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JOURAL OF PUJAB STUDIES
Editors
Indu Banga
Mark Juergensmeyer
Gurinder Singh Mann
Ian Talbot
Shinder Singh Thandi
Book Review Editor
Eleanor Nesbitt
Ami P. Shah
Editorial Advisors
Ishtiaq Ahmed
Tony Ballantyne
Parminder Bhachu
Harvinder Singh Bhatti
Anna B. Bigelow
Richard M. Eaton
Ainslie T. Embree
Louis E. Fenech
Rahuldeep Singh Gill
Sucha Singh Gill
Tejwant Singh Gill
David Gilmartin
William J. Glover
J.S. Grewal
John S. Hawley
Gurpreet Singh Lehal
Iftikhar Malik
Scott Marcus
Daniel M. Michon
Farina Mir
Anne Murphy
Kristina Myrvold
Rana Nayar
Harjot Oberoi
Christopher Shackle
Joginder Singh
Mohinder Singh
Nirvikar Singh
Pashaura Singh
Pritam Singh
Darshan Singh Tatla
Michael Witzel
Tan Tai Yong
Panjab University, Chandigarh, INDIA
University of California, Santa Barbara, USA
University of California, Santa Barbara, USA
Southampton University, UK
Coventry University, UK
University of Warwick, UK
University of California, Santa Barbara, USA
Stockholm University, SWEDEN
University of Otago, NEW ZEALAND
Clark University, USA
Punjabi University, Patiala, INDIA
North Carolina State University, USA
University of Arizona, Tucson, USA
Columbia University, USA
University of Northern Iowa, USA
California Lutheran University, Thousand Oaks, USA
Punjabi University, Patiala, INDIA
Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, INDIA
North Carolina State University, USA
University of Michigan, USA
Institute of Punjab Studies, Chandigarh, INDIA
Barnard College, Columbia University, USA
Punjabi University, Patiala, INDIA
Bath Spa University, UK
University of California, Santa Barbara, USA
Claremont McKenna College, CA, USA
University of Michigan, USA
University of British Columbia, CANADA
Lund University, SWEDEN
Panjab University, Chandigarh, INDIA
University of British Columbia, CANADA
SOAS, University of London, UK
Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, INDIA
National Institute of Pb. Studies, Delhi, INDIA
University of California, Santa Cruz, USA
University of California, Riverside, USA
Oxford Brookes University, UK
Lyallpur Khalsa College, Jalandhar, INDIA
Harvard University, USA
National University of Singapore, SINGAPORE

JOURNAL OF PUNJAB STUDIES
Volume 16 Number 1 Spring 2009
Articles
Ronki Ram
John C. B. Webster
Lakhwinder Singh,
Inderjeet Singh and
R. S. Ghuman
Anita Gill
Suneel Kumar
Research Note
Book Reviews
Reviews
In Remembrance
Contents
Ravidass ,Dera Sachkhand Ballan and
the Question of Dalit Identity in Punjab
Punjabi Christians
Changing Character of Rural Economy
and Migrant Labour in Punjab
Punjab Peasantry: A Question of Life
and Debt
Human Trafficking in Punjab
Jaswinder Brar
Contents
1
35
57
71
89
113
119
121
147

1 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
Ravidass, Dera Sachkhand Ballan and the Question
of Dalit Identity in Punjab
Ronki Ram
Panjab University, Chandigarh
________________________________________________________________
The 2009 Vienna attack on the lives of the two highest ranking visiting Ravidassia Sants
hailing from Indian Punjab is generally perceived by the followers of Dera Sachkhand
Ballan, one of the most popular Dalit religious centres and a symbol of Dalit assertion in
northern India, as an attack on their separate Dalit identity. The question of separate Dalit
identity in Punjab is related to rising Dalit consciousness that emerged among the
followers of Guru Ravidass, an untouchable Sant-poet of the medieval North Indian
Bhakti movement. Ravidass imaginatively chose poetry as the method for non-violent
social protest towards the establishment of a casteless society free from all forms of
structural bindings and social dominations. After a gap of couple of centuries, the Sants
of Dera Sachkhand Ballan carried forward the legacy of Guru Ravidass by carefully
carving out the markers of a separate Dalit identity in the state. The Vienna incident has
not only brought Dera Sachkhand Ballan to the center of the world map, it has also
created a lot of confusion about the Ravidassia panth, the followers of Dera Sachkahand
Ballan, and their distinct identity in the wake of sudden and spontaneous repercussions in
the punjabi diaspora and in Punjab. Based on ethnographic field study of the Ravidassia
panth, particularly of Dera Sachkhand Ballan, this paper discusses at length the question
of Dalit identity in Punjab, which has been hastily hyped into an intra Sikh conflict.
________________________________________________________________
Introduction: Prevalence of Caste in Punjab
The recent Dalit 1 backlash in Punjab in the aftermath of the Vienna attack 2 on
the lives of two spiritual heads (Sant Niranjan Dass and his second-in-command
Sant Ramanand) of Dera 3 Sachkhand Ballan, one of the most important Dalit
religious centres and a symbol of Dalit assertion in northern India, showed
conclusively as to how caste as a social as well as political category has become
central to assertion of lower caste identity politics in contemporary India. What
is even more significant is that the attack on the Ballan Sants in a Ravidass
temple abroad and the subsequent violent repercussions it gave rise to back
home in Punjab has put a big question mark on the prevalence of caste based
discrimination as merely a domestic problem. 4 The resonance of close linkages
between the ghastly shooting in Vienna and hierarchical oppressive social
structures in Punjab coupled with tempting political economy of the affluent
religious centres is what made Vienna attack and the consequent spontaneous
backlash a unique case of regional caste imbroglio sandwiched between global
happenings and local connections.
Caste continues to pull strings in Punjab, even though the state has long
boasted of a caste-free society. The dastardly and murderous attack on
Ravidassia spiritual leaders of Dera Sachkhand Ballan in Vienna, the capital city

JPS: 16:1 2
of Austria, during a religious congregation on Sunday (May 24, 2009),
unleashed spontaneous and violent protests amongst the vast number of Dalit
followers across Punjab. This once again brought into prominence the deep
undercurrents of the institution of caste in this northern agricultural belt of
India. The backlash has not only brought forth the dormant contradictions
between the Dalits and the dominant caste (read Jat Sikhs) in Punjab, but also
ignited the ‘burning fury’ of the ex-untouchables who seem to have been
struggling hard in translating their newly earned wealth into a viable avenue of
upward social mobility. Surinder Kaur, one of the millions of followers of Dera
Sachkhand Ballan is quoted as saying, “[t]his is happening to us because our
community is making attempts to uplift itself”. 5 Another devotee of the Dera
interprets the recent Dalit upsurge as “a fight for equality”. 6 He is quoted as
saying that “[t]he dominated community is attempting to rise and the dominant
community is fearful of its rise”. 7
It seems that caste is being deployed to cut the steel frame of caste based
hierarchical social structures incarcerating the lower castes for ages. As
Amartya Sen, argues: “[t]here is a need for caution, however, for those who
believe that invocation of caste in any form in democracy is an evil force. As
long as caste is invoked in speaking for a lower caste or uniting it, it is good”. 8
Such an unorthodox view of caste confronts head on the widely held thesis that
the onset of modernity was to blunt the fangs of the primordial institution of
caste. Modernity apart, the institution of caste, however, has not only entered
into the corridors of power politics in India, but also thrives, rather more
vigorously, among the diverse Punjabi diasporic communities settled in the
post-modern glamorous capitals of Europe and North America.
Though the phenomenon of untouchability was never considered so strong
in Punjab as in many other parts of the country, it has also never been alien to
this part of the country as well (Ibbetson, 1883, rpt. 1970:15; Puri, 2004:1).
Dalits in Punjab, like their counterparts in other parts of India, have been the
victims of social exclusion, physical oppression, political neglect and economic
deprivations. The repeated references to and loud condemnations of caste based
discriminations in the teachings of the Sufis and the Sikh Gurus is a case in
point. Moreover, the roots of caste based hierarchies have been so well
entrenched in Punjab that the reformatory measures undertaken by various
social reform movements such as Arya Samaj, Singh Sabha and Chief Khalsa
Diwan failed to weed them out. However, what distinguishes caste in Punjab
the most from the rest of the country is the primacy of the material and political
factors over the principle of purity-pollution dichotomy. 9
Another feature that further distinguished caste in Punjab from the rest of the
country is the widespread phenomenon of acute landlessness among the Dalits,
on the one hand, and almost absolute monopoly of the dominant caste on the
agricultural land in the state, on the other. The Sikh empire of Maharaja Ranjit
Singh and the subsequent British rule over Punjab helped Jat Sikhs considerably
in establishing their strong hold on land in Punjab (Marenco, 1976: Chps IV-
VII; Liu, 1982:387-95). The Punjab Land Alienation Act (1900) had the
unintended consequence of officially depriving Dalits, along with other non-

3 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
agricultural castes, the right to own land. In Punjab, primarily an agricultural
state, land ownership assumes utmost importance in determining social status.
Nowhere in India, are Dalits so extensively deprived of agricultural land as in
Punjab. Despite having the highest proportion of Dalit percentage (about 29 per
cent, census of India 2001) in the country 10 , less than 5 percent of them were
cultivators. They shared only 4.82 percent of the number of operational holdings
and 2.34 percent of the total area under cultivation (1991 census). Consequently,
till recently their landlessness, along with the absence of alternate job avenues,
pushed a large number of them (60 percent, 1991 census) into farm labour to
work on the land of landowners, who invariably happened to be Jat Sikhs. The
relationship of Dalits with Jat Sikhs, thus, is that of landless agricultural workers
versus landlords, which in turn led to contradictions between them. The two
communities are engaged in a power struggle over land and other resources.
A significant change, however, has taken place over the last few decades.
Dalits in Punjab have improved their economic position through hard work and
emigration abroad. They have entered into a number of professions, which were
traditionally considered to be the mainstay of the business and artisan castes
(Ram 2004c:5-6). This has led to a sharp decline in the number of Dalit farm
workers in Punjab. However, the disassociation of Dalits from the menial and
agricultural work in Punjab and their relatively better economic conditions have
not enabled them to get an entry into the local structures of power, almost
totally monopolised by the so-called dominant/upper castes. This is what forced
them to look for alternate ways of social emancipation and empowerment giving
rise to all sorts of Deras and a growing yearning for a separate Dalit identity in
Punjab. The fast growing popularity of Deras and the enormous amount of
wealth they receive in the form of donations from the local as well as diasporic
followings eventually brought them into a sort of direct confrontation with the
long established and deeply institutionalised Gurdwaras and other dominant
Sikh Panthic organizations resulting in intermittent caste conflicts in Punjab
over the last few years. The Vienna attack and its backlash is just another
violent manifestation of this trend.
Although the constitutional state affirmative action programme has been an
important factor behind the uplift of the Dalits, the role of the Ad Dharm
movement 11 and of Ravidass Deras has been most crucial in empowering them
and forging a separate Dalit identity in Punjab. The Ad Dharm movement is
widely accredited with the task of sowing the seeds of Dalit consciousness in
Punjab. 12 It emphasised that Dalits (Ad Dharmis) are the original inhabitants of
the region and are distinguished from caste Hindus and Sikhs. It was during this
very movement, that the image of Ravidass, a Dalit Nirguni (devotee of God
without attributes) Sant of the medieval north Indian bhakti (loving devotion)
movement was projected systematically to concretise the newly conceived Dalit
cultural space in Punjab. This movement used his pictures as its emblem, his
poetry as its sacred text and legends about him as illustrations of power, pride
and glory of the socially excluded sections of the society in the constructed past.
After the historic partition, the movement found its reverberation among the

