aborted ethiopian democracy: major blunders and ... - Ethiomedia

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Ethiomedia – September 14, 2005
ABORTED ETHIOPIAN DEMOCRACY:
MAJOR BLUNDERS AND FEASIBLE SOLUTIONS
Desta Damtew, Professor
Norfolk State University
The current government in Ethiopia grabbed power in May 1991.
Since that unfortunate event, almost for about fourteen years
long, misguided system of governance has been imposed on the
citizens of Ethiopia without securing neither the consent nor the
confidence of the overwhelming majority of the people of Ethiopia.
The regime’s pronounced vision, missions, policies, plans and
activities could be characterized as backward and shortsighted
from the very beginning to the present.
Numerous blunders have been made, and incalculable damages have
been allowed to occur, during the incumbency of the current Ethnocentric
government of Ethiopia. Many thoughtful Ethiopians,
residing in the country as well as those forced to flee have
clearly and repeatedly expressed their concerns, suggestions, and
ideas to help straighten the wrong headed system of governance
currently prevailing in the country.
In spite of all attempts by Ethiopians, many other true friends of
Ethiopia, numerous democratic governments throughout the world,
and various regional and international organizations, this
government continues to commit enumerable egregious human rights
violations, and thereby aborted the democratization process in
Ethiopia. However, insightful religious and community leaders,
objective media professionals, and most respected human rights
advocates, have continued to gently warn and admonish the
incumbent government to stop the egregious blunders. Some of the
blunders are identified and discussed below in Part I. The
feasible solutions are offered in Part II followed by key
recommendation and concluding remarks.
PART I THE MAJOR BLUNDERS
The opposition parties in Ethiopia and abroad have been
consistently advocating that sincere and sustainable efforts, that
could put the rapidly deteriorating democratization process back
on track, must be immediately taken before serious consequences
face the country and its people. The majority of the parties
accepted that building genuine democracy is the critical and
sufficient condition for peace, stability, economic development

and progress in Ethiopia. Unfortunately, the incumbent government
has continued to violate the fundamental tenets of democracy since
it has assumed state power in July 1991. Repeated calls by the
democratic forces in the opposition to convene “Peace and
Reconciliation Conference (PRC)”, to discuss and resolve the
serious problems, has been arrogantly rebuffed by the government.
Moreover, numerous other initiatives by farsighted individuals,
governments, international institutions, and non-governmental
organizations have not yet succeeded due to mainly the
intransigence of the current government.
Instead the government and its proponents insisted to impose
unjust and unacceptable preconditions such as:
• Holding elections, according to the specifications of
mainly dictatorial constitution that mirrors more the
“Stalinist Model”, rather than the genuine “Democratic
Model”, as adequately documented by Dr.Negede Gobezie
in a book published in Amharic by AESOP PUBLISHERS in
2004.
• Demanding to begin dialogue within the terms of the
“counterfeit constitution,” which is prepared solely
by a non-representative “Constitution Drafting
Commission” appointed by the government, and rubber
stamped by a “Pseudo Constituent Assembly” elected
under the complete control and direction of an
“Electoral Commission” beholden to the incumbent
government.
Such proposals, which have neither validity nor legitimacy, are
prescriptions for perpetuating the blunders. Thus, every effort to
at least begin to build “Peace and Reconciliation” utterly failed
to contribute to any meaningful resolution of any of the problems
facing the country.
The repeated rejection of the government, to welcome the numerous
calls for “PRC” on the basis of fair, salient, and fundamental
principles, is the most egregious blunder. Any fair minded
individuals, governments, and international institutions could
have condemned the outrageous demands of the incumbent government,
and should have urged the leader to enter into dialogue without
any unsound and unreasonable preconditions. Acquiescing to the
unjust demands and preconditions of the incumbent government;
merely because it is currently in power, in spite of the widely
recognized ill-conceived policies it is pursuing; and the
antidemocratic activities it is undertaking; will not facilitate
meaningful dialogue and generate beneficial results. Accordingly,
please allow me to outline below:
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Background
• First, a few important facts on how the current
government assumed power, and some of the major
destructive policies and activities it carried out
during the two transition years, from an article
published, by Abaineh Workie, Wold Zemedkun and
Desta Damtew, in Ethiopian Review, July 1993,
pp.28-30.
• Second, some major horrendous atrocities, which
have continued to be committed by the same
government during the subsequent almost twelve
years of its incumbency.
One very important background fact that most outsiders fail to
understand is that the Eritrean Liberation Front (EPLF) created
the Tigrai People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Furthermore, the
leaders of EPLF and TPLF “through secret negotiations” set the
composition of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) long
before they both assumed power. It is critical to understand that
the primary objective of EPLF in creating TPLF was, to use the
latter as an instrument, to weaken the previous government “so
that Eritrea’s secession from Ethiopia could be realized”.
The then avowed Marxist TPLF's “claimed objective was to liberate
Tigrai people”. Thus, neither EPLF nor TPLF (the core of the TGE)
had any constructive “interest in Ethiopia and her people as a
whole”. “At the May 1991 London Conference, with a well-intended
but wholly misguided support of the United States, EPLF and TPLF
partitioned Ethiopia by establishing two transitional governments
in Asmara and in Addis Ababa”.
Promotion of Secession
The main interest of EPLF is not only to secure secession of
Eritrea from Ethiopia “but to maintain it by using TPLF to keep
the rest of Ethiopia divided and weak”. To facilitate this
insidious scheme, “TPLF organized dummy political parties along
ethnic lines and christened itself as the Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)”. Thus, EPRDF has been
actively promoting ethnic based federal system of governance as
perfect panacea for resolving numerous conflicts between various
ethnic groups in Ethiopia as well as in most of Africa.
Regrettably, this scheme in reality proved to be the cause of
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creating deadly conflicts throughout many countries in Africa. In
fact, it became the primary reason for igniting numerous ethnic
conflicts in Ethiopia itself. This ill-conceived model might have
engendered, perpetual ethnic and religious conflicts and
essentially”, encouraged imposing dictatorial policies and
practices which hindered the building of genuine democracy,
durable peace, and sustainable development.
The unwise vigorous endorsement of President Meles Zenawie was the
key factor for the prompt approval of the Eritrean secession from
Ethiopia by the United Nations (UN) in 1993. The deceptive claim
of more than 90% endorsement of the referendum, by the Eritrean
voters, was based on only one alternative of responding “YES” or
“NO” to the question for “Being Independent”. This cleverly
concocted one option was offered, despite the previously promised
other more rational and feasible alternatives such as:
1. Remaining united with Ethiopia with complete autonomy
for self-government under a genuine democratic system
of governance.
