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Zenebe BASHAW - codesria

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constitute what James Scott calls “infrapolitics” or “disguised resistance” (1990: 199). Agents<br />

of the public sphere who are discontented and oppressed employ innocuous, but powerful<br />

ways of resistance. This “everyday resistance” includes rumors, gossip, folktales, songs,<br />

gestures, jokes, and theatre (Scott and Kerkvliet, 1986: 1; Scott, 1990: xiii). Under situations<br />

of “hopeful hopelessness”, they serve as initiators of resistance and agencies of change that<br />

eventually have the possibility of connecting to protracted conflicts (Wendt, 1996: 264; Stern,<br />

1987: 9).<br />

It should be mentioned here that Habermas’ depiction of the public sphere was intended to<br />

characterize a modern and rationalized policy built on the basis of consensus (Habermas,<br />

1984a, 318-319; 1989, 2-4; 1990, 56). As such, the main purpose of the public sphere was to<br />

legitimize state’s authority, at times with the role of challenging it (Rutherford, 2000). The<br />

temporal feature of the public sphere, however, began to show changes predominately<br />

involving its “refeudalization”. This process is accompanied, first by the diversification and<br />

increased roles of different actors, mainly the private sector, thereby challenging the “billiard<br />

ball” status of the state. This is done through enunciating such key elements as expanding the<br />

share of the private sector in the provision of services through contracting out, the<br />

decentralization of public sector management such as the devolution of budgets and financial<br />

control by institutionalizing new autonomous agencies (“agencification”), and the inclusion of<br />

customer-oriented services and performance (See OECD, 1995; Hood, 1995; Peters and<br />

Pierre, 1998).<br />

On the other hand, as a counter to these changes, the state assumes important position as a<br />

bastion of protecting its authority from erosion by supplying public goods which other actors,<br />

including the private sector/market, inherently lacks (such as the Pareto efficiency/optimality<br />

and the corresponding features of non-rivalness and non-excludability of public goods as well<br />

as asymmetric information in economic goods and service provision). 1 This continues to<br />

make the state to be reified through the everyday “language of legal practice, the architecture<br />

of public buildings, the wearing of military uniforms, or the marking out and policing of<br />

frontiers” (Mitchell, 1991: 81). Despite its “uninvited appearances in our lives” there is<br />

1 1 Ironically, by the time of writing this paper, the mortgage crisis in the United States and its domino effect in<br />

the banking and financial sectors in other regions once again remind us the complexity and inherent weakness of<br />

the market/private sector. It also sends a message in terms of arguably signifying the role of the state as the last<br />

cushion in bailing out not only crumbling private institutions, but also the larger public.<br />

8

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