JPS: 16:1 4
vast followings of Ravidass Deras epitomised by the Sants of Dera Sachkhand
Ballan (Ram, 2009).
Ravidass holds a special place in the heart of Dalits, as he was one who
unleashed a frontal attack on the traditional practice of caste-based social
exclusion and oppression. Belonging to one of the lowest castes, his iconic
figure continues to act as a catalyst in the emergence of a separate Dalit identity
in Punjab. Ravidass, as a spiritual figure which Omvedt boldly called “the
bhakti radical”, commands a massive following among his caste fellows,
especially the Chamars in Punjab, who consider him their Guru (Omvedt, 2008:
7) They have built temples, gurdwaras, bhawans (memorial halls), educational
institutions/chairs, cultural organizations and hospitals in his name all over
Punjab. They have also founded several missions 13 to accurately establish facts
about his life, times, works, and to disseminate his message of love,
compassion, equality, and brotherhood in India and abroad (Hawley
1988:270). 14 In fact, the lustrous image of Ravidass has played an instrumental
role in mobilising the outcastes 15 , especially Chamars (leather workers), who
also long joined the Ad Dharm movement in large numbers. 16 Ad Dharmis of
Boota Mandi were among the early supporters of the Ad Dharm movement.
Seth Kishen Dass of Boota Mandi, a renowned Dalit leather merchant, financed
the headquarters building of Ad Dhram Mandal in Jalandhar. Nowadays, this
building houses Guru Ravidass High School and Sewing Centre. Many of the
Chamars and Ad Dharmi Chamars are devout followers of Sant Ravidass. Since
Dera Ballan is dedicated to the memory of Ravidass and is run by Chamar
saints. Ad Dharmi Chamars who too are devout followers of the faith of
Ravidass feel proud to be associated with the Dera. Consequently, the Chamars
of Punjab in general and Punjabi Chamar/Ad Dharmi/Ravidassia diasporas in
particular have organised themselves into various Guru Ravidass Sabhas
(committees) and established a large number of Ravidass shrines popularly
known as Ravidass Deras/temples/gurdwara/gurughars both in Punjab and
abroad. The number of such Deras has been on a steady rise.
Ravidass Deras began emerging in Punjab in the early twentieth century.
According to a field-based study conducted by Som Nath Bharti Qadian, the
number of Ravidass Deras in Punjab has exceeded one hundred over the last
few years (Qadian, 2003). Since the publication of this study many more such
Deras have been established in Punjab: twelve in 2005, eight in 2006 and seven
in 2007 (calculated from the various volumes of Begumpura Shaher, trilingual
weekly publication of the Dera Sachkhand Ballan).The strength of Ravidass
Deras abroad has also been growing rapidly (Singh, 2003:35-40). The followers
of Dera Sachkhand Ballan abroad have established their own separate Ravidass
Deras different from the mainstream Sikh Gurdwaras across the world,
wherever they have settled. The foundation stones of almost all the Ravidass
Deras both in India and abroad are laid by the Sants of Dera Sachkhand Ballan.
It is pertinent to note that these Deras have come up not merely as centers of
spiritual gatherings for Dalits but have also metamorphosed slowly into
epicenters of social protest (Ram, 2007; Ram, 2008).

5 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
This paper primarily seeks to explore the role of the teachings of Guru
Ravidass and the contributions made by the Sants of Dera Sachkhand Ballan in
the formation of a separate Dalit identity in Punjab. The paper is divided into
two sections. The first one focuses on the teachings and life anecdotes of the
sole deity, Guru Ravidass, of Ravidass Deras, and the crucial role they continue
to play in forging a separate Dalit identity in Punjab. It also briefly engages with
the question of who are Ravidassias and their religion. It further raises questions
on whether they are distinct from Hindus and Sikhs and whether they have their
own religious organizations and the ways in which they differ from other
mainstream religious organizations. The second section draws heavily on the
evolution of Dera Sachkhand Ballan, and various discursive practices it has
developed to give shape to a separate Dalit identity in Punjab over the last few
decades.
Ravidass, Ravidassias and Dalit Sikhs
Ravidass, one of the famous untouchable Sant-poets of the 15 th -16 th century, as
mentioned at the outset remains a most revered figure among the Scheduled
Castes (SC), especially Chamars/Chambhars/Charmakars of northwest and
central India. The low castes Chamars and other ex-untouchable groups who
worship Guru Ravidass, argues Schaller, “do not passively accept their inferior
status”. Their worship of Ravidass, continues Schaller, “is the manifestation of a
dissident socio-religious ideology” (Schaller, 1996:94). The mere mentioning of
Sant Ravidass evokes a sense of confidence and self-respect among them as
evidenced in the fact that a large number of them prefer to be identified as
‘Ravidassia’ rather than to be known by their customary and hereditary caste
titles colored with derogatory connotations (Hawley, 1988:272). “Although in
the past Ravidass’s low status may have presented a problem, his present-day
admirers strive to affirm it, not deny it” (Lochtefeld, 2005:201-02). The
followers of Guru Ravidass are popularly known as Ravidassia Dalits or
Ravidassi Adharmis (Chandra, 2000:49). Though they claim to be different
from both Hindus and Sikhs, but, quite often, Ravidassia Dalits are confused
with Dalit Sikhs.
Ravidassias versus Dalit Sikhs
Ravidssias, the followers of Guru Ravidass, are often confused with Dalit Sikhs.
For that the Vienna incidence is presented widely as an ugly outcome of the
protracted ‘doctrinal dispute’ between the upper caste Sikhs and Dalits. Though
some of the Ravidassia Dalits sport beard, keep unshorn hair like baptised
Sikhs, and revere, worship and bow before the Guru Granth Sahib, they still do
not identify themselves as Dalit Sikhs. Shri Guru Ravidass Sabha. Ontario,
Canada, in its recent press release message posted on Sikh Sangat News, a
popular Sikh site, clearly articulates the question of Ravidassia Dalit identity,
sharply brought into world focus by the Vienna shooting. The message reads
straightforwardly:

JPS: 16:1 6
Ravidassias
We, as Ravidassias have different traditions. We are not Sikhs.
Even though, we give utmost respect to 10 gurus and Guru
Granth Sahib, Guru Ravidass Ji is our supreme. There is no
command for us to follow the declaration that there is no Guru
after Guru Granth Sahib. We respect Guru Granth Sahib
because it has our guru Ji’s teachings and teachings of other
religious figures who have spoken against caste system, spread
the message of NAAM and equality. As per our traditions, we
give utmost respect to contemporary gurus also who are
carrying forward the message of Guru Ravidass Ji. 17
Ravidassias often assert their separate identity and are very much particular
about their distinct faith believing in the teachings and bani of Ravidass whom
they worship as Guru and bow before his portrait. They also touch the feet of
the Sants of Ravidass Deras and accept them as living Guru – an anathema in
the mainstream Sikhism. Beyond doubt, however, strong links do exist between
the mainstream Sikh faith and the Ravidassia sect – an independent religion in
the making. Ravidassias believe that the founder and first Guru of the Sikh faith,
Guru Nanak Dev, interacted with Sant Ravidass, although there are no historical
records of such meetings. Forty shabads (hymns) and one shloka (couplet)
composed by Sant Ravidass are included in the ‘Guru Granth Sahib’ the holy
scripture of the Sikhs and are considered to be the most authentic (Hawley and
Juergensmeyer, 1988:12; Callewaert and Friedlander, 1992:22). But the fact
remains that despite the existence of some common religiosity between the
Sikhs and Ravidassias, the latter have a separate religious code of conduct
tightly woven around the bani (spiritual philosophy composed in the form of
poetry) of Ravidass, their Guru. They are often heard complaining that
irrespective of the popular Sikh belief that the ‘bani is Guru and Guru is bani’,
Sant Ravidass is not considered Guru in the mainstream Sikh tradition. He
continued to be a Bhakta and his followers, as they often allege, too are not
being considered equal by the upper caste Sikhs 18 .The caste-based
discrimination against Dalits by the upper caste Sikhs is perhaps one of the most
prominent reasons that forced them to build their own separate Ravidass
Deras/gurughars in Punjab and abroad. Out of a total number of 12,780 villages
in Punjab, Ravidassia Dalits have their own separate gurughars in about 10,000
villages (Dalit Voice (Banglore), 22:17 (1-15 September 2003), p. 20; Muktsar
2003:21-22). A survey of 116 villages in one tehsil of Amritsar district showed
that Dalits had separate gurdwaras in 68 villages (Puri, 2003:2700).
Dalit Sikhs: Mazhbis/Rangretas
Dalit Sikhs are divided into two segments: Mazhbis/Rangretas and Ramdassias.
Mazhbis/Rangretas were Chuhras (sweepers) who later converted to Sikhism.
“The Rangreta are a class of Mazbi apparently found only in Ambala, Ludhiana

7 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
and the neighborhood, who consider themselves superior to the rest ... but it
appears that Rangretas have very generally abandoned scavengering (sic) for
leather work, and this would at once account for their rise in the social scale”
(Ibbetson, 1883, rpt. 1970:294). Rangretas’ close ties with the gurughar (the
House of Gurus) is evidenced from the fact that when the legendary Bhai Jaita,
rechristened as Jeevan Singh, presented to Guru Gobind Singh the severed head
of the ninth Guru and his father, Guru Tegh Bahadar, which he had brought
from Delhi, the young Gobind Rai overwhelmed with emotion pronounced
Ranghrete Guru ke Bete (Ranghrete, the untouchables, are Guru’s own sons).
Bhai Jaita, the fearless Ranghreta, had endeared himself so much to the Tenth
Guru that he was declared as the Panjwan Sahibjada (Fifth Son) in addition to
his own four sahibjadas. Recently a renowned Punjabi writer Baldev Singh
wrote a long novel Panjwan Sahibjada (Chetna Prakashan: Ludhiana, 2005) on
Bhai Jaita alias Jeevan Singh (Hans, 2009).
Mazhbis are mostly inhabited in Majha region (Amritsar, Tarn Taran and
Gurdaspur districts) of Punjab. They played a crucial role in all the battles
fought by Guru Gobind Singh and thereafter. By the mid-eighteenth century
when the Sikhs organised themselves into five dals (warrior bands), one of these
was constituted under the command of Bir Singh Ranghreta with a force of
1300-horsemen. It was known as Mazhbi/Ranghreta dal. Throughout the 18 th
century, the Mazhbi Sikh militia played a very important role in the Khalsa
army. The soldiers in the Khalsa army were called Akali Nihangs. Most of the
Nihangs came from the Dalit communities and were known for their martial
skills. Even Ranjit Singh used to be careful of them. Though initially he used
their power in capturing several places including Srinagar (Kashmir), where
many Dalit Sikhs settled permanently, but eventually he reduced their influence,
probably under pressure from the Jat Sikh aristocracy that could not digest Dalit
Sikhs wielding commanding positions (Hans, 2009).Thus after the
establishment of the Khalsa rule under the aegis of Maharaja Ranjit Singh,
concerted efforts were made to undermine their influence as the process of
consolidation of the Sikh panth was under way. Sikh identity from then
onwards began yielding to dormant but strong caste tendencies among the Jat
Sikhs (Omvedt, 2008:22).
Dalit Sikhs: Ramdassias
Ramdassias, the second of the two segments of the Dalit Sikhs, are usually
Julahas (Weavers) who converted to Sikhism during the time of the fourth Guru
of the Sikh faith, Guru Ram Dass. Though there is a wide distinction between
the Ramdassias, typical weavers, and the Ravidassias, typical leather workers,
“yet they are connected by certain sections of leather working classes who have
taken to weaving and thus risen in their social scale”, argued Ibbetson (Ibbetson,
1883, rpt. 1970:296). Many Ramdassias, like Jat Sikhs, do not strictly follow the
Sikh rahit (code of conduct). Babu Kanshi Ram, founder of the Bahujan Samaj
Party, was a clean-shaven Ramdassia Sikh of the Ropar district of the Malwa