2. Continuing as one of the federal states of truly
Democratic Ethiopia.
Unfortunately, the new leaders of the divided two countries failed
to comprehend the many advantages of remaining united. In stead,
they pushed the Eritrean people to vote on only one alternative.
Thus, the following major negative consequences of the secession
decision occurred:
• Unwise 1997 war between the two divided countries.
• Deterioration of economic development.
• Escalation of the level of poverty.
• Recurrence of famine and joblessness.
• Inadequate health care system.
• Flight of many educated and experienced citizens.
• Aborted democracy in both countries.
Ethnocentric Politics
TPLF, which proclaimed itself “champion for democracy and
freedom”, began to reveal its true nature, only shortly after
taking power. “TPLF is actively promoting disunity” by “formation
of political parties based on ethnic lines” while it is actively
frustrating through arbitrary arrest, harassment, and torture of
“any political party that sought to organize itself” based on
multi-ethnic lines. TPLF even stirred several ethnic conflicts
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that resulted in brutal murders of women and children and
devastation of entire villages. TPLF even “introduced a new map
dividing Ethiopia into arbitrary, ethnic based, administrative
localities and regions”.
The TPLF's ethnic policies have resulted in a forced dislocation
of individuals and whole communities, many losing their homes,
jobs, and lives. “TPLF, as a matter of government policy, is
engaged in ethnicizing civil service employees, armed and security
forces, and public and semi-private institutions”. It disbanded
the well-trained Ethiopian police force and replaced it with
partisan and non-professional recruits drawn mostly from the
Tigrean and Eritrean ethnic groups.
A review of events of the transitional period makes it abundantly
clear that the transitional government's activities in Ethiopia
have been characterized by both a precipitous dissipation of
positive features like ethnic blending and national unity, and the
promotion of negative features such as secession, ethnic conflict
and cleansing.
Assault on Ethiopian Landmark Institutions
During the past fourteen years, “TPLF consistent with its strategy
to dismantle and weaken the rest of Ethiopia has been assailing
the country's basic institutions”. Ethiopia's world-renowned
university, her airlines, health care institutions, factories, and
other valuable infrastructures are being systematically dismantled
and some physically transferred to Eritrea and/or Tigrai. TPLF is
carrying out arbitrary dismissal of Ethiopia's reputed
researchers, educators, and doctors at the Addis Ababa University,
thereby, crippling the nation's largest and best institution of
higher learning. Furthermore, it has closed several public
institutions like the “Building and Construction Authority
resulting in the lay-off of thousands of workers”.
Civic organizations, which are widely recognized as vanguards for
the development of real democratic system of governance, are
marginalized, and crippled to be able to operate freely. For
example, the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association (ETA) has been
targeted to be weakened and replaced by another subservient
organization. Dr. Taye Woldesemayat, Chairman of ETA was
incarcerated in jail for many years, simply because he stood up
against the illegal dislocation and dismissal of ETA members.
Similarly, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC) has been
ridiculed and derailed by the government. EHRC’s bank account was
frozen and its first leader, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, was
jailed based on unsubstantiated charges.
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Moreover, the members of the free Ethiopian press has been
continuously abused, threatened, repeatedly imprisoned, and some
forced to flee due to the egregious treatments they suffered for
their firm stand on press freedom. Some of the unsound practices
employed by the government are outlined below:
• Imposition of outrageously heavy levy by courts.
• Barring access to official press conferences and
releases.
• Increasing prices, or decreasing supplies, of papers.
Economic Destabilization
Most economic development activities have been geared to Tigrai
and/or Eritrea during the transition period; and mainly to Tgrai
subsequently. For example, while foreign loans are debt to all
Ethiopians, much of such funds are often being applied to
development projects in the Tigrai region.
Ethiopians are denied to reclaim the right to their land,
consequent to the adoption of the “Stalinist Model” of
constitution. Agricultural production has been deteriorating, due
to the lack of incentive and essential governmental support to
develop the land. Moreover, “the infrastructure, in most of
Ethiopia”, has been left to decay to the extent of severely
stifling economic growth. The political and economic conditions
have not been conducive to both domestic and foreign investments.
Human Rights Violation
The initial pretension of TPLF as a champion for human rights was
quickly followed by its arbitrary arrests, tortures, and killings
as repeatedly reported by human rights, local as well as
international, organizations. Multi-ethnic political parties were
banned for offering better alternative choices to that of
TPLF/EPRDF. The killings and imprisonments of several university
students; merely for the expression of their political views on
Eritrean referendum and election related laws, guidelines and
processes; are glaring examples of the current government’s antidemocratic
behavior.
Moreover, reputed human rights advocates, and democratic
governments in many countries of the world reported the fact that
EPRDF has been involved in very significant number of human rights
violations. For example, it might be sufficient to review the
annual human rights reports of; the Ethiopia Human Rights
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Commission (EHRC), the Human Rights Watch/Africa, the Amnesty
International (AI); the USA Department of State. Arbitrary
killings and imprisonments, without the democratically required
due process of law, have been commonly practiced. Undue mass
incarcerations; of some opposition party political leaders, prodemocracy
educators and students, civic organization leaders and
their members, religious leaders and their followers; have been
routine practices in Ethiopia during the incumbency of the current
government.
The Role of International Organizations
Regrettably, some international organizations and governments have
been playing weak and unsound strategy of waiting too long to take
any prudent action until situations get out of essential and
effective control. Crucial supportive roles could have been
proactively taken to deter serious damages, which were allowed to
continue to fester. For instance, the UN could have refrained from
hastily agreeing to consider the Eritrean request to secede from
Ethiopia, before comprehensive hearings from the supporters and
opponents of such a consequential request. In fact, the UN ignored
to weigh the petition submitted to its office by Ethiopian
democratic opposition leaders and citizens. The UN even departed
from its usual practice and principle of reluctance to consider
requests for secession from any member nation. It sadly approved
the cession of Eritrea from Ethiopia, one of its founding member
states, thereby dismantling and weakening a historic nation.
Similarly, the former Organization of African Unity (OAU), now
renamed as African Union (AU), abandoning Articles II and III of
its own Charter and its Cairo and Abuya Resolutions, endorsed the
secession of Eritrea. The USA and some other democratic countries
have been mistakenly supporting EPLF and TPLF by providing them
with resources under false assumption of promoting the success of
democratization in both of the divided countries. Moreover, the
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and others have
been misguided to support the plans of the antidemocratic
dictators of both of these countries. Unfortunately, the real
outcomes, now clearly established, are the aborting of democracy
and the embracing of totalitarian governance in both of the
countries.
