />

that is seen by the United States as treasonous, he needs<br />

to lay out an itinerary through countries where he can feel<br />

more or less certain that he will not be handed over."<br />

Despite Putin's insistence that Russian intelligence agencies<br />

had not been "working with" Snowden, a Russian security<br />

service source said they would certainly have interviewed<br />

him. US authorities are already operating on a "worst case"<br />

assumption that all of the classiied material in Snowden's<br />

possession has made its way to one or more adversary intelligence<br />

services, US national security sources said.<br />

While top US oficials have warned of serious damage to<br />

national security interests from Snowden's leaks, Lukyanov<br />

suggested that in intelligence terms he was probably not a<br />

very valuable prize.<br />

"He is not some kind of special agent," he said. Putin has<br />

built his return to the presidency on strident nationalism. If<br />

he hands Snowden back to the United States, he could face a<br />

backlash from Russians who see the American as a whistleblowing<br />

hero.<br />

"No matter what, we should not give him back. Let him go<br />

somewhere, or even stay in Russia — we are a big country<br />

and we have room for him as well as (French actor Gerard)<br />

Depardieu," said Viktor, a pensioner who was at Sheremetyevo<br />

airport on Friday for a vacation light to Ukraine.<br />

However, Snowden's protracted stay at the Moscow airport<br />

may have more to do with his problems reaching a deal with<br />

Ecuador than with any Russian desire to keep the American<br />

fugitive from moving on, the Russian security source said.<br />

A double game<br />

By Amulya Ganguli<br />

ANALYSIS<br />

UNDER a new and as yet untested leadership, the Bhartiya Janata Party<br />

(BJP) is trying to formulate a fresh ideological framework for itself.<br />

In doing so, the party seems to have juxtaposed its standard pro-Hindu<br />

agenda with an attempt to reach out to minorities with a "vision document"<br />

for their empowerment. The endeavour may, however, lead to the party being<br />

caught in a situation where it will confuse and even alienate its core base of<br />

support — the majority — without being able to win over the minorities.<br />

Even if the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the BJP's mentor, reserves<br />

its judgement for the time being about this electoral gimmick in the belief<br />

that it may fetch some votes, hardcore outits like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad<br />

(VHP) and the Bajrang Dal are unlikely to look kindly at the BJP's version of<br />

"appeasement".<br />

For years, the BJP, the RSS and other members of the saffron brotherhood<br />

have lambasted the Congress for its supposedly pro-minority policies for the<br />

sake of cultivating the vote bank. Their latest target of attack was the Rajinder<br />

Sachar committee set up by the Manmohan Singh government in 2005 to look<br />

into minorities' socio-economic conditions.<br />

But, now, the BJP has decided to follow a similar path. Its reason for trying<br />

to reach out to the minorities is obvious. With the general election due in less<br />

than a year, the BJP cannot afford to let the Congress walk away with nearly 40<br />

per cent of the vote when the BJP secures barely ive or six per cent. The party<br />

is evidently trying to deny the Congress this huge advantage.<br />

However, the BJP's problem is that its own history is against this opportunistic<br />

manoeuvre. Even if the anti-minority diatribes of its guiding lights like<br />

Golwalkar and Savarkar are ignored for the moment, the party will ind it dif-<br />

icult to explain its relentless propaganda during in the 1990s.<br />

Apart from the targeting of places like the Babri Masjid, which was demolished<br />

by saffron storm-troopers on December 6, 1992, and the ones in<br />

Varanasi and Mathura, the brigade had some chilling anti-minority slogans.<br />

Both the communities among the minorities were accused of conspiring<br />

to reduce the majority to a minority in their only country in the world, as the<br />

Sangh Parivar proclaimed, via conversions, as Narendra Modi said.<br />

Against the backdrop of such hate-mongering, which initially paid considerable<br />

political dividends by raising the tally of the BJP's Lok Sabha seats from<br />

two in 1984 to 182 in 1998, it will be a herculean task for the party to woo<br />

minorities. Even if the BJP has moderated its attitude to some extent in view<br />

of the realisation that a community which makes up 14 per cent of the India's<br />

population cannot be ignored, the RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal remain as virulent<br />

as ever.<br />

It is perhaps as a sop to these groups that the BJP has revived the call for<br />

scrapping Article 370 of the constitution, which confers a special status on<br />

Kashmir, and for introducing a uniform civil code for all religions. It has to be<br />

remembered that these issues, along with the construction of the Ram temple,<br />

were put on the backburner by the BJP in 1996 when it realised during Atal<br />

Bihari Vajpayee's government of <strong>13</strong> days that it could not attract any other<br />

party to support it.<br />

The shelving of this agenda helped Vajpayee to form an alliance of 24 parties<br />

in 1998 which began to fall apart after the Gujarat riots of 2002 and has<br />

now been reduced to a group of three members.<br />

Gujarat Chief Minister and senior BJP leader Narendra Modi before a<br />

core-committee meeting of the party in Mumbai. — AFP<br />

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in these pages are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the opinion of the Observer.<br />

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