JPS: 16:1 8
region of Punjab. Ravidassias as a community differs from Mazhbis and
Rangretas. Traditionally, they are mostly engaged in weaving.
Ramdassias and Ravidassias are probably of the same origin – Chamar.
However, the distinction between them is primarily traced in terms of their
diverse occupations. The leather working sections of the Chamar caste, the
proud occupation of Sant Ravidass whom they also worship and revere as a
Guru, has come to be known as Ravidassias. And the weaving occupation
community of the Chamar caste popularly known as Julahas came to be known
as Ramdassias after their conversion to Sikhism. While making a sharp
distinction between these two occupationally distinct classes of the single main
caste of Chamar, Sir Denzil Ibbetson cogently argues, “[t]he Ramdasias are
confused with Raidasi or Rabdasi Chamars. The formers are true Sikhs, and
take the Pahul. 19 The latter are Hindus, or if Sikhs, only Nanakpanthi Sikhs and
do not take the Pahul; and are followers of Bhagat Rav Das or Rab Das, himself
a Chamar. They are apparently as true Hindus as any Chamar can be, and are
wrongly called Sikhs by confusion with Ramdasias” (Ibbetson, 1883, rpt.
1970:300).
Ravidassias, the most upwardly Dalit community, over the last few decades,
have started asserting their separate identity and have established their own
Ravidass Sabhas and Gurdwaras different from the mainstream Sikh
organizations and Gurdwaras across the world. But in official records, they are
still bracketed with Chamars (for details see: Chandra, 2000:31-33 and 49;
Deep, 2001:7; Ram, 2004c:5-7). Since Chamars are counted among the Hindus
in census terms, so are the Ravidassias. But in sociological terms, they are a
group apart and are different both from the caste Hindus and Sikhs.
Ravidass, Bhakti and Protest
Guru Ravidass is known as a leading star of the medieval northern India bhakti
movement, especially the nirguna sampradaya or sant parampara (for a
detailed account of sant parampara of the north Indian bhakti movement see:
McLeod, 1968; Chaturvedi, 1952; Schomar & McLeod [eds.] 1987; Lorenzen
[ed.], 1996; Lele, [ed.] 1981:1-15). He was a cobbler, saint, poet, philosopher
and social reformer, all rolled into one. “Together with Namdev and Kabir,
Ravidas is one of the few Bhaktas to cross language barriers and become
important in several parts of India” (Zelliot, 2003:27). His popularity can be
gauged from a variety of names attributed to him by his followers in different
regions and languages (Pandey 1961:7-8). He is known as Raidasa, Rohidasa,
Ruidasa, Ramadasa, Raedasa, Rohitasa, Rahdesa, Rav Das and Rab Das (Singh
1996:25; Callewaert and Friedlander, 1992:20-1; Ibbetson, 1883, rpt. 1970:
300). His poetry has universal appeal. It is full of radical fervor and boundless
love for the formless God. Although the poetry of Ravidass is rich with
references to the adoration of and longing for God, it also gives significant
space to the “hope for a better world and a fight against exploiters, powerholders
and oppression going on under the name of religion” (Omvedt,
2003:33). His poetry reflects his vision of the social and spiritual needs of the

9 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
downtrodden and underlines the urgency of their emancipation. He, therefore, is
regarded as a messiah of the downtrodden. They revere him as devoutly as
Hindus revere their Gods and Goddesses, and Sikhs their Gurus. 20 They worship
his image, recite his hymns every morning and night, celebrate his birthdays as
a religious event and show faith in his spiritual power (Wendy, 1999:910). They
raise slogans such as ‘Ravidass Shakti Amar Rahe’ (may the spiritual power of
Ravidass live forever). Ravidass was born in Chamar caste, also known as
Kutbandhla, one of the Scheduled Castes in Uttar Pradesh. Chamars are known
by their profession of leather and tanning. 21 They were oppressed and their
touch and sight were considered polluting by the upper castes. Ravidass revolted
against this inhuman system of untouchability. He adopted bhakti as a mode of
expression for his revolt. His bhakti-based method of revolt was very novel and
daring. It was novel because of its emphasis on compassion for all and absolute
faith in God. The principle of compassion for all reflected the egalitarian traits
of his social philosophy and struggle. His concept of the absolute faith in the
formless God showed the apathy of the elite of his time towards the plight of the
downtrodden for whose emancipation he had to seek refuge in no one else but
God. His method was daring in the sense that he chose to imitate the Brahmins
in order to symbolize his revolt which was not only highly objectionable but
was equally deadly for an outcaste of his times. He challenged the tyranny of
the Brahmins and defied them by wearing the Dhoti (cloth wrapped around the
waist), Janeue (sacred thread) and Tilak (sacred red mark on forehead), which
were forbidden for the untouchables. Though he attired himself like an upper
caste, he did not hide his caste. He continued with his hereditary occupation of
making/mending shoes. He, probably, tried to show that while adopting the
prohibited dress and symbols of the upper castes, the lower castes could still
keep their identity intact. Thus Ravidass provided an alternative model for the
emancipation of the Dalits. What made the image of Ravidass a catalyst in the
emergence of Dalit consciousness was his being an outcaste and at the same
time a Sant of very high repute who chose poetry as a vehicle of peaceful social
protest against the oppressive Brahminical structures. 22 It is important to note
here that in the popular calendar culture of Punjab, Ravidass is invariably
presented in the above-mentioned dress code. His iconography seems to work as
a suitable pedagogic tool to convey the message of self-respect and dignity of
labour to the downtrodden who were not only completely debarred from
entering the spiritual sphere in Hindu society monopolized by the priestly class
of Brahmins, but who were also treated worse than animals because of their low
caste birth and the nature of their occupation. It is in this context that his
iconography turns out to be an icon of social protest.
Thus Ravidass gave a new meaning to bhakti by projecting it as a method of
social protest that set the stage for a more secular and radical Dalit movement in
India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. He rejected all forms
of religious rituals and sectarian formalities. He also commented graphically on
the cursed and abject living conditions of millions of fellow downtrodden. Some
scholars were of the opinion that though the devotional songs and hymns of
Ravidass reflected the sufferings of the downtrodden, they lack the reformatory

JPS: 16:1 10
zeal and the bitter condemnation of Brahminism and the caste system that
animated the poetry of Kabir and Tukaram (Dasgupta, 1976:162; Omvedt,
2003:191). Though there is a difference in tone between the poetry of Kabir and
Ravidass, both convey the same message. The poetry of Ravidass is known to
be full of humility and devotion. But at the same time it is equally imbibed with
reformatory zeal and concern for the downtrodden. Instead of bluntly snubbing
the arrogance of higher castes, he undertook to raise the dignity of his own caste
and profession, so that the higher castes could come to realize the shallowness
of their self-imposed superiority (Lal, 1998:7).He advocated self-help for
eliminating sufferings of the Dalits. His vision for self-help is clearly reflected
in one of the legends about his refusal to make use of a Paras (a mythical stone
that turns iron into gold) to get rich (Deep, 2001:11 & 17; Singh, 2000:2-3). He
lent purity and respect to kirat (manual work), which also found special mention
in the teachings of Guru Nanak Dev, the founder of Sikh faith. In fact,
Ravidass’s life and poetry provided a vision to the downtrodden to struggle for
their human rights and civic liberties in a peaceful and non-violent way.
The bhakti approach of Ravidass was a non-violent struggle for the
emancipation and empowerment of the socially excluded sections of the society.
Though he combined humility with bhakti, his concept of formless God
reflected an altogether different picture. Ravidass’s God was not humble at all
in the typical sense of the term. He was graceful. He was not indifferent to the
downtrodden. His God was rather bold who was not afraid of anyone. He
elevated and purified the so-called untouchables. ‘Aaisee lal tujh binu kaunu
karai. Gareeb niwaaju guseea meraa maathai chhatar dharai… neecho uooch
karai meraa govind kaahoo te na darai’ [refrain My Beloved, besides you who
acts like this? Protector of the poor, my Master. You hold a royal umbrella over
my head] (Adi Granth: 1106, translated as in Callewaert and Friedlander,
1992:166). 23 Ravidass further wrote ‘Meri jaati kut bandhlaa dhor dhouwanta
nithi baanaarasi aas paasaa. Ab bipar pardhan tihi karih danduouti tere naam
sarnaaie Ravidass daasaa’ [My Caste is Kutabådhalā, I cart carcasses
constantly around Benaras. Now Brahmans and headmen bow down before me,
Ravidās the servant has taken refuge in Your Name (Adi Granth: 1293). 24 It is in
this context that his non-violent struggle based on bhakti assumed special
importance for the emancipation of the Dalits. He did not only adopt non–
violence in his struggle against social oppression, but also motivated the
oppressors to abandon the path of violence (Puri, 2006:11). In fact, there is no
place at all for violence in the teachings and struggles of Guru Ravidass.
Ravidass’s low caste but high spiritual status, however, posed a serious
challenge to the oppressive Brahminical structures of domination. The
traditional Brahminical institution of varnashrama dharma 25 failed to confront
Ravidass’s pragmatic and revolutionary reasoning based on equality, dignity
and fraternity. Instead, the Brahmins attempted to undermine his low caste
profile by appropriating him in the Hindu fold. They concocted stories to project
him as a Brahmin in his previous life. 26 Thus challenged by the surging
popularity of Ravidass, among the lower and upper castes alike, Brahmins
knitted layers of mythological narratives about his mythical high caste in his

11 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
previous life. This was done, probably, to preclude the lower castes from
rallying around his name (conversation with Karam Singh Raju, a prolific writer
and devotee of Ravidass, Chandigarh, 9 February 2004).Yet another device
adopted by the twice born to diminish his popularity was to present him as a
Guru of the Chamars only.“This was the final masterstroke to minimize his
influence on the society as a whole” (Chahal, n.d.:4-5). Significantly, though
Ravidass was himself a Chamar, his egalitarian social philosophy has
historically won him many disciples among the upper castes too. Jhali, Queen of
Chittor; Mirabai, Rajput princes and daughter-in-law of King of Mewar,
Sangram Singh; Prince Veer Singh Dev Vaghela of Rewa of Madhya Pradesh;
and Prince of Kanshi have been among the most prominent ones (Kaul,
2001:48). 27
Dalit activists and academics have been condemning the process of
Brahminisation of Ravidass. They ridicule the so-called Brahminical narratives
and interpretations about Ravidass and also refuse to accept Ramanand as his
Guru 28 . Ravidass never mentioned the name of Ramanand in his most authentic
bani recorded in the Guru Granth Sahib. Instead, he mentioned the names of
various Sants such as Jaidev, Namdev and Kabir (Muktsar, 2002:70-74; and
Muktsar, 2004). Some radical Dalits claim “that his Guru was Sardanand, and
emphasize his ability to defeat Brahmins time and again in debates” (Omvedt,
2003:192; see also Hawley and Juergensmeyer, 1988:15).Thus the process of
Brahminisation has not only failed to assimilate Ravidass in the fold of the
upper castes, it further strengthens the bond between him and the exuntouchables.
The latter feel proud of being known as only Ravidassias. They
consider Guru Ravidass and his bani as a paragon of their struggle for social
equality, justice and dignity.
Ravidass Deras and Dalit Consciousness
It is in the above-discussed context that the egalitarian social philosophy of
Ravidass expressed in the mode of poetry became the manifesto of the Dalit
consciousness in Punjab and the Punjabi Dalit diasporas. The establishment of a
large number of Ravidass Deras by the Dalits in Punjab and elsewhere over the
last few years is a case in point. These Deras are distinguished from both Hindu
temples and mainstream Sikh gurdwaras in the sense that they have their
separate patterns of rituals, ceremonies, slogans, ardas (prayer), kirtan (musical
rendering of sacred hymns), religious festivals and iconography (Rawat,
2003:589-90).Since the entire gamut of activities in Ravidass Deras revolves
around the teachings and life anecdotes of Guru Ravidass, he emerges as a
central figure in the premises of the Deras as well as in the minds of their
followers. The idols of Guru Ravidass are placed in the sanctum sanctorum of
almost all the Ravidass Deras in Punjab and elsewhere in India as well as
abroad.
Guru Ravidass has become very popular among the Ravidassia Dalit
diasporas, especially of the Doaba Punjab, home to the highest concentration of
Dalits in the state. A very significant part of the Ravidassia Dalit diaspora from