This author attempted to bring to the attention of the US
government, and any other truly democratic country leaders, to
refrain from supporting totalitarian regimes. In stead, I
suggested that the prudent approach to promote democratization is
to side with the citizens and their leaders who are aspiring to
establish genuinely democratic system of governance in their
respective countries.
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I advanced this view in an article, “US should back
democratization abroad”, published in The Virginian-Pilot, on
August 13, 1996, p. A14. I was tempted to write this article,
since I was outraged and saddened by the terrorist bombing, at the
American Air Force Complex in Saudi Arabia, that caused “the death
of 19 Americans and injured more than 300 other officials”. I
warned such despicable acts could be repeated by others, who might
wrongly decide that attacking innocent US citizens as well as its
interests will be an option to gain some publicity about their own
governments’ dictatorship.
I am elated to hear President Bush clearly stating his new
doctrine relating to the spread of real democracy throughout the
technological connected globe. He has firmly and consistently
proclaimed that the US will always stand on the side of the people
and their leaders who are genuinely committed and promoting
systems, principles, and practices of democratization in their
respective countries. I hope that some of the leaders,
bureaucrats, and professionals, who are still believers of
totalitarian or autocratic system of governance, take to heart the
doctrine of President Bush and help facilitate the spread of
democracy.
Fraudulent Elections
The 1992 fraudulent elections that made a mockery of democratic
procedures and processes were conducted in which members of the
same party, TPLF/EPRDF, posed as the only candidates for election;
while other individual candidates who were not associated with
EPRDF were harassed, threatened, and detained. The same is true
for the 1994 elections as well. As the domination of political
activities by TPLF and EPLF intensified, the Oromo Liberation
Front (OLF), which was promised to play a significant role in TGE,
became alienated. Consequently, the OLF pulled itself out of TGE;
and armed clashes between the TPLF and OLF erupted in several
localities.
The 1995 and 2000 elections were the updated versions of the same
processes and practices adjusted only to further solidify the grip
of power by the leader of the same ruling party. Prime Minister
Meles managed to weed out some of his well-known, high-level
officials who started raising challenging questions with respect
to the misguided and catastrophic war irrationally ignited between
the divided people of Ethiopia and Eritrea.
The result of the 2005 election, which was held on May 15, 2005,
was also seriously flawed due to numerous anti-democratic actions;
recently reported by Mrs. Ana Gomez, the leader of the EU
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Ethiopian Election Monitors; such as:
• Intimidation and threat of voters.
• Humiliation of opposition party candidates.
• Harassment of opposition party representatives.
• Rigging votes by stuffing pre-arranged ballots.
• Misreporting the actual results by miscounting.
• Adapting deceptive election guidelines, and processes.
• Killing some candidates and their representatives.
The current government, whose leader unabashedly claims as a
pioneer who introduced “Democracy” in Ethiopia, is allowing all of
the anti-democratic activities listed above. Thus, the type of
fake democracy, his government and its bureaucracy have imposed on
the Ethiopian people, is guided by a constitution, which mainly
mirrors the “Stalinist Model” rather than the genuine democratic
constitution.
As part of its elaborate and deceptive scheme TPLF provided, in
the July 1991 Charter, a provision to develop a constitution with
the aim of giving a democratic appearance to its political
activities. It made certain that the composition of the
constitution drafters and the Transitional Council that ratifies
the draft constitution is made up mostly of individuals hand
picked more for their loyalty than for their expertise. The
constitution drafters have been given clear instructions, as
guidelines, to lead them to the writing of a document, which
serves the designs of TPLF. A constitution convention was
organized by TPLF sponsored group and held between TPLF and its
subservient minor party representatives to ensure the desired
outcome. Feeble attempts were also made to co-opt a few members of
the major opposition parties to participate in the convention with
the aim of legitimizing the outcome without involving them at the
outset.
Deterioration of Conditions in Ethiopia
If EPRDF's mask of democracy, justice, and peace were allowed to
continue deceiving others, conditions in Ethiopia would likely
deteriorate further pushing the country to a national destruction.
Deterioration of conditions in Ethiopia would include political
instability, ethnic conflict, national fragmentation, violation of
human rights, and unchecked practice of fraudulent elections.
Ethiopians who hoped to build a truly democratic and free nation,
and had their hopes shattered too many times in the past, could no
more tolerate to have their votes manipulated and their democratic
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victory derailed. Although other individuals and governments of
good will can play significant supportive roles, the primary
responsibility of realizing the desired democratic goal rests on
Ethiopians themselves. Such a responsibility would include
demanding for and persisting on an all-inclusive conference of all
political parities, civic organizations, and other key members of
the Ethiopian population.
Attempted and Failed Efforts
PART II THE FEASIBLE SOLUTIONS
It is with the high hope of averting the undesirable deterioration
of conditions in Ethiopia that the major democratic coalitions and
parties repeatedly called for PEACE AND RECONCIALION CONFERENCE
(PRC), since the current government assumed state power in
Ethiopia. The most significant three conferences, in which I
participated as one of the delegates of the Coalition of Ethiopian
Democratic forces (COEDF), are presented below in order to
demonstrate that the opposition groups have tried to help redirect
the focus of the incumbent government on major critical issues.
A.PARIS I CONFERENCE
The March 13, 1993 Resolution of the Paris Conference on Peace and
Reconciliation in Ethiopia; and the June 10, 1993 call by its
Coordinating Committee for a follow-up conference in Addis Ababa;
should have been supported as essential next steps towards
building genuine democracy, peace, and stability in Ethiopia. The
main objectives, of the subsequent conference, were anticipated to
be to form a broad based transitional government; and to establish
relevant principles, guidelines and procedures that could have
paved the way for a fairly and freely elected government.
Unfortunately, this conference failed to achieve the worthy
objectives, mainly due to the refusal of the incumbent government
to participate in the planned deliberations. In addition, the
government started imprisoning some of the early arriving
delegates, and also threatening to jail many others on the way or
preparing to travel. Mr. Abera Yemaneab, member of COEDF, was one
of those picked up at the airport and jailed. Sadly, despite
repeated decisions of the courts to release him, he is sill being
incarcerated under inhumane conditions in the prison.
