Manifesto of the Communist Party - WebRing
Manifesto of the Communist Party - WebRing
Manifesto of the Communist Party - WebRing
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propagation <strong>of</strong> his race. But <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> a commodity, and <strong>the</strong>refore also <strong>of</strong> labour,[35] is equal to<br />
its cost <strong>of</strong> production. In proportion, <strong>the</strong>refore, as <strong>the</strong> repulsiveness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work increases, <strong>the</strong> wage<br />
decreases. Nay more, in proportion as <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> machinery and division <strong>of</strong> labour increases, in <strong>the</strong><br />
same proportion <strong>the</strong> burden <strong>of</strong> toil also increases, whe<strong>the</strong>r by prolongation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> working hours,<br />
by increase <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work exacted in a given time or by increased speed <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> machinery, etc.<br />
Modern industry has converted <strong>the</strong> little workshop <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> patriarchal master into <strong>the</strong> great<br />
factory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> industrial<br />
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capitalist. Masses <strong>of</strong> labourers, crowded into <strong>the</strong> factory, are organised like soldiers. As privates <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> industrial army <strong>the</strong>y are placed under <strong>the</strong> command <strong>of</strong> a perfect hierarchy <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficers and<br />
sergeants. Not only are <strong>the</strong>y slaves <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bourgeois class, and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bourgeois State; <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
daily and hourly enslaved by <strong>the</strong> machine, by <strong>the</strong> over-looker, and, above all, by <strong>the</strong> individual<br />
bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and<br />
aim, <strong>the</strong> more petty, <strong>the</strong> more hateful and <strong>the</strong> more embittering it is.<br />
The less <strong>the</strong> skill and exertion <strong>of</strong> strength implied in manual labour, in o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> more<br />
modern industry becomes developed, <strong>the</strong> more is <strong>the</strong> labour <strong>of</strong> men superseded by that <strong>of</strong><br />
women.[36] Differences <strong>of</strong> age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for <strong>the</strong><br />
working class. All are instruments <strong>of</strong> labour, more or less expensive to use, according to <strong>the</strong>ir age<br />
and sex.<br />
No sooner is <strong>the</strong> exploitation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labourer by <strong>the</strong> manufacturer, so far, at an end, that he<br />
receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r portions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bourgeoisie, <strong>the</strong><br />
landlord, <strong>the</strong> shopkeeper, <strong>the</strong> pawnbroker, etc.<br />
The lower strata <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> middle class -- <strong>the</strong> small trades people, shopkeepers, and retired<br />
tradesmen generally, <strong>the</strong> handicraftsmen and peasants -- all <strong>the</strong>se sink gradually into <strong>the</strong><br />
proletariat, partly because <strong>the</strong>ir diminutive capital does not suffice for <strong>the</strong> scale on which Modern<br />
Industry is carried on, and is swamped in <strong>the</strong> competition with <strong>the</strong> large capitalists, partly because<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir specialised skill is rendered worthless by new methods <strong>of</strong> production. Thus <strong>the</strong> proletariat is<br />
recruited from all classes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population.<br />
The proletariat goes through various stages <strong>of</strong> development. With its birth begins its struggle<br />
with <strong>the</strong> bourgeoisie. At first <strong>the</strong> contest is carried on by individual labourers, <strong>the</strong>n by <strong>the</strong><br />
workpeople <strong>of</strong> a factory, <strong>the</strong>n by <strong>the</strong> operatives <strong>of</strong> one trade, in one locality, against <strong>the</strong> individual<br />
bourgeois who directly exploits <strong>the</strong>m. They direct <strong>the</strong>ir attacks not against <strong>the</strong> bourgeois<br />
conditions <strong>of</strong> production, but, against <strong>the</strong> instruments <strong>of</strong> production <strong>the</strong>mselves;[37] <strong>the</strong>y destroy<br />
imported wares that compete with <strong>the</strong>ir labour, <strong>the</strong>y smash to pieces machinery, <strong>the</strong>y set factories<br />
ablaze, <strong>the</strong>y seek to restore by force <strong>the</strong> vanished status <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages.<br />
At this stage <strong>the</strong> labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered over <strong>the</strong> whole country, and<br />
broken up by <strong>the</strong>ir mutual competition. If anywhere <strong>the</strong>y unite to form more compact bodies, this<br />
is not yet <strong>the</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own active union, but <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> union <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bourgeoisie, which<br />
class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set <strong>the</strong> whole proletariat in motion,<br />
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