JPS: 16:1 12
Doaba happen to be the followers of Dera Sachkhand Ballan, also located in the
same region. Some of the Ravidassia Dalits abroad are well settled and take
active interest in community activities in their host as well as home country.
They have constructed a large number of Ravidass shrines (interchangeably
known as Deras, gurughars, temples and gurdwaras) in order to assert their
separate Dalit identity. Some of the most prominent Ravidassia shrines abroad
are in the following cities: Vancouver, Calgary, Brampton, Toronto, Montreal
(all in Canada), New York, Sacramento, Pittsburg, Seattle, Fresno, Houston,
Selma, Fremont, and Austin (all in USA), Wolverhampton, Birmingham,
Bradford, Coventry, Derby, Lancaster, Southall, Southampton, Kent and
Bedford (all in UK). In the last few years many Ravidass Temples and
Gurdwaras have also come up in Austria, Italy, France, Germany, Spain,
Holland, New Zealand, Greece and Lebanon. Sant Niranjan Dass of Dera Ballan
has laid the foundation stones of all these Ravidass Deras. 29 The Sants of Ballan
pay regular visits to these various overseas Ravidass gurughars and bless the
vast Ravidass naam leevan sangat (devotees of Guru Ravidass) there.
In additions, Punjabi Dalit diaspora actively participates in various other
community activities in the host countries. They organized an International
Dalit Conference (May 16-18, 2003) in Vancouver (Canada), which launched a
campaign in North America with a view to lobbying multinationals in India to
honour the principle of diversity for the Dalits in private ventures. The Dalit
diaspora settled in the United States of America took out the float of Baba Sahib
Dr B.R. Ambedkar on the occasion of the 60 th India’s Independence Day Parade
in New York (on 19 August 2007). The float of Dr. Ambedkar organized by
Shri Guru Ravidass Sabha of New York was perhaps the first of its kind in the
history of Dalit diaspora. 30 The Ravidassia community of British Columbia
(Canada) also created history on February 25, 2008 by celebrating Guru
Ravidass Jayanti in the Parliament of British Columbia in Victoria (based on
personal communication from Jai Birdi, Vancouver, Canada, February 26,
2008). It is important to note that the planning for all the community activities
and their implementation is chalked out at Ravidass Deras.
The number of Ravidass Deras has been multiplying very fast. This has
taken the form of a sort of a socio-cultural movement for the emancipation of
Dalits. Led by the Sants of Dera Sachkhand Ballan, this movement “…is
silently sweeping the Punjab countryside offering a new hope to the
untouchable, particularly the Chamars…” (Rajshekar, 2004:3). It has generated
a sense of confidence in them and provided an opportunity to exhibit their
hitherto eclipsed Dalit identity. The movement of Ravidass Deras “…reflects
the fast changing socio-cultural scene of Punjab where the once powerful and
revolutionary Sikh religion is failing to meet the needs of the oppressed who
discovered the right remedy to cure their wounded psyche in the Ballan
experiment” (Rajshekar, 2004:3). The secret of success of this movement lies in
the strategy of the Sants of Ballan to “…sell Dr Ambedkar’s socio-cultural
revolution packed in an ingenious religious capsule” (Rajshekar, 2004:3).
Ravidass Deras are, perhaps, the only religious centers where religious and
political figures (Ravidass and Ambedkar) are blended and projected publicly.

13 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
They thrive on the elements of social protest expressed in the poetry of Ravidass
and the teachings of Ambedkar. Ravidass Deras, in fact, have been functioning
as missions to sensitize Dalits and facilitate their empowerment (Ambedkari,
2005:5).
Dera Sachkhand Ballan and the question of Dalit Identity
Dera Sachkhand Ballan, also known as Dera Shri 108 Sant Sarwan Dass Ji
Maharaj Sachkhand Ballan or simply Dera Ballan, is situated at village Ballan,
seven miles north of Jalandhar city on the Pathankot road. Other equally famous
Ravidass Deras are ‘Temple Ravidass Chak Hakim’ (Phagwara), 31 and ‘Dera of
Sant Jagatjit Giri’ (Pathankot).The Ravidass Deras of Ballan and Chak Hakim
shot into prominence during the Ad Dharm movement. They were instrumental
in bringing social consciousness among the Dalits of Punjab (Juergensmeyer,
1988:84-85). Mangoo Ram, the founder of the Ad Dharm movement, visited the
Dera Ballan and sought its support in popularizing the image of Ravidass among
the Dalits of Punjab (Juergensmeyer, 1988:85). The association of the Dera with
the Ad Dharm movement becomes further clear from the fact that Sant Sarwan
Dass, the then head of the Dera Ballan (October 11,1928-June 11,1972), offered
juice to Mangoo Ram to open his fast-unto-death undertaken by him as a
counter measure to that of Mahatama Gandhi’s against the communal award in
1932 (Bawa, 2004:6). Although this movement petered out after the first general
election in independent India, “…Deras such as that of Sarwan Das remain
popular destinations for pilgrimage in the Punjab” (Juergensmeyer, 1988:85).
Dera Ballan also hosted the mammoth Dalit conference (13 th December, 1970)
organised by Mangu Ram Jaspal, namesake of the famous Mangoo Ram, to
revive the Ad Dharm movement. 32 It was during this conference that the
legendary Mangoo Ram and many other prominent leaders of the Ad Dharm
movement commended the contribution of Sants of Dera Ballan towards the
emancipation and empowerment of Dalits. Sant Sarwan Dass also met Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar in 1948 in Delhi at his residence and encouraged him to fight
continuously for the emancipation of the downtrodden. During Dr. Ambedkar’s
visit to Punjab in 1951, Sant Sarwan Dass sent a message wishing him success
in his struggle for the emancipation of the Dalits (Bawa, 2004:6).
Ravidass Mission, Sant Sarwan Dass and Dera Ballan
Dera Sachkhand Ballan was founded in the beginning of the twentieth century
by Sant Pipal Das, 33 father of Sant Sarwan Das (February 15, 1895-June 11,
1972). Sant Sarwan Dass lost his mother (Shobhawanti) when he was only five
years old. Thereafter, Sant Pipal Dass left home in search of ‘truth’. He took his
child son Sarwan Dass with him on the mission (Bawa, 2003:4). It was during
the course of wandering that the father and son reached the place where Dera
Ballan is now situated. Pipal Dass found that place most suitable for spiritual
pursuits. He found a dry Pipal tree at the site. But the tree, as per local narrative,
sprang back into life after he watered it. This convinced Papal Dass that the

JPS: 16:1 14
desired truth could be obtained on this spot. Sant Pipal Dass whose real name
was Harnam Dass came to be known as Pipal (from Pipal tree) Dass after this
incident (conversation with the devotees of Ravidasss and the priests of Dera
Ballan, 13-14 April 2004). The place, in the outskirts of village Ballan, was a
thick forest. The father-son duo spent days in the forest and took shelter in a
mud house in the village Ballan during nights. Subsequently the mud house was
first converted into a temple, popularly known as Ad Mandir, and later a new
concrete building was raised in its place (Bawa, 2004:6). Later on, a landlord
(Hazara Singh) of village Ballan donated some land to them in the forest where
they built a thatched hut to begin with. “It soon became the goal of pilgrimage
for lower caste and other villagers from all over central Punjab, and from its
inception it was a center for the veneration of Ravi Das” (Juergensmeyer,
1988:84-85).
Sant Sarwan Dass received early education from his father and learnt Sanskrit
from Sant Kartanand of nearby village Kishangarh. He was in his early thirties
when Sant Pipal Das died (1928). By that time he had already become a known
figure not only among the people of Ballan but also in the neighbouring villages
(Bawa, 2004:6-7).However, what distinguished him from other holy men of his
time was his devotion and veneration for Sant Ravidass. The dissemination of
Ravidass’s bani and teachings became his sole mission. Ravidass appealed most
to the lower castes probably because of his being a Chamar himself and a pioneer
in the field of Dalit literature. 34 The fact that Sant Sarwan Dass was himself a
Chamar and a devotee of Ravidass contributed to the popularity of his Dera
Sachkhand Ballan among the Chamars.
Under the stewardship of Sant Sarwan Dass, a true emissary of Guru
Ravidass, dissemination of the bani of Guru Ravidass and the proliferation of the
Ravidassia faith became one of the most important missions of the Dera
Sachkhand Ballan. He laid the foundation stones of various Ravidass Deras and
bhawans. He sponsored construction of rooms in the Shri Guru Ravidass High
School, Jalandhar; Arts and Crafts Training College, Jalandhar; Shri Guru
Ravidass Technical College, Phagwara; Primary school, Raipur-Rasoolpur;
Bhagwan Ravidass Ashram Nirmala Chowani, Haridwar; and High School,
Village Ballan (Bawa, 2004:7). The Sants of Dera Ballan have meticulously kept
Sant Sarwan Dass’s legacy of spreading the mission of Guru Ravidass intact.
They have been spreading the message of the mission to every nook and corner
of Punjab and elsewhere. The construction of Guru Ravidass Temples in Seer
Govardhanpur (Varanasi), Hadiabad (Punjab), Sirsgarh (Haryana), Pune
(Maharashtra), Haridwar (Uttranchal), and Una (Himachal Pradesh) is a clear
indication of the concerted efforts of the Sants of Ballan towards the
dissemination and popularisation of the egalitarian philosophy of Ravidass
(Heer, 2005:4). Moreover, they have also generated a sense of cohesive
belongingness among the Punjabi Dalit diaspora as well.
The active participation by the Sants of Dera Ballan in Sant sammelans
(spiritual congregations) organised by the devotees of Guru Ravidass in different
parts of Punjab and outside showed their deep concern for the mission of Guru
Ravidass. In the last few years they participated in 52 Sant sammelans in the year

15 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
2005, 70 in 2006 and 69 in 2007 (calculated from the various volumes of
Begumpura Shaher [2005, 2006 & 2007], the trilingual weekly publication of the
Dera Ballan). In the sammelans, shabads of the bani of Guru Ravidass are recited
and sung, and at the end Langer (free food) is served and shared by all in the
congregation. Such sammelans have proved very useful in providing a platform
for the propagation of the teachings of Ravidass and the missions of Dera Ballan.
Such Sant sammelans are in fact a sort of motivating camps for the inculcation of
values of separate Dalit community among Dalits based on the philosophy of
Guru Ravidass. The Sants of Ballan also visited their devotees abroad regularly
in order to enlighten them of the bani of Ravidass. 35
The Sants of Dera Ballan (especially the slain Sant Ramanand) have prepared
a number of cassettes, compact discs (CDs), and video compact discs (VCDs) of
the bani of Guru Ravidass for wider circulation among their followers (Thind,
2009). Some of the most popular cassettes are: ‘Mission Guru Ravidass Ji’
(Mission of Guru Ravidass), ‘Kanshi wich chan chariya’ (Moon in Kanshi),
‘Begampura Shaher Ka Nau’ (City Named Begumpura), ‘Rabb Dharti Te’ (God
on the Earth), ‘Satguru Da Updesh’ (Sermon of the Guru), ‘Kanshi Ballan Wich
Farak Na Koe’ (No Difference between Kanshi and Ballan), ‘Har ke Naam Bin’
(Without the Name of God), ‘Amrit Bani Shri Guru Ravidass Ji’ (Immortal Bani
of Guru Ravidass), ‘Duniya de Loko Nek Bano’ (Become nice, Peoples of the
World), ‘Jai Satiguru Ravidas’ (Victory to Guru Ravidass), ‘Darshan Satguru de
Kar Lau’ (Be face to face with the Guru), ‘Begumpur de Wasia’ (Residence of
the Begumpur), ‘Guru Da Jehrey Nam Japde’ (Those who Remember the Name
of the Guru), and ‘Ban ke Messiah Aya’ (Came as a Messiah). ‘Eh Janam
Tumhare Lekhe’ (This Life is for You), ‘Begampure Diyan Raunkan’ (Festivities
of Begumpura), ‘Shri Guru Ravidass Amrit Bani Dohae’ (Couplets of the
Immortal bani of Guru Ravidass), and ‘Satsang Mahina Cheet’ (company of the
Sants in first month of the Hindu calendar) are some of the most popular VCDs.
The six-volumes set of ‘Amrit Bani of Guru Ravidass Ji’ is the most popular
among the CDs. They are available at Dera Ballan on nominal rates and are also
given as souvenir to the devotees. During one of my visits to the Dera Ballan,
Sant Surinder Dass Bawa was kind enough to gift me a set of these cassettes. 36
The Dera has also composed a Gurbani programme based on the bani of Guru
Ravidass. The program is called ‘Amrit Bani: Shri Guru Ravidass ji’, being
telecast every Friday, 6.00 – 6.15 a.m. and every Saturday, 7.15 – 7.30 a.m. on
Jalandhar Doordarshan since October 13, 2003.The programme is produced in
the newly built hi-tech studio in the premises of the Dera through which live
telecast of the satsang is also beamed to several countries. It has unique
importance for the Dalits who in the past were forbidden to read and hear the
sacred text. It has contributed significantly in building their self-esteem and
confidence that in turn has sharpened their social and political consciousness.
Dera Ballan, Social Service and Dalit Philanthropy
Primary education and healthcare were the two main social service concerns of
Sant Sarwan Dass, which further strengthen the surging popularity of the Dera