Furthermore, the government unleashed the media under its control
to undermine the objectives of both the Paris I and the subsequent
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Addis Ababa Conferences. The government media and the highly paid
local and international lobbyists managed to spread deceptive
propaganda to scuttle the expected beneficial outcomes of both of
the conferences.
B. CARTER CENTER MEETING
The Carter Center Meeting was called by, and convened under, the
leadership of Mr. Jimmy Carter, the former President of the US, on
February 7-8, 1994. I participated in the exploratory talks
chaired by Mr. Carter with complete confidence that Prsident Meles
Zenawi would heed to the balanced and legitimate proposal to
resolve the political problems facing Ethiopia through peaceful
negotiation. I considered that meeting as one of the important
conferences at which significant issues were raised and essential
next steps were identified.
President Carter’s draft report of the discussions, published in
the Ethiopian Review of March 1994, made clear to the Ethiopians
and interested others that there was consensus, among the groups
who attended, on the following specific and constructive
suggestions:
• Hold a national conference to consider basic changes
in the government.
• Review the 1991 Charter, to enlarge the 87-member
council and insure its representative nature.
• Reconstitute the army and police, to make them
national and not Tigrean in character, in order to
enhance the feeling of security among all Ethiopians.
• Hold any elections only after a new transition
government has been established.
• Establish neutral and representative commissions to
insure equal access to news media and open and fair
elections.
• Decentralize power as an essential element of the
democratic process.
Furthermore, the same document presented succinctly, Mr. Carter’s
assessment of the Ethiopian situation and identified the essential
next steps that were proposed as follows:
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1. Mr. Carter would share the summary of the
discussions with top officials in Ethiopia, the
United States, and other interested governments.
2. Participants all pledged that they would join all
other major parties in foregoing violence, and
pledge to seek a peaceful reconciliation of
political differences that presently exist in
Ethiopia.
3. Mr. Carter would suggest to the government that
discussions be held with leaders of the key
political parties, then in opposition, who share
in the above pledge of mutual non-violence, and
that some confidence building measures should be
taken. One goal of the discussions would be to
broaden the nation's political base by bringing in
organizations now excluded from the political
process. To help insure success in these
discussions, a request might be added for
mediation from the United Nations, the
Organization for African Unity, or some non-
governmental organizations.
4. The international community might be asked to join
in the electoral process in Ethiopia, to enhance
trust among citizens and to insure proper
preparation and the integrity of all future
elections.
President Carter’s tireless efforts since the conclusion of the
meeting have been equally fruitful and effective. The initial
willingness of the incumbent government to welcome any opposition
group "to participate in direct talks with leaders of the
government, individually or in group" was made possible because of
Mr. Carter’s key role. The consent to work out the details
concerning "appropriate mediators and other modalities of the
negotiation" was a positive development. Moreover, his firm
statement that he "will underscore to President Meles the need for
guarantees of our safe conduct, and the security and freedom of
movement of our delegation," was reassuring.
The statement submitted by COEDF at the opening of the Carter
Center Meeting on February 7, 1994 and our subsequent responses to
his letters reflected reasonable, specific, and legitimate
proposals. I felt strongly that COEDF’s moderate and relevant
suggestions should deserve serious consideration if Mr. Carter’s
voluntary and noble undertaking to help solve the Ethiopian
problems should have a favorable chance for success. I would like
to reiterate below some of the suggestions in order to highlight
their relevance, importance, and reasonableness, then and now, in
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negotiations to reach mutually beneficial solutions.
(1) On Direct Talks
COEDF did welcome the initiative to open dialogue directly with
the incumbent government. However, it was suggested that the
following two important points should be seriously considered and
accepted to enhance the success of the direct talks:
1. That the talks should include all key parties.
2. That representatives of the U.N., A.U., the former
European Parliament or currently named as European
Union (EU), and the US. government should be included
as additional mediators.
These suggestions were consistent with the ideas Mr. Carter had
advanced in his summary draft report mentioned earlier. Moreover,
the inclusion of the key parties in the discussions would have
definitely enhanced the chance of acceptability of the outcomes of
the talks. I, therefore, strongly felt that parties such as the
All Amhara Peoples' Organization (AAPO), the Afar Revolutionary
Democratic Union (ARDU), the Multinational Congress Party of
Ethiopia (MNCPE), and the Tigray-Tigrigny Ethiopia (TTE) should be
added to the group who met at the Carter Center.
The inclusion of the suggested international and regional
organizations and the U.S. government as additional mediators from
the outset would have generated significant outcomes. As correctly
noted by Mr. Carter, including the U.N., A.U., or some nongovernmental
organizations as additional mediators, could have
"helped insure success in these discussions". Furthermore,
requesting such organizations and the US government to join the
mediation efforts, as co-sponsors would have helped distribute the
heavy responsibilities and financial burdens of such very
important and costly undertakings.
(2) On the Agenda
COEDF expressed ITS willingness to consider all issues with an
open mind and to accept mediated compromises where compromises
were reasonable. COEDF, therefore, suggested that the agenda for
the proposed Addis Ababa Conference should be left open.
Accordingly, we were confident that the agenda would at least
incorporate the above listed specific and constructive suggestions
on which there was consensus among the groups who attended the
Carter Center Meeting. Excluding any of these items from due
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consideration would have not helped in generating results
acceptable by the overwhelming majority of the Ethiopian people.
(3) On Confidence Building Measures
COEDF consented to join all other major parties, including the
EPRDF, in foregoing violence as means of resolving political
differences. However, COEDF suggested that the incumbent
government should take some modest steps such as; releasing all
political prisoners including Mr. Abera Yemaneab and the
arbitrarily arrested journalists and students; reinstating the
summarily dismissed Addis Ababa University professors and
Ethiopian Air Lines employees; and rehabilitating employees and
officials of other public and private institutions. Such measures
could have contributed significantly to building confidence and
mutual trust.
Regrettably, the incumbent government was not prepared to take
even such modest steps. Furthermore, President Meles was not
willing to commit his government to respond to the sound request
for guarantees to ensure the safety and freedom of movement of the
delegations to the proposed, but subsequently scuttled, Addis
Ababa Conference. Securing unequivocal and unconditional
guarantees from President Meles himself was of paramount
importance, in light of the unjust arrests and subsequent
incarcerations of some delegates upon their arrival in Addis Ababa
to attend the Peace and Reconciliation Conference in December
1993.
Even though, President Melese Zenawi eventually refused to meet
with the opposition groups on the basis of Mr. Carter’s proposal,
COEDF remained confident that Mr. Carter would ultimately prevail
in persuading Mr. Meles to keep his initial promise to welcome the
opposition groups to participate in direct talks with his
government. However, I was still optimistic that organizing a
meeting, which could have a good chance for success on the issues
and suggestions highlighted above, deserve repeated attempts until
satisfactory resolutions could be reached.
(C). US CONGRESSIONAL TASK FORCE
The conference organized by the US CONGRESSIONAL TASK FORCE (CTF)
was greeted as very important and a welcome initiative by the
major democratic opposition groups. It was embraced as one more
important effort that could facilitate the peaceful participation
of the opposition forces in the political process of Ethiopia.
The invited groups considered most of the initial objectives and
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asic principles, outlined and distributed by the CTF on October
10, 1994, as reasonable. They were convinced that peace,
stability, and economic progress could be achieved in Ethiopia
only through pursuing the democratization process vigorously
without any equivocation.
Regrettably, the incumbent government of Ethiopia has continued to
violate the basic tenets of democracy. Repeated efforts by
democratic forces in the opposition to convene a "Peace and
Reconciliation Conference" to discuss and resolve the serious
problems have been rebuffed by the incumbent government.
Furthermore, several other initiatives by thoughtful individuals,
governments, international institutions, and civic organizations
have not yet succeeded due to mainly the intransigence of the
incumbent government.
The democratic opposition coalitions, parties, and the currently
ruling party were invited to attend the CTF organized conference.
The presence of EPRDF high-level delegates; for the first time,
for face-to-face dialogue with the major opposition group
delegations, under the auspices of the US Congress; raised high
expectation that this meeting at least could reach some
significant positive resolutions; which should put the rapidly
deteriorating democratization process in Ethiopia back on track.
The most important and relevant factors for the development of
democracy, peace, and progress in Ethiopia would be realized only
when genuine democratic principles and procedures are established
objectively; agreed upon through dialogues; and implemented in
good faith. Unfortunately, the second version of the set of basic
principles distributed by the CTF on October 19, 1994 was
different from the original one in many fundamental aspects. The
significant objectives and principles, which were clearly stated
in the original version and have been omitted from the subsequent
statement include:
• The unhindered access to the mass media.
• The right to open offices throughout the country.
• Security guarantees for the opposition groups.
• Engagement in talks to resolve outstanding issues.
• Preparation for free and fair elections and access to
funding.
• An agreement to deploy monitors throughout the country
shortly after opposition groups enter the political
15

process.
• The addressing of substantive issues by the parties
concerned.
• The inclusion of the opposition groups in the
constitutional debate.
• The establishment of an independent Electoral
Commission.
• The need to address quickly the concern of the
democratic opposition groups regarding the current
armed forces.
The revised version stipulates unfair and unacceptable principles
such as "the Task Force believes that the holding of free and fair
elections, pursuant to the terms of the new constitution now being
prepared”. To expect that the dialogue would be successfully
carried out within the terms of the "counterfeit constitution”,
and the "Electoral Board" appointed by the then Head of State, Mr.
Meles Zenawi was unrealistic. Thus, the conference failed to
achieve any meaningful solution to the deteriorating
democratization process in Ethiopia.
Real Democracy
The establishment of real democracy in any country is being
actively advanced by increasing number of contemporary thinkers,
prominent government leaders and foresighted international
organization leaders. Furthermore, the establishment of real and
truly constitutional democracy is advocated as the most important
major panacea, which can alleviate most of the multitude of the
intractable political, economic, humanitarian and social
problems.
Professor Ted Vestal, One of the cotemporary thinkers, succinctly
stated in Ethiopian Tribune, October 16, 1994, the following:
Democratization is a transition from an authoritarian system to a form of government
that ensures civil liberties and provides its citizens with the means to influence or attempt
to influence policy outcomes. If successful, this dynamic process produces an open
contest for public office, without a preordained winner. If the voters, rather than the
transitional incumbents, control the outcome of this competition then the transition can
be called democratic. The determinative moment in the transition from authoritarian to
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democratic rule occurs when a political actor becomes incapable of subverting the
political process.
The decisive step toward democracy is devolution of power from a group of people to a
set of rules. Lifting official barriers to political expression and negotiation provides
extensive scope for the compromise and democratic institution building. When that
happens, democracy is in place, and a nation then can carry on its business under that
ingenious political arrangement for the articulation, expression, and mediation of
difference.
In addition, Professor Alemante G. Selassie stipulated the following question; relating to
the importance of real democratic system of governance, which could be assured by a
legitimate constitution; and provided the relevant answers as reflected below in the
[Ethiopian Review/October 1993, p. 24]:
Why have Ethiopians, for all their justly proud and rich history, failed to fashion
stable and democratic rules for their governance, welfare and security? I do not
intend to pursue this question. But I do hope that others equipped with skills for
its investigation would do so. This is important because if the values of
constitutionalism and democracy are to take root in Ethiopia, constitution making
must benefit from the contributions of various disciplines - and various sections of
society. Not just lawyers, but historians, social psychologists, sociologists, political
scientists and others; not just experts but also, and above all, the people must have
a say on the various issues the constitution must address.
“There is nothing more futile,” argued Hannah Arendt, “than rebellion and
liberation unless they are followed by a constitution of the newly won freedom.”
In a similar vein, John Adams, one of the founding fathers of the American nation
in 1789 suggested “neither morals, nor riches, nor the discipline of armies, nor
all these together will do without a constitution.” Similarly, Thomas
Jefferson, another founder of the same nation, urged his countrymen: “In
questions of power... let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down
by the claims of the constitution.”
Furthermore, Damtew, Workie, and Zemed [Ethiopian Review/November 1994, p.27]
articulated the concept of a constitution by first defining it as “... a body of fundamental
laws and principles for governing a political state. It is a body of doctrines and practices
that serves as the basic organizing principle of a nation state.” They then elaborated its
application in the contemporary world as follows:
The modern idea of a constitution, however, was a product of the 18th. Century thought,
emerging particularly from the works of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Voltaire,
Jean-Jacque Rousseau, and Montesquieu. These thinkers developed the notion of social
17

contract, attacked despotic governments, and finally championed the following ideas of
government which became the fundamental principles of modern constitution:
[Encyclopedia America No. 7, 1993, p.659].