JPS: 16:1 16
Ballan among the Dalits. The Sant had encouraged Dalit children to study and
helped them financially. He opened an informal primary school within the
premises of the Dera. He taught the poor children Panjabi and trained them in
reciting Gurbani (sacred text of Guru Granth Sahib) correctly. He used to feed
them with rice pudding and fried loafs every Sunday – a diet that was really a
luxury for the poor Dalit. There is a common belief among the followers of Dera
Ballan that whosoever was taught by Sant Sarwan Dass became an officer in
Government service (conversations with the devotees of Ravidass; and Sant
Surinder Dass Bawa, priest of Dera Ballan, Ballan, 14 April 2004). He urged the
poor parents to educate their children so that they could earn their livelihood in a
respectful way and could lead a dignified life (Jassal, 2005:7).
All the subsequent chiefs of Dera Ballan who followed Sant Sarwan Dass 37
carried on the great task of philanthropy began by him for the uplift of the
downtrodden. In fact, they turned these vital concerns of capacity building into
long-term missions of the Dera Sachkhand Ballan. To fulfill one of these
missions, Sants of Dera Ballan founded ‘Sant Sarwan Dass Model School’ at
Hadiabad (Phagwara) in April 2004 to provide quality education to the Dalit
children for a nominal fee. The school is housed in a magnificent building
equipped with modern instruments and materials, and has its own fleet of buses
for the conveyance of the students. The medium of instruction in the school is
English. What distinguished this school is that along with formal education in
different streams of knowledge, students are also informed about the missions of
Guru Ravidass and Dera Sachkhand Ballan (Sandhu, 2005:11; Varghese,
2006:3).
Sant Sarwan Dass also established a small Dawakhana (Ayurvedic clinic) at
the Dera for the benefits of the downtrodden who could not afford exorbitant
costly treatment and medicine in the market . The Dawakhana is still in operation
and Sant Surinder Dass Bawa runs the clinic. 38 This small beginning at the Dera,
however, eventually flourished into a full-fledged hospital (Sant Sarwan Dass
Charitable Hospital) at Dehpur-Kapoor village Adda Kathar on the Hoshiarpur-
Jalandhar road (district Jalandhar). Sant Garib Dass, the then chief of Dera
Ballan, founded the hospital in 1982. A humble beginning was made with a
small dispensary in 1984. Soon after, it expanded into a two hundred-bed
hospital equipped with latest medical technology. The hospital is famous for its
expertise in surgery in the region. It provided round the clock emergency
services, and has its own medical store shop, which provided medicines at
reasonable rates. For the convenience of the patients and their attendants, indoor
catering facilities and spacious retiring halls are also provided. A small nominal
fee is charged to patients to partially meet hospital expenditure, which is about
2.5 million Indian rupees per month (Kauldhar, 2003: 5 & 8, and Heer, 2006:4).
At a time when public health services have almost turned dysfunctional in the
state, the Sant Sarwan Dass Charitable Hospital has come as a great relief to the
downtrodden who are incapable of fending for themselves.
In addition, Sants of Dera Sachkhand Ballan have also been regularly
organising free eye operation camps every year, in the month of February, with
the support of Swarn Dass Banger, a Non-Resident Indian (NRI) settled in

17 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
England. A team of doctors from U.K. held a 10-day (March 16-25, 2005)
medical camp in Sant Sarwan Dass Charitable Hospital. The camp had the
sanction of the Medical Council of India, Department of Health, UK, and the
British Medical Association. The camp received wide coverage in the western
print media that marked the hospital on the international map. The detailed
account of the camp was carried in two publications: ‘Trust News’ of
Calderdale and Huddersfield National Health Service (NHS) and the ‘Evening
Courier’ (Heer, 2005a:4). Swarn Dass Banger has also donated 10 million
Indian rupees for the construction of Sant Sarwan Dass Memorial Eye Hospital
near the Dera and gave 2.5 acres of prime land adjacent to the Dera where a
mammoth Satsangh Bhawan (religious congregation hall), centrally airconditioned
with a capacity of accommodating 50,000 people at a time, is now
constructed. Sant Niranjan Dass, the present chief of Dera Ballan, laid the
foundation stone of the Eye Hospital on November 10, 2004 (Bawa, 2004:7).
Dera Ballan received a large amount of offerings in the form of money and
gifts from its Dalit NRI followers in Europe and North America. Seth Brij Lal
Kaler of England has donated 10 million Indian rupees to Dera Ballan. 39 The
NRI followers of the Dera Ballan in Wolverhampton donated 1.5 million Indian
rupees for the construction of bathrooms and an eight feet high wall around the
newly added plot to the Ravidass Temple at Seer Govardhanpur in Varanasi.
The sangat (followers) from Wolverhampton and Birmingham donated 2.2
million Indian rupees to the Dera Ballan for the construction of the second story
of the community dining hall at Ravidass Temple at Seer Govardhanpur (Bawa,
2005b:preface). Recently, NRI followers of the Dera from Europe and North
America donated 15 Kg. of pure gold for the purpose of making a palanquin of
Guru Ravidass, which the Sants of Dera Ballan carried in the form of a
mammoth procession from the premises of the Dera to Sri Guru Ravidass Janam
Asthan Temple at Seer Govardhanpur (Varanasi). The procession started from
Dera Ballan on February 16 and reached Varanasi in the evening of February
20, 2008. 40 The provision of excellent satsang halls and modern hospital
medical facilities in the rural areas of Punjab is what made Dera Sachkhand
Ballan an exceptional religious site for the downtrodden where spiritual and
social services are combined together. Dalit diaspora philanthropy apart, Dera
Ballan also receives rich offerings from its large number of local followers and
well-wishers.
Dera Sachkhand Ballan and Dalit Literature
Another important feature of the Dera Sachkhand Ballan that brought it to the
forefront of the cause of Dalits’ upliftment was its deep interest in literary
activities. The Dera has a rich library on its premises. The library contains
books on the life and philosophy of Ravidass, Babu Mangoo Ram Mugowalia
and Dr. Ambedkar, the Bhakti movement, the Ad Dharm movement, and on
several projects and missions of Dera Ballan (based on participant observation
by the author; see also: Hans, 2006:3-4). The books are made available to the
readers on nominal charges and even free of cost. Some of the books are also

JPS: 16:1 18
given to the devotees as a souvenir along with the framed calendar prints of the
Dera Ballan and Ravidass temple (Seer Goverdhanpur) with the images of Guru
Ravidass and B.R. Ambedkar embossed on them. Religious Rebels in the
Punjab: The social Vision of Untouchables (1988), a pioneer study of the Ad
Dharm movement in Punjab authored by Mark Juergensmeyer, is one of the
most popular book that is distributed among the devotees (based on participant
observation by the author).
The Dera Ballan also publishes, and sponsors books on Dalit literature. In
addition, it also confers honors on Dalit scholars as an acknowledgement of
their literary contributions towards the uplift of the downtrodden. Till now, it
has honoured twenty Dalit scholars with gold medals (Bawa, 2005b: XXX). In
addition, the Dera has also been publishing a 12 page trilingual (Panjabi, Hindi,
and English) weekly ‘Begumpura Shaher’ since August 15, 1991.This weekly
was founded by Sant Garib Dass, fourth head of the Dera Ballan, to highlight
the problems of the downtrodden and to educate them about the mission of Guru
Ravidass. ‘Begumpura Shaher’, the sole mouthpiece of the Dalits who were
highly under-represented in the mainstream print and electronic media, has
become an important source for raising social consciousness and a symbol of
self-respect among them. 41 The Bharatiya Dalit Sahitya Academy (Indian Dalit
Literary Academy) honoured its chief editor, Sant Ramanand, recently killed in
the Vienna shooting, with the 20 th National Dalit Literary Award (2004) for the
contribution it made in the field of journalism and Dalit consciousness. The
Academy also organized a two days National Dalit Introspection Camp (9-10
June 2006) at Dera Ballan to discuss the commonalities among the thoughts,
missions, and objectives of Buddha, Ravidass and Ambedkar. Among the
prominent participants who attended the Camp were Dr. Mata Parsad, former
Governor of Arunachal Pradesh, Babu Parmanand, former Governor of
Haryana, Dr. Satya Narayan Jatiya, former central minister of social justice and
Member of Parliament, Chanderpal Sallani, former Member of Parliament,
Bavanrao Gholap, former social welfare minister of Maharashtra and member of
the State Legislative Assembly, and Dr. J. S. Sabar, Chair Guru Ravidass, Guru
Nanak Dev University, Amritsar (Sumanakshar, 2006:1). The participation by
such a large number of renowned personalities in the Dalit Introspection Camp
– a rare occasion of its kind at a religious site – lend credence to the missions of
Dera Ballan for the upliftment of the Dalits. In a hierarchically structured
society of Punjab, the literary chapter of the Dera Ballan has proved to be of
immense importance in raising awareness and building confidence among the
downtrodden masses, who have been on the margin in the mainstream literary
circles.
Seer Goverdhanpur: The Mecca of Dalits
Of all the major contributions made by Dera Ballan, the construction of a
mammoth ‘Shri Guru Ravidass Janam Asthan Mandir’ (Temple of Shri Guru
Ravidass’s Birthplace) at Seer Goverdhanpur, a locality in the city of Varanasi
is the most significant. The Sants of Ballan traced the birthplace of Ravidass to

19 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
a location in the village Seer Goverdhanpur, on the outskirts of Varanasi, near
the Banaras Hindu University (BHU). Sant Hari Dass of Dera Ballan had laid
the foundation stone of the temple on June 14, 1965. Dalits from India and
abroad contributed enormously towards the construction of the temple. Giani
Zail Singh, the President of India (July 25 1982-July 25, 1987), visited the Shri
Guru Ravidass Janam Asthan Temple Seer Govardhanpur on May 25, 1984
(Sachhi Kahani, 2007:11-12). The construction of the temple was completed in
1994. Babu Kanshi Ram, the BSP supremo, performed the ceremonial
installation of the golden dome atop the temple. KR Narayanan, the then
President of India, performed the opening ceremony of the huge monumental
entry gate to the temple, on July16, 1998.
Shri Guru Ravidass Janam Asthan Mandir at Seer Goverdhanpur has
acquired perhaps the same importance for Dalits as the ‘Mecca’ for Muslims
and the ‘Golden Temple’ for Sikhs (based on conversations at Deras). Every
year during birth anniversary of Guru Ravidass, the Mandir attracts millions of
devotees from India and abroad. The Dera Sachkhand Ballan made special
arrangements for the pilgrimage of Ravidass devotees to their Mecca at Seer
Goverdhanpur (Varanasi). Special trains were arranged from Jalandhar city in
Punjab to Varanasi especially to participate in the celebrations of the birth
anniversary of Ravidass. This temple serves an important purpose in reminding
Dalits of the silent ‘social revolution’ led by Ravidass in Varanasi, the
headquarters of Hindu religiosity. Its unique contribution lies in symbolising a
vision for the future and the forgotten history of the Dalit struggle for equality
and dignity in medieval India. Amidst the erstwhile headquartes of the
oppressive Hindu social order, ‘Temple of Shri Guru Ravidass’s Birthplace’ has
become an important cultural and religious site for the assertion of distinct
identity where the ex-untouchables can move around with their heads held high
and without the fear of being measured on the scale of caste hierarchy – in a
way Begumpura in the making. In fact, this temple has turned out to be a
repository of separate Dalit identity.
Dera Sachkhand Ballan, Dera Sants and Markers of a Separate Dalit
Identity
Dera Sachkhand Ballan became a paragon of the Ravidass movement in
northwest India. It made concerted efforts for the construction of a separate
Dalit identity, independent of both Sikhism and Hinduism – the two main
religious traditions of the region. The architecture of Dera Ballan is unique in its
outlook. It resembles both a temple and a Gurdwara at the same time. Though
the Guru Granth Sahib is placed in the Dera but unlike a Gurdwara, the idols of
Guru Ravidass and the late heads of the Dera Ballan are also installed in its
premises and are worshipped along with the Guru Granth Sahib. 42 The
membership of the management committees of the Ravidass Deras is strictly
confined to Ravidassia Dalits only. No upper caste Sikh is allowed to become a
member of the managing committees of the Ravidass Deras and Sabhas.