1. Government comes from below, not from above.
2. Government derives its powers from the consent of the governed.
3. Individuals have certain natural inalienable rights.
4. Powers within a government must be distributed and balanced.
5. Individual persons are born equal and should be treated as equal before the law.
Thus, many Ethiopians have dedicated their times and resources in the struggle to develop
stable, democratic, and prosperous Ethiopia. Many of them also expressed the importance
of preparing a relevant constitution for a genuinely democratic system of governance in the
country. Dr. Aberra Meshesha, for instance, carefully reviewed many constitutions of
different democratic countries, and published a book entitled “Democratic Constitution for
Ethiopia” in 1998. He further investigated the major shortcomings of the bogus
constitution crafted and imposed on the Ethiopian people by the current regime.
Accordingly, he prepared a draft constitution which he is convinced will be reviewed,
improved and submitted to the Ethiopian people for discussion and input before its
ratification by a duly elected Constituent Assembly.
The ideal of democratic constitution is to protect the people’s natural and human rights,
maintain peace, protect the sovereignty and unity of the country from foreign interventions
/or control, and secure the enjoyment of every citizen through vibrant and sustainable
economic development. Accordingly, the democratic constitution should be prepared,
based on extensive review of most of the essential ideas, systems, principles and practices
advocated and implemented in other genuinely democratic countries. For instance,
constitutions of countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany,
India, Sweden, Norway, Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa, where real constitutional system
of governance are succeeding, could be used as exemplary “Models” to review, adjust, and
adopt in Ethiopia.
This critical step must be completed and submitted to the Ethiopian citizens for
referendum before its final approval for adoption as stated above. It is only then that truly
democratic election under the provisions of the new “Constitution” could be carried out.
The occurrence of such a momentous event will usher in the opportunity to restart the
“ABORTED DEMOCRACY OF ETHIOPIA” and facilitate the development of genuine
governance system which protects the sovereignty of the nation and its people. To achieve
these very critical outcomes all of the following tenets of real democracy must be
completely accepted and seriously implemented as soon as possible.
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• Establishment of a system of governance through predetermined constitutional principles,
concepts, process and practices rather than self-serving anti-constitutional decrees, rules,
and guidelines.
• Peaceful transfer of power through free and fair democratic election, rather than by the use
of force, intimidation and/or manipulation.
• Maintenance of the Supremacy of the Rule of Law by clearly dividing governance power
among three equal branches of government, namely the LEGISLATURE, the EXECUTIVE
and the JUDICIARY branches. The essential check and balance system to be established in
the constitution will provide assurance through requiring vigilant and continuous
monitoring and timely reporting to the public any form of abuse and corruption by the
elected as well as any appointed officials of government.
The despicable tactics; of deception, denial, distraction and destruction, the current
leaders and their cadres have been practicing; are now clearly exposed both at home
and abroad. The egregious human rights violations; the uncontrolled poverty; the
widely spreading epidemics; the continuous hunger; the numerous ethnic conflicts; the
aborted democratization process and the consequent suppression of every form of
genuine democratic rights, opportunities and capabilities to build peace, prosperity, and
sustainable stability; must all be immediately addressed and corrected.
All of us who are "really" committed to the betterment of the Ethiopian people; rather
than fighting among ourselves to emerge as the next "dictator", must join hands;
burry our petty differences; and get fully engaged to reignite the spirit of our
fathers, mothers and patriots to establish truly democratic; in stead of the
currently prevailing fake, system of governance in our country. After such a
system is established, any sincere pro Ethiopia parties or individuals; will be able
to present their visions, missions, plans and policies to the Ethiopian people; and
can assume power if the majority of the citizens elect one of the parties and its
candidates in genuinely "FREE, FAIR, AND JUST" ELECTION.
The May 15, 2005 Election
The May 15, 2005 election in Ethiopia was an extraordinary in the
history of the country. The significant majority of the neutral
international and national election observers widely acclaimed
the dedication, courage, and patience of the voters. Moreover,
some leaders of the international election monitors have reported
that the level of enthusiasm of the voters has been very high and
exemplary.
Regrettably, the leadership of EPRDF failed to comprehend that
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the people of Ethiopia was ready to reject the misguided
politics, programs, policies, and governance system they provided
during the fourteen years they have been in complete control.
Furthermore, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and his ruling party
also failed to understand how most of their misguided policies
on, the territorial integrity of the nation, the ethnic politics,
the land tenure system, and above all, the mainly anti-democratic
constitution, have alienated and angered so many Ethiopians. Such
fundamental failure to grasp how deeply the people of Ethiopia
are resentful of their rule, shook them up and led to their panic
and nervousness as the election results started to be announced.
Just as they were unable to correctly assess the failure of their
faulty policies, they miserably failed to understand the
determination of the voters to completely change the fake and
failed democratization process. Moreover, they underestimated the
ability of the opposition parties to organize and launch a very
effective campaign. Regardless of how stringent and harsh EPRDF’s
control of the citizens could have been, it did not match the
resolve of the people to vote them out when they were afforded
with the opportunity.
However, just as all dictators often behave, Mr. Meles Zenawi and
his cadres are unable to come to grips with the reality that in
the face of determined citizens, it is not how many guns EPRDF
might have, under its command, that determines the destiny of the
country. As is typical characteristics of dictators that impose
their oppressive rules on the citizens, Mr. Zenawi and EPRDF
perceive staying in power at any cost as the only means and
guarantee of their survival. The danger is that the more they
think that being out of office is a death sentence on them, the
more hard line positions they take, including indiscriminate
murder of civilians. Such an inhumane and catastrophic scheme
will inevitably leave them to be immersed in a sea of crimes that
they may not be able to escape. Thus, this irresponsible and
self-destructive mindset and attitude puts the nation into a
dangerous course that should be stopped before it is really too
late.
EPRDF ran on its record of fourteen years. Unfortunately, those records were not meritorious
enough to enable them to be reelected the third time, when the citizens have other more credible
opposition parties with much better programs and visionary leaders. The hard fact is that the
ruling party (EPRDF) and most of its leaders that have interestingly been voted out of office in
stunning margins are still maneuvering to stay in power at any cost. However, the mostly
aggrieved Ethiopian citizens, who have had enough of EPRDF leaders and their onerous blunders
during the last fourteen years, are ready and willing to see them replaced as soon as possible.
What makes the people more determined to have them replaced with the ones they voted for, and
the reason that they are scared of EPRDF's return to power, is that they know too well how
vindictive the EPRDF leaders and cadres are.