JPS: 16:1 20
In Ravidass Deras, Ravidass is worshipped as Guru. Moreover, Gaddi
Nashins (heads) of the Ravidass Deras are also considered as Gurus. Sant
Niranjan Dass is the fifth Gaddi Nashin in the line of individual Gurus in the
Dera Ballan. However, in Sikh religion, Ravidass is known as Bhakta. In Sikh
religion only the ten Gurus and Guru Granth Sahib are considered the legitimate
Gurus. The issue of Bhakta versus the Guru has not only pitted the Ravidassia
community and Jat Sikhs against each other in Punjab and elsewhere, but has
also led to communal polarization between the Sikh and Dalit diasporas. 43 The
recent Vienna incident is a violent escalation of this chronic communal
polarisation. Another factor that distinguishes Sants of Ballan from the priests of
Sikh religion (especially since the formation of the Khalsa in 1699) has been
their nomenclature. The titles of their last names are ‘Dass’ (humble). Perhaps,
they inherited the tradition of suffixing ‘Dass’ from the very name of their Guru
Ravi (Dass). The titles of the last names of the Sikhs are invariably ‘Singh’. 44
Though Sants of Dera Sachkhand Ballan also don a turban, keep unshorn hair
and a flowing beard like that of the Sikh priests, still they do not consider
themselves Sikhs. One of the heads of the Dera Ballan, Sant Garib Dass, was
clean-shaven. It is in this context that the Dera Ballan has emerged as an
alternative religious site for the Dalits, separate from Hindus and Sikhs, with its
own code of conduct that paved the way for a separate Dalit identity.
The religious insignia of Dera Ballan and of all other Ravidassia Deras is
‘Har’ (Supreme Being). 45 This insignia is also known as the ‘Koumi Nishan’ of
the Ravidassia samaj. The religious symbol of the Sikh Gurdwaras is ‘Khanda’
(Two-edged sword over a quoit with two crossed sabers below the quoit).The
insignia ‘Har’ is composed of a Sun-like circle with an image of forty rays on its
circular edge. The forty rays round the circle of the insignia signify forty hymns
of Guru Ravidass. Within the circle, there is another smaller circle within which
‘Har’ is inscribed in Gurmukhi script with a sign of flame on the top of it. The
flame represents the ‘Naam’ (word) that would illuminate the entire world. The
sign of flame crosses over into the bigger circle. In between the bigger and
smaller circles is written a couplet Naam tere kee jot lagayi, Bhaio Ujiaaro
Bhawan saglaare (Your Name is the flame I light; it has illuminated the entire
world). This inner circle couplet is taken from one of the forty hymns of Guru
Ravidass. The insignia ‘Har’ represents the very being of Ravidass and his
teachings. The insignia Har is chosen after the name of their Guru [Ravi-Sundass-servant]
(servant of the sun). The Dalits, especially the Chamars of Punjab,
proudly hoist flags with the print of insignia ‘Har’ on top of their religious
places, and on vehicles during processions on the occasion of Guru Ravidass’s
birth anniversaries and other festivities. The insignia ‘Har’ has become a symbol
of a separate Dalit identity.
The format of the Ardas (a formal prayer recited at most Sikh rituals)
performed in the Ravidass Deras also differentiates them from that of Sikh
religion. It is comprised of a Shloka (couplet) and one of the forty hymns of
Guru Ravidass. It closes with the utterance: Bole So Nirbhay, Sri Guru Ravidass
Maharaj Ki Jai (Fearless is the one who utters: Victory to Shri Guru Ravidass).
Whereas, in the Sikh religion the Ardas concluded with: Bole So Nihal, Sat Sri

21 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
Akal (Blessed is the one who utters: True is the Immortal One).The reference to
Nirbhay (fearless) in the conclusion of the Ardas of the Ravidass Deras has
become a central motif of Dalit consciousness. The inclusion of the word
‘Nirbhay’ in the Ardas of Ravidass Deras is thus not only symptomatic of the
historical oppression of the Dalits at the hands of the upper castes, but is also
reflective of their determined willingness to confront it head on.
Like the Ardas, the Aarti (a Hindu ceremony of adoration which consists of
waving round the head of an idol on a platter containing five burning wicks) that
Ballan Sants perform in front of the sanctum sanctorum of their Dera
differentiate them from that of Hindu temples. 46 The Ballan Sants do not wave a
platter of burning wicks. They blow a conch-shell and rattle gong, which is
followed by recitation of a hymn from the bani of Ravidass (based on
participant observation).The salutations in the Ravidass Dera are also
formulated selectively in order to project their unique and independent religious
identity. Every religious community has its own way of greeting. Sat Shri Akaal
(True is the Immortal One) is the greeting of the Sikhs; Jai Ram Ji Ki or Jai
Sita-Ram (Victory to Ram or Victory to Sita-Ram) is of the Hindus; Ravidass
Deras adopted the greegting Jai Gurudev or Jai Guru Ravidass (Victory to the
divine Guru or Guru Ravidass) to which the reply was Dhan Guru Dev (blessed
the divine Guru).The short version of the greetings is Jai Santan Di (Victory to
the Saints). The forms of Ardas, Arati, and salutations adopted by the Sants of
Dera Ballan have thus become distinct markers of the separate identity of the
Dalits of the region. In other words, the Dera Ballan has evolved into a nursery
for the cultivation of symbols, icons, signifiers, and narratives to shape a
separate Dalit identity.
Despite the fact that Ravidassias and Ravidass Deras have emerged as a
separate community and distinct Dalit religious space respectively, the former
continued to be confused with Dalit Sikhs and the latter with gurdwaras
probably because of the physical appearances of some of the Ravidassias, on the
one hand, and the presence of the Guru Granth Sahib within the premises of
Ravidass Deras, on the other. Not only that, it has further led to a sort of
contradiction between the long established Sikh rahit maryada (code of
conduct) and observance of non-Sikh rituals and traditions within Ravidass
Deras such as touching the feet of the Heads of the Deras and worshiping the
idols and calendar images of Bhakt Ravidass revered as Guru. This
contradiction is considered to be one of the several main reasons behind the
ghastly shooting incidence that took place at the Ravidass temple in Vienna on
May 24, 2009. The Sants of Dera Ballan took strong objection to the gross
misrepresentation of their mission and the dilution of their separate Ravidassia
Dalit identity as clubbed with the mainstream Sikh religion in national as well
as international print and electronic media.
It was against this crucial backdrop that the Ballan Sants decided to
completely detach themselves from a long preserved tradition of reciting the
holy bani from the Guru Granth Sahib on the important occasions of birth and
death anniversaries of the Sants of Dera Ballan and of Guru Ravidass. This was
perhaps for the first time in the 109-year-old existence of the Dera Sachkhand

JPS: 16:1 22
Ballan that on June 11, 2009 (death anniversary of Sant Sarwan Dass) and again
on June 13, 2009 (antim ardas, the last condolence concluding ceremony of
Sant Ramanand, the deputy chief of Dera Ballan, who died in the Vienna
shooting) the religious ceremonies were organised without the ‘parkash’ of the
Guru Granth Sahib. “The palanquin or canopy, under which Sikhs’ holy book is
usually placed for reading scriptures, instead held the portrait of Sant Sarwan
Dass in whose name the Ballan dera was established nearly a century ago”
reported the Times of India (June 14, 2009). Dera spokesperson SR Heer called
this deviation a “reaction to Vienna incident’ and “decision of Sants of the dera”
(Times of India, June 14, 2009). The deviation and the strategic silence about it,
however, is intended to sharply focus on the separate Ravidassi Dalit identity
than on distancing from close ties with mainstream Sikhism. Moreover, the
deviation has also been widely perceived by the large followers of the Dera as a
permanent solution to the blown up communal issue of the violation of the Sikh
code of conduct at Ravidass Deras.
Conclusions
Dalit consciousness in Punjab emerged against the backdrop of the bani of Guru
Ravidass who inventively chose poetry as a vehicle of non-violent, peaceful
social protest for the establishment of a casteless society, free from all sorts of
bindings and structures of dominations. The bani of Guru Ravidass set the tenor
of social protests among Dalits, who started contesting their forced subjugation.
It empowers them with enough strength to raise their voice against historical
injustice and oppression perpetrated on them for no other reason but for low
caste birth. After the gap of couples of centuries, the Sants of Dera Ballan
carried the torch of the great mission of Guru Ravidass. Various spiritual and
community development projects meticulously undertaken by the Sants of Dera
Sachkhand Ballan have been inching towards the great mission. It is the
ingenuity of the Sants of Dera Ballan who have been able to blend successfully
the egalitarian teachings of Guru Ravidass with the rational and critical
philosophy of Dr. Ambedkar that consequently evolved into a powerful sociocultural
movement for the cultural transformation and spiritual regeneration of
the Dalits in the region. If Guru Ravidass is considered the prophet of the Dalit
consciousness during the medieval north Indian bhakti movement, the Sants of
Dera Ballan can be credited with the task of relocating and re-invigorating Dalit
consciousness and identity in the contemporary Punjab. They have provided
Dalits with concrete and tangible identity markers that help them in sharpening
the ‘we’-‘they’ dichotomy. Ravidass Deras in Punjab and in other parts of the
country, especially Dear Sachkhand Ballan (Punjab) and ‘Guru Ravidass
Birthplace Temple at Seer Govardhanpur’ (Varanasi), the insignia of ‘Har’,
rituals of Ardas and Aarti, slogan of Bole So Nirbhay, and the salutation of Jai
Guru Dev have become the key signifiers of the emerging distinct Ravidassia
Dalit Identity in north India and among the Dalit diaspora across the globe.
The Vienna incident is allegedly interpreted as an attack on this fast
emerging distinct Ravidassia Dalit identity in Punjab and abroad. Since the

23 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
Vienna incident is connected with the violation of the Sikh code of conduct
during the spiritual preaching by the Sants of Dera Ballan in a Ravidass temple
over there, the latter retaliated silently in exhibiting their separate social and
religious identity by deviating from their long established tradition of devoutly
reciting the holy bani from Shri Guru Granth Sahib at the antim ardas ceremony
of the slain Sant Ramanad of the Dera Ballan. In other words, the spontaneous
violent reaction and the subsequent deviation from the tradition of the ‘Prakash
of Guru Granth Sahib’ at Dera Sachkhand Ballan underline deeply the question
of a separate Dalit identity in Punjab rather than what unfortunately and also
wrongfully projected as an issue of intra-Sikh communal divide.
[Acknowledgements: This essay has long been in the making. It draws heavily
on extended conversations I had over many years with the devotees of Guru
Ravidass, Sants and followers of Dera Sachkhand Ballan, Dalit leaders and
writers as well as the priests and followers of various other Ravidass Deras in
Punjab and abroad. Earlier drafts of the paper were presented at various fora in
India (JNU, IIAS, Panjab University, Himachal Pradesh University, Dalit Chetna
Manch (Mohali), Ambedkar Memorial Bhawan (Jalandhar), Canada (Montreal,
Toronto, and Vancouver), US (New York, Sacremanto, Pittsburg, Fresno,
Fremont, Salma, Bay Area and Yuba City) and Pakistan (Sir Ganga Ram
Heritage Foundation, Lahore). My thanks to P.S. Verma, Ashutosh Kumar and
Amit Prakash for carefully reading the earlier draft and to Autar S. Dhesi and
Shinder Thandi whose sharp observations helped me to improve the narrative.
This essay is dedicated to Seema for her patience and unstinted support
throughout my numerous long field trips and extended hours in study. The usual
disclaimers apply.]
Notes
1 The term Dalit (literally, grounded/oppressed/broken) is the “politically
correct” nomenclature, which came to be used by the Mahar community in the
late twentieth century for the untouchables (the people who have traditionally
been placed at the lowest rung of the Hindu caste hierarchy – see notes 15 and
25 below). The term includes Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
Backward Castes. However, in current political discourses, Dalit is mainly
confined to Scheduled Castes.
2 The attack was launched on the two topmost Sants of the Dera Sachkhand
Ballan during the sermon ceremony on May 24, 2009 at Guru Ravidass Temple
situated in Vienna-Rudolfsheim, the capital’s 15 th district near Westbahnholf,
one of Vienna’s main train stations. The number of the persons involved in the
attack was reportedly six, who were overpowered by around 200 devotes
gathered at the occasion. In the melee around two 16 people were reportedly
injured. Sant Ramanand, the second-in-command of Dera Ballan later on
succumbed to his injuries in hospital.