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Since the election of May 15 they have already been witnessing this fear being realized. Sinister
measures, like dismissal from jobs, harassment, and detention are being taken against opposition
party members and supporters including even those suspected of not voting for EPRDF. Any
solution, therefore, should carefully address this reality where almost the significant majority of
the voters are highly suspicious of each other and each side is digging its heels deeper. This
situation, if left unattended, will become a recipe for a human tragedy of significant proportion.
Thus, this eventuality should not be allowed to happen. Accordingly, my suggestion is aimed at
offering a rational alternative, which could avert the undesirable outcomes. This alternative is as
simple as creating an environment where no one feels as a tragic loser. Furthermore, it can
create a win-win situation, where no one feels left out or left alone. By creating such a viable
environment each side will have comfort zone to engage in productive negotiation and feel to
benefit from the feasible solution that could be attained.
The unsubstantiated gossips, that have been floating around,
particularly among some EPRDF loyalists and lobbyists in the
international circles, that the opposition parties may not be
ready to govern the country, are not only an insult particularly
on the opposition leaders and the people of Ethiopia; but also,
are part of the common bogus and deceptive propaganda, which the
current regime has perfected during its more than fourteen years
of dictatorial rule. The regime’s recent atrocities against
innocent citizens and the disgustingly diabolical schemes that it
is engaged in, for the sole purpose of fomenting inter-ethnic
conflicts and divide the people of Ethiopia even long after it
will have left the scene, defies common human decency. This very
disturbing development is not worthy of anyone that stands for
democratic values, and anyone to be entrusted with the governance
authority of the country.
KEY RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUDING REMARKS
The long simmering and newly found democratic movement in
Ethiopia should be given the chance and any assistance possible
to take root and flourish. If peaceful progress towards
establishing a truly democratic order in Ethiopia is properly
nurtured, the positive impact of it in the region, including the
Middle East, will be phenomenal. It is, therefore, in the best
interest of not only Ethiopians, but also the citizens of the
region, and the world as a whole that the Ethiopian
democratization movement must be supported to succeed.
The main objective in this recommendation is to achieve a viable
solution whereby the country could extricate itself from the
existing political impasse, and thereby, to enable it to have a
peaceful transition to a reliably stable and democratic Ethiopia.
This objective can be realized, if and when everyone who has a
stake in the country's future is willing and ready to participate
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seriously in a very essential and critical “PEACE AND
RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE (PRC) AS SOON AS POSSIBLE. In order to
attain the desirable outcome, PRC should be planned carefully and
organized under the auspices and sponsorship of neutral
institutions and industrialized countries such as the UNITED
NATIONS (UN), EUROPEAN UNION (EU), AFRICAN UNION (AU), UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA (USA), RUSSIA, UNITED KINGDOM (UK), FRANCE,
CHINA, INDIA, GERMANY, ITALY, JAPAN, CANADA,BRAZIL, MEXICO,GHANA,
KENYA, NIGERIA, SOUTH AFRICA, EGYPT, ISRAEL, SAUDI ARABIA AND
OTHERS.
The practicality of the June 10, 2005 agreement, between the
government (EPRDF) and the major opposition parties (UEDF & CUD)
that was signed in the presence of international mediators is
welcome first step. However, it was mainly the EPRDF, which had
the major role in the decision making process. As highly
appreciable the efforts of the neutral international participants
are in curbing the unwisely unleashed violence by the current
regime; no significant lasting solution could even be
contemplated to be achieved when the major player in the
negotiation and eventually imposed binding decision; is obviously
the ruling party which controls the Election Board, the Courts,
the Media, and the Security Forces of the country. This agreement
practically minimizes the role the opposition parties could have
positively played in resolving the impasse sadly caused by the
ruling party.
The mismanagement of the election processes; through intimidation
of opposition designated monitors, and the massive manipulation
and rigging of the votes during the counting and reporting
results; are unjust and inappropriate. Thus, the review process
being undertaken mainly under the control of the Election Board
official’s and/ or recruits could have not been expected to bring
about a satisfactory and acceptable solution; particularly to the
electorate which deeply believes that it has voted EPRDF out of
office. This sense of being cheated will have far-reaching
consequences that almost inevitably may lead to confrontations.
Therefore, every effort should be made to spare the country from
being driven into undesirable and destructive situations.
I believe that what the country needs is an all inclusive,
tolerant, nurturing and empowering multi party democracy in which
all ethnic and national groups have a voice. A broad based,
pluralistic and democratic system, which could facilitate,
inclusiveness and fairness at its core, is the surest way of
attaining the desired objective of sustainable peace and
stability in the country. However, this cannot be realized
overnight. Thus, real democracy should be embraced, further
developed, and guaranteed through free and fair elections.
There is no way that such an election could be conducted under
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the prevailing circumstances. The incumbent government is
controlling every aspect of the country's political life, with a
highly partisan Election Board, unfair election laws, and the
prevailing tense and charged atmosphere. Free and fair election
requires a new environment devoid of the present political
tensions. In order to achieve mutually amicable outcome the
feasible solutions I presented above should be considered
seriously and carried out as promptly as possible.
I, therefore, would like to propose that the US, UN, AU, EU, the
other industrialized nations, and the Carter Center should
continue to play the crucial mediating roles. These groups should
attempt to secure consensus on the agenda, on a neutral venue or
on the adequacy of guarantees for the safety of the delegates if
Addis Ababa should be selected, and on adding co-mediators or cosponsors.
These measures need to be carried out before the direct
negotiation begins, so that the highly significant and very timely
undertaking that must be started at the earliest possible date be
successfully accomplished. The success of the efforts to alleviate
the unfortunate problems Ethiopia is facing to-day will generate
long lasting and historic results if steps such as the following
are initiated and carried out within a reasonably short period:
• Establishing a broad based “Transitional National Unity
Government (TNUG) committed to put the democratization
process back on track.
• Designating “Constitution Drafting Commission” which
will incorporate all the legitimate tenets of truly
democratic system of election and governance system in
Ethiopia.
• Stopping inter-ethnic conflicts and restoring political
stability in order to prevent the increasingly
intensifying threat of civil war and its devastating
consequences, including the disintegration of the whole
nation into catastrophic situations, like in Rwanda,
Somalia, Sudan, Bosnia and many others similarly
afflicted countries.
• Respecting basic human rights as set forth by the U.N.
in the Universal Declarations of Human Rights Charter,
thereby to facilitate economic development and to
control the recurring famine, joblessness, and poverty.
• Taking confidence building measures by: (1) releasing
all prisoners of conscience, (2) allowing free press
and peoples' freedom of expression and assembly, (3)
permitting professional associations to freely assemble
23

and, (4) stopping the illegitimate practice of making
laws and decrees; on an ad-hock basis, without adequate
deliberation and substantive hearings; with the aim of
diluting constitutionally established rights and
freedoms of citizens.
• Reconstituting the army, air force, navy, police and
the security guards to make them national and not
mainly ethnic Tigrean in character, in order to enhance
the feelings of security among all Ethiopians.
• Holding nationally and internationally monitored
election; but only after a new really democratic
constitution is approved; and well represented Election
Board is established.
• Decentralizing power as an essential element of the
democratic process, and abolishing the abhorrent
practices of ethnic centered politics.
These could be some of the many attainable, important and
beneficial outcomes of the immediate steps, which need to be
taken. The suggested sponsors and mediators of PRC and the
contending parties to be involved in the conference should
seriously embrace the objectives of the conference and embark to
tackle the critical issues systematically, methodically, and
patiently. I would like to urge every one to persevere in the
search for additional viable measures, which will convince all of
the stakeholders to reconsider their preconceived positions and
consent “to engage in dialogue in a spirit of accommodation and
good faith." I am optimistic such efforts will, in the near
future, generate results of historic significance.
I thought that the future might bear some beneficial fruits when I
heard that former President Carter would go back to Ethiopia
leading an international group of election monitors during the May
15, 2005 Ethiopian election. However, I was disappointed when I
learned that Prime Minister Meles, once again, abused President
Carter’s unwavering trust in him to do the honorable thing,
instead of engaging again in massive election “engineering” by
allowing his officials and cadres to manipulate the election
guidelines, processes, and results.
I am now highly optimistic that Mr. Carter and the neutral and
objective international and national leaders and professionals,
from the various countries and institutions, I have mentioned
under my recommendation above, will be able to convince Mr. Meles
and his government to stop playing tricks, and enter into real
negotiation to achieve mutually beneficial results promptly. Any
more delays could cause impatience, doubt, and might lead to
24

undesirable consequences that everybody with rational mind should
try to avoid.
I would like to conclude by stating that it is in everybody’s
interest, TPLF included, if the above recommendations are accepted
soon, and the country is placed on the right course to
democratization and genuine respect of human rights. I look at
democracy as a universal set of principles that apply to every
country, though at varying pace. There should not be different
standards to judge human rights protection or abuse in different
countries. The same ideals of democracy and human rights, promoted
by internationally renounced advocates, such as Jefferson, Ghandi,
King, and Mandela, are what most of Ethiopians aspire to see
applied to every nation including Ethiopia.
If TPLF’s mask of democracy, justice, and peace is allowed to
continue deceiving the international community, conditions in
Ethiopia would get even worse, thereby propelling Ethiopia to a
national disaster. However, Ethiopia will rise again as it did
against Mussolini’s Fashism and Mengistu’s dictatorship, when
pushed to extreme. Most Ethiopians are patient people, and also
ardently patriotic. Misinterpreting their tolerance as
indifference is a grievous error. Those individuals or groups, who
are now arrogantly boasting; that the current widely detested
regime will continue in power without it conceding to refrain from
committing the types of blunders presented in Part I above; would
one day find themselves cloaked in shame and remorse.
I respectfully request that every truly democratic country pose to
review and adjust its policy regarding Ethiopia as a nation and
the interest of the majority of her people. Supporting dictatorial
regimes with the assumption that they may maintain “stability” by
coercive means is contrary to the universally believed and adhered
to democratic values and principles. Failing to uphold the
fundamental democratic rights, civil liberties, and other basic
freedoms, provided in genuine democratic constitution; is short
sighted and would lead to disastrous outcomes such as the ones the
world witnessed in many dictatorial countries.
I fully support the legitimately concerned Ethiopian citizens’ relevant and timely call for
co-coordinated efforts henceforth. The major Opposition Parties, CUD and UEDF,
have already agreed on the importance of continuous joint efforts and actions until a
genuine system of democratic governance is established in Ethiopia. The bankrupted
"STALINIST MODEL OF DEMOCRACY", the incumbent government of Ethiopia
has imposed on the people of Ethiopia SINCE 1993, must be replaced VERY
SOON by the genuine "DEMOCRATIC MODEL". Such an outcome will definitely
empower the Ethiopian people to elect their leaders without any outrageous
interference and deception; by unrepresentative "ELECTION
BOARD, HANDPICKED ADMINISTRATORS AND OFFICIALS OF ELECTIONS”; AT
25

ALL LEVELS OF GOVERNMENT.
It appears that the Ethiopian people are now determined to replace the incumbent
government which has been declaring fake promises but carrying out; egregious human
rights violations, risky and belligerent actions against the Ethiopian people and peoples
of the neighboring countries; failing policies with regard to the health and welfare of the
people, economy, agriculture, education, business, investments, trade, security, foreign
affairs, etc. Unfortunately, it will take some time and much unified efforts to reverse the
dire situations Ethiopians are currently subjected to. The problems are many.
However, the diligent Ethiopian people and their dedicated and farsighted leaders will
be able to overcome the problems.
The "VISION" to establish a real democratic system of governance in Ethiopia will
usher in the development of DURABLE PEACE AND SUSTAINABLE OVERALL
POSITIVE RESULTS. THIS VISION IS RELEVANT, TIMELY, JUST, FEASIBLE, and
ACHIEVABLE; if we remain united and focused. Our country and its
patriotic citizens deserve nothing less. Let us remain optimistic and positive. Let
us emphasize the many issues we agree, rather than dwelling on the few past
mistakes.
As it has become Prime Minister Meles’s common practice, he is continuing to
deceive the world and some of his avowed supporters and proclaim electoral
victory. However, it is not going to be complex, any more, to convince any fairminded
and well informed world community, in light of the EU and many other
international and national Ethiopian election monitors’ reports that are being
made public currently. It is now up to all of us Ethiopians and true friends of
Ethiopia to stand with the suffering people and hold Prime Minister Meles and his
government responsible for the serious blunders that have been committed
during the past fourteen years.
If masses of the people; who patiently tolerated the oppression, the huger, the
deadly diseases, the poverty, the exile, the unnecessary wars, and various types
of horrifying human rights violations; rise up in unison with the genuine
opposition coalitions , just as the people of Georgia and Ukraine did; Prime
Minister Meles’s dictatorial regime will come to an end. Let us all dedicate our
efforts to see him give up, the state power he grabbed by force, through the use
of “PEOPLE'S PEACEFUL STRUGGLE".
26