JPS: 16:1 24
(http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2009/05/24/world/AP-EU-Austria-Temple-
Shooting.ht). Downloaded on 5/25/2009.
3 Dera literally mean a holy abode free from the structural bindings of
institionalised religious orders and is the headquarters of a group of devotees
owing allegiance to a particular spiritual person, who is reverently addressed as
Baba, Sant or Maharaj. A Dera thrives on a distinct philosophy, rituals and
symbol, which are inspired by the teachings and philosophy of a particular holy
person after whom it has been established.
4 Cf. Economic and Political Weekly, Editorials ‘Caste Out, Yet Again’, May
16, 2009:5.
5 Mishra, Vandita, “Inside Dera Sachkhand”, The Sunday Express, May 31,
2009, 5.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 The Hindu, December 16, 2005.
9 For a detailed theoretical understanding of this point in a broader context refer
to: Srinivas, 1956: 481-496.
10 The proportion of the SC population is going to increase further rather
significantly, as Mahatam, Rai Sikh, another downtrodden community, has
recently been included in the Scheduled Castes list of the Indian constitution [(f)
in part XIV] wide Constitution (Scheduled Castes) order (Amendment) Act,
2007, No 31 dated 29 th August, 2007 (Punjab Government Gazette, Regd. No.
CHD/0092/2006-2008, No. 45, November 9, 2007).
11 The Ad Dharm movement came into existence in 1925 to fight against the
system of untouchability. It was one of the earliest Adi movements of India that
brought the downtrodden together to fight for their cause. It exhorted them to
come forward to assert for their rights (for details see: Juergensmeyer, 1998;
Juergensmeyer, 2000:221-37; Ram, 2004a:323-49).
12 The Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF), the Republican Party of India (RPI),
and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) have subsequently carried on the legacy of
this movement. For details see: Chandra, 2000:51; Ram, 2004b:895-912.
13 The two most important missions are All India Adi-Dharm Mission (New
Delhi), and Dera Sachkhand Ballan (Punjab). For details see: Schaller,
1996:111-6; Hawley, 1988: 271; Hawley and Juergensmeyer, 1988:19-20;
Juergensmeyer, 1988.
14 Dera Sachkhand Ballan has established the following international charitable
trusts abroad for dissemination of the bani of Ravidass amongst the Dalit
diaspora: Shri 108 Sant Sarwan Dass Charitable Trust [U.K.]; Shri 108 Sant
Sarwan Dass Charitable Trust [Vancouver] Canada; and Shri 108 Sant Sarwan
Dass Charitable Trust [U.S.A.].
15 The outcastes were beyond the Varna (literally color) and were known as
Achhuts, Ati shudras, Chandalas, Antyajas, Pariahs, Dheds, Panchamas,
Avarnas, Anariyas, Namashudras, Harijans etc. They were placed at the bottom
of the social hierarchy and were meant to serve the Varna categories - Brahmin,

25 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
Kshatriya, Vaishya and even the Shudras. The British regime in the country
clubbed them first under the legal category of Depressed Classes and then the
term Scheduled Castes. And in independent India the term Scheduled Castes
became a constitutional category. They performed hereditary menial occupation,
such as scavenging, shoe-making and animal carcass removing. Some of them
embraced Christianity, Islam, Sikhism and Buddhism in order to evade the
oppression of untouchability. However, even their conversion to other religions
could not protect them from the ruthless onslaughts of untouchability. (For
details see: Ambedkar, n.d.; Chopra, 1982:121-2; Gokhale, 1986:270;
Juergensmeyer, 1988:84; Puri, 2004:190-224; Beltz 2005:39; Ram, 2001:146-
170).
16 Though the founders of the Ad Dharm movement appealed to all the
untouchables in the state, the response of the Chamars was tremendous.
Majority of the total of 418,789 Ad Dharmis who joined the movement within
the four years of its origin, belonged to the Chamar caste (Juergensmeyer, 1988:
77; see also Mendelsohn and Vicziany, 2000:102). Chamar is an umbrella caste
category that clubs together “Chamar, Jatia Chamar, Rehgar, Raigar, Ramdasi
and Ravidasi” (Census of India 1981, Series 17 Part IX. They
comprise about twenty six percent (1991 census) of the total Scheduled Caste
population of the state. If clubbed with Ad Dharmis, they together comprised
forty two percent of the total Scheduled Caste population in Punjab (Gosal,
2004:23). Since majority of the Ad Dharmis are Chamars, they are popularly
known as Ad Dharmi Chamars. Chamars and Ad Dharmi Chamars are mostly
concentrated in the Doaba sub-region of the state. Mazhbis (Sweepers who
embraced Sikhism) is another top ranking caste among the Scheduled Castes in
Punjab. They constitute about 30 percent of the total Scheduled Castes
population in the state (1991 census). Their Hindu counterpart Chuhras
(Balmikis and Bhangis) constitutes 11.1 percent of the total Scheduled Caste
population. Thus out of the total 38 Scheduled castes the two major groupings
of Chuhras and Chamars together constitute 80 percent of the total Scheduled
Caste population. (See also: Deep, 2001:7; Puri, 2004:4).
17 http://www.sikhsangat.com/index.php?showtopic=44560.
18 Based on conversations with L.R. Balley, a veteran Ambedkarite Dalit leader,
Jalandhar, 16 January 2003; K.C. Sulekh, a senoir Ambedkarite and prolific
writer, Chandigarh, 2 December 2004.
19 Baptism into the Khalsa, the order instituted by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699,
by offering sweetened water stirred with a doubled-edged sword.
20 Based on conversation with Sant Prem Dass Jassal, President, All India
Satguru Ravi Dass Mission, Vancouver, 17 May 2003.
21 However, there is an alternate version about the etymological origin of the
term Chamar. This version believes that the Chamar community is Buddhist in
origin, and that the term Chamar is derived from the Pali word Cigar [bhikku’s
robes] and not from Charm [leather]. (For details see: Prasad and Dahiwale,
2005:254-56; and Lochtefeld, 2005:208-12).

JPS: 16:1 26
22
Based on conversation with Arun Kumar, an Ambedkarite activist,
Vancouver, 18 May 2003.
23 Henceforth translations of the quotations from the poetry of Ravidass are
taken from Callewaert and Friedlander (1992) and the Panjabi couplets
(romanized) of his poetry with the page numbers of the Adi Granth are taken
from Jassi and Suman (2001).
24 This hymn seems to testify one of the legends in which the bewildered
Brahmins were shown prostrating before him after they found his bodily image
appear between each and every one of them during a feast thrown by Queen
Jhali at Chittorgarh.
25 Varnashram dharma divided Hindu society into four Varnas (occupational
categories): Brahmina (priest), Kshatriya (soldier), Vaishya (trader), Shudra
(menial worker). Originally somewhat flexible, this division became rigid with
the passage of time and got further degenerated into castes and sub-castes.
Broadly speaking, Varna system constituted the very basis of the hierarchically
graded caste system in India, where Brahmina (priest) occupied the highest
position to be followed by Kshatriya (soldier), Vaishya (trader) and the Shudra
(menial workers) who were placed at the lowest rung and were hence
considered as impure and polluted.
26 Ironically, even some Dalits also feel comfortable with such concoctions
about his life. Being his caste fellows, the elevated status of Ravidass serves as a
facilitator in their attempt to move up the social hierarchy of the Hindu caste
system (Hawley and Juergensmeyer, 1988:13). For a detailed account of such
stories see the following sources in English: (Zelliot and Mokashi-Punekar,
[eds] 2005, esp. section on Ravidass; Callewaert and Friedlander, 1992; Hawley
and Juergensmeyer, 1988:9-32).
27 As far as Mirabai is concerned, different scholars hold different views
regarding the belief of her being a disciple of Ravidass. For details see:
Chaturvedi, 1952:239-40.
28 Based on conversation with K. C. Sulekh, an Ambedkarite and prolific writer,
Chandigarh, 2 December 2004.
29 Based on conversations with the priests of Dera Ballan, 14 April 2004;
Virinder Kumar Banger, a devotee of Guru Ravidass and follower of the Dera
Ballan, Vancouver, 17 May 2003.
30 As reported in one of the most polpular Dalit web site:
httop://www.ambedkartimes.com/about_Ambedkar.htm [November 11, 2007].
31 Sant Hiran Dass of this Dera established Ravidass Sabha in 1907 and
published a collection of Ravidass's poems under the title Rae Das Ki Bani,
Allahabad: Belvedere Press, 1908.
32 Mangoo Ram Jaspal is an NRI Ad Dharmi of village Haryana near
Hoshiarpur, Punjab. He returned from England in 1970 and settled in Jalandhar.
He took a active interest in reviving the Ad Dharm movement in Doaba region
of Punjab and convened a conference on December 13, 1970 at Dera Sachkhand

27 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
Ballan and revived the Ad Dharm Mandal as the Ad Dharm Scheduled Castes
Federation.
33 For biographical details see: (Bawa, 2005:2 and Bawa, 2005a:5 &2).
34 Based on conversations with Ajit Chand Nimta, a poet and devotee of
Ravidass, Jalandhar, 14 April 2003; Chaman Lal, a follower of Dera Ballan,
Chandigarh, 17 August 2002.
35
In year 2005, the present head of Dera Ballan, Sant Niranjan Dass
accompanied by late Sant Ramanand, visited Greece, Italy, Spain, Holland, and
Germany from March 20 to May 31; and U.S., Canada and U.K. from July 1 to
August 31. During April-May 2006 he paid visits to Europe (Italy, Greece
Germany, Holland and England). This was his 4 th international religious visit to
Italy and probably 14 th to U.K. (Madahar, 2006:1, 9 & 5). In 2007 Sant Niranjan
Dass along with Sant Ramanand paid visits to their followers in Europe and
North America during the months of September and October (Madahar, 2007).
Sant Garib Dass, predecessor of Sant Niranjan Dass, also visited England six
times, America four times, and Canada two times (conversation with Sant
Surinder Dass Bawa, priest of Dera Ballan, Ballan, 14 April 2004).
36 Based on field notes.
37 Sant Hari Dass (June 11, 1972-February 7, 1982), Sant Garib Dass (February
7, 1982-July 23, 1994), and Sant Niranjan Dass (July 23, 1994 – Continuing).
38 Based on participant observation by the author.
39 Based on conversation with Som Nath Bharti Qadian, Dera Ballan, 14 April
2004.
40 Based on personal communication with one of the participants in the
procession; see also Rozana Spokesman, February 17, 2008.
41 In the first-ever statistical analysis of the social profile of more than 300
senior journalists in 37 Hindi and English newspapers and television channels in
New Delhi, the capital of India, it was found that Dalits and Adivasis (tribals,
designated as Scheduled Tribes [ST] in the constitution of India) “…[were]
conspicuous by their absence among the decision-makers. Not even one of the
315 key decision-makers belonged to the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled
Tribes” (The Hindu, [Delhi Edition], June 5, 2006).
42 Based on participant observation by the author.
43 “In 1980, a Punjabi Dalit went to a Sikh Gurudawara in Vancouver to pay his
respectful tribute. While speaking on the podium, he mentioned the name of
Sant Ravidas as “Guru” Ravidass. The moment he mentioned this name, he
faced sharp objections and reactions from the preachers and the members of the
management committee. This grave sense of grave humiliation of a Dalit in
Sikh Gurudwara triggered a mass mobilization of Dalits in Canada. These Dalits
collected donations from Dalits living in all over Canada and bought a piece of
land to build their own Gurudwara. Later Shri Guru Ravidas Sabha of
Vancouver built a huge beautiful Shri Guru Ravidas Gurudwara in Vancouver.

JPS: 16:1 28
Later these Ravidassis decided to commemorate the birth anniversary of
their Guru Shri Guru Ravidass. They requested a local Punjabi Newspaper to
carry a paid advertisement about the birth anniversary of Shri Guru Ravidass.
That newspaper not only refused to publish their advertisement, even ridiculed
them for adding prefix “Guru” with the name of Sant Ravidass. The newspaper
made an issue out of it and managed to create disharmony and antagonism
between Ravidassia community and Jat-Sikhs. Nevertheless another Punjabi
newspaper the Indo-Canadian Times not only agreed to publish the add with
prefix “Guru” with Sant Ravidas, it also wrote an editorial why should Sant
Ravidas be called as “Guru” and why should Dalits have rights and freedom to
call Sant Ravidass as Shri Guru Ravidass” (Singh 2003:39). I came across a
similar case study during my visit to Shri Guru Ravidass Temple Sacramento
(Rio Linda), California on 30 May 2008.
44 The title ‘Singh’ became popular among the Sikhs after the formation of the
Khalsa in 1699. Before that the names of all the Sikh Gurus were not followed
by the title ‘Singh’.
45 However, the earlier insignia of the Ad Dharm Mandal of 1926 as well as of
the All India Adi Dharam Mission (Regd.) of 1960 was Sohang. The Sants of
Dera Ballan changed it into Har with the approval of the Ravidass Sadhu
Sampradaya of Punjab, Ravidass Deras, and the various Guru Ravidass Sabhas
(Committees) both within India and abroad. It was registered under the
Copyright Act 1957, Government of India, registration no. A48-807/87/CO,
dated March 6, 1987. Later on, the change of the insignia became a bone of
contention between the All India Adi Dharm Mission (Regd.) and the Dera
Ballan. The Sants of Dera Ballan justified the change on the ground that Guru
Ravidass did not use the word Sohang in his sacred poetry at all. On the
contrary, he used the word Har as many as 24 times. Moreover, it is alleged that
the word Sohang, being an article of spiritual faith, cannot be used casually and
publicly in the form of an insignia. The All India Adi Dharm Mission (Regd.)
refused to buy this logic of the Dera Ballan and continued to adhere to the
original insignia of Sohang (Sachhi Kahani [The True Story] 2007: 50-66).
Though the insignia Har has become an acceptable symbol of the entire
Ravidassia community in Punjab and abroad, but some of the temples abroad
(Shri Guru Ravidass Temple Pittsburg [California]) still adhered to the old
insignia of Sohang or display both of the insignia on their (Shri Guru Ravidass
Sabha, New York) letter pads (based on field observation on May 25 –June 3,
2008). For a detailed account of the frequency of the word Har and other similar
sacred names of the Nirankar (formless God) used by Guru Ravidass in his
poetry recorded in the Adi Granth (Guru Granth Sahib) of the Sikh faith see:
Singh, 2001:45-46).
46 In Sikh Gurdwaras, however, Aarti is not performed. Guru Nanak referred to
Aarti in the hymn Dhanasari 3 (Adi Granth: 13). The entire cosmos, said he, is
performing the Aarti of a single God. The whole sky is the platter and all the
stars are its burning wicks (for details see: Deep, 2001:44-46).

29 Ronki Ram: Dalit Identity
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35 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
Punjabi Christians
John C. B. Webster
Union Theological Seminary in New York City
________________________________________________________________
Christianity entered the Punjab to stay in 1834. Its initial adherents were largely urban,
literate, and socially diverse. A mass conversion movement of rural Dalits transformed
the community into a larger but far more homogenous and backward community.
Christian influence in the Punjab reached its peak in the late nineteenth century, but
when politics replaced socio-cultural reform as the dominant elite concern, Christians
became marginalized, even though their institutional presence remained significant and
relations with neighbors of other faiths good. Punjabi Christians have been
overwhelmingly Protestant, but since 1973 Catholic missionaries from Kerala and a
growing Pentecostalism have made Punjabi Christianity more diverse.
________________________________________________________________
Recently two different but complementary profiles of Punjabi Christians have
appeared in important public documents, which challenge commonly accepted
images of Indian Christians. The first was the volume on the Punjab published
by the Anthropological Survey of India. This volume, like the others in the
series, is based on the premise that India is a jati-based society and that the
Christians, although defined by their religion, are for all practical purposes one
jati among many in the Punjab. 1 The description takes note of differentiation
within the community in terms of occupation, income, education, denomination,
and to a lesser degree caste background as “most original converts are from
lower castes in the state.” 2 Caste is not pronounced within the community, but
the community is conscious of its low status and recognizes that conversion has
improved their status. The community is also described as speaking Punjabi,
eating all types of locally available food, practicing communal endogamy and
village exogamy, granting women a generally low but better status than women
have in other communities, and having “free exchange with other
communities.” 3 The community has its own forms of worship and religious
festivals, but does share in those of other communities. Thus, while not a caste,
Punjabi Christians are caste-like and have not been able to escape from the
Punjabi caste hierarchy.
The other profile is found on the Tables on Religion of the 2001 Census of
India. The profile these tables present is not that of a community but of an
aggregate of 292,800 individuals placed within a single category labeled
“Christians.” Of these individuals 47.2 per cent were women, 27.9 per cent were
listed as urban, and 45.8 per cent were literate. Among those classified as
“workers” an unusually high proportion (32.5 per cent) were listed as
“agricultural laborers.” When one compares these statistics to those for the
Punjabi population as a whole, it turns out that Christians make up a mere 1.2
per cent of the state population, are less urbanized, less literate, have only a

JPS: 16:1 36
slightly more favorable sex ratio than the Punjabi population as a whole, and
thus could well be considered a backward community within the Punjab. 4 When
compared to Indian Christians in general, Punjabi Christians are less urbanized,
far less literate (47.2 per cent vs. 80.3 per cent), and are much less progressive
on at least two indicators of women’s status (female literacy and sex ratio) than
is the Indian Christian population as a whole. 5 They thus represent, in a very
“forward” state, a very backward portion of the Christian community in India.
Both profiles, provided by outside sources, are very provocative, calling for
both explanation and more information. The purpose of this essay is therefore to
provide some historical background and a somewhat fuller, more integrated
picture of present day Punjabi Christians, particularly from inside sources. 6 It
begins with an account of origins and of the kinds of Christianity which came to
and spread within the Punjab. It then goes one to describe within an historical
framework the converts to Christianity, the institutions Christians created, the
relationships between Christians and Punjabis of other faiths, religious
organization and leadership within the Christian community, and finally Punjabi
Christians and Punjabi culture. This survey covers all of the Punjab up to 1947,
but confines itself to the Indian Punjab after Partition. Of special concern will be
the issue of distinctiveness. In what sense have Punjabi Christians been
distinctive vis-à-vis both other Punjabis and other Christians elsewhere in India?
I
There is a tradition that the Apostle Thomas, one of the original twelve disciples
of Jesus, visited the Punjab. This tradition is based on the story of Thomas
visiting King Gondophorus in India told in The Acts of Thomas, a third century
Gnostic composition originating most probably in Edessa. There was a Parthian
ruler by a similar name ruling in the Punjab at or near the time when Thomas
could have visited the Punjab (the dates of his rule are uncertain), and so the
critical choice has been either to consider the plainly fictional story to have been
based on the historical fact of a visit or to see the reference to Gondophorus as a
mere literary device inserted to give the story’s strong Gnostic message some
link to history. 7 In the unlikely event that such a visit did in fact occur, there is
no evidence of any continuing Christian community in the region resulting from
it, even though The Acts of Thomas says that Thomas converted not only
Gondophorus himself but others as well. If the visit to Gondophorus is ruled out
as most unlikely, then it is safe to conclude that Christianity came to India not
overland, as Islam and Vedic religion had, but by sea, which would account for
its late arrival in the Punjab.
An historically more reliable starting point might be May 5, 1595 when the
third Jesuit mission to the Mughal Emperor Akbar visited him at his court in
Lahore. While the three members of this mission directed most of their attention
to the Emperor and his court, Fr. Emmanuel Pinheiro also sought to evangelize
the local population (with the Emperor’s permission).The first converts,
described as persons of humble birth, were baptized on September 15, 1595. 8
The Jesuits also opened a school at which children of the court might learn

37 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
Portuguese and in 1597 built a large church under court patronage. From that
point on the congregation grew. It included a few well-born Muslim converts,
but the vast majority were Hindus and from “a low grade of society,” many of
whom were in economic distress. 9 However, in 1614 when war broke out
between Akbar’s successor, Jahangir, and the Portuguese, the church in Lahore
was forcibly closed and the congregation migrated to Agra. 10
The Emperor Shah Jahan in 1632 ordered the Lahore church to be destroyed
and there is no information about it after that. 11 References to Christians in
Lahore after 1614 do exist, but remain very sketchy throughout the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. At least some of the Christians were Armenians, and
the bulk of them seem to have been soldiers, 12 but it is unclear whether or not
there were any Punjabis among them. Maharajah Ranjit Singh’s armies included
some Christians who were not Punjabis but Europeans and other outsiders. A Fr.
Adeodatus visited Lahore to perform marriages for some of Ranjit Singh’s
European officers in 1829 and stayed for two years looking after the families of
about fifty Christian soldiers. 13 Thus, until the 1830s Christianity seems to have
been the religion of a very small number of commercial and military transients
from outside the Punjab and had yet to take root among the Punjabis themselves
or show signs of becoming a continuing religious community there.
This changed with the arrival of the Rev. John C. Lowrie at Ludhiana in
November 1834. Lowrie had set sail from the United States with his wife and
another couple with instructions to start a mission in North India. 14 On advice
from Christians in Calcutta, he chose to go to the Punjab, in part because of its
healthy climate and strategic location for “spreading the gospel” elsewhere; in
part because the Punjab was not “occupied” by any other mission society; in
part because of the presence there of the Sikhs “who are described as more free
from prejudice, from the influence of Brahmins, and from caste, than any other
people in India”; 15 and in part because he had received an invitation from
Captain Wade, the British Political Agent in Ludhiana, to take over a school he
had already started there. Lowrie’s stay in the Punjab lasted only fourteen
months and he baptized no converts, but he did lay the foundations for what was
to follow. When he left in January 1836, he was replaced by two missionary
couples and he met another contingent on the way before sailing home. The first
three converts in Ludhiana, two Bengalis and an Anglo-Indian from a Roman
Catholic family, were baptized on April 30, 1837. Punjabi converts were to
come later.
Lowrie was a missionary of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. His
successors formed its Lodiana (later Punjab) Mission and expanded their work
to include major “mission stations” at Jullundur, Ambala, Lahore, Hoshiarpur,
Ferozepore, and Moga. The next mission to arrive in the Punjab was that of the
Church Missionary Society, which the Evangelical wing of the Church of
England had organized back in 1799. Both its Himalayan Mission and Punjab
Missions were created not by a decision in London but at the initiative of
Evangelical British civil and military officers posted in the region. In 1852 the
Society’s first missionary, Robert Clark, arrived in Amritsar which was to
remain the mission’s headquarters. It later established mission stations at

JPS: 16:1 38
Jandiala, Narowal, Batala, Tarn Taran, at Peshawar and along the northwest
frontier, as well as in Kashmir. It also created Christian villages at Clarkabad,
and in the canal colonies of the western Punjab. The third mission to enter the
Punjab was that of the Associate Presbyterian Synod of North America, which
in 1858 joined with the Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church to form the
United Presbyterian Church of North America. Its first missionary arrived in
Sialkot in 1855. From there it was to expand to include Gujranwala, Gurdaspur,
Jhelum, Zafarwal, Pathankot, Pasrur, and Rawalpindi. The last of the early
missions was that of the Church of Scotland, whose missionaries arrived in
Sialkot late in 1856 only to be killed in 1857. The mission began again at
Sialkot soon afterward and grew to include Gujrat, Wazirabad, Chamba,
Jammu, and Jalalpur. These four missions worked in cooperation with one
another, dividing the region up geographically in such a way as to prevent
competition between them. Together they put a distinctively Protestant stamp
upon Christianity in the Punjab, which was to last until close to the end of the
twentieth century.
A striking feature of these early missions was that in three out of the four
cases they were drawn to the region by the presence of the Sikhs. Lowrie’s
reasons for going to the Punjab have already been mentioned above. The Punjab
Mission of the Church Missionary Society was also to be a mission amongst the
Sikhs. As the Society’s Proceedings for 1850-51 indicated,
The Sikhs, on account of their being a religious sect into which
anyone can be initiated - Hindus, Mohammedans, and even
Europeans, and all of them being of one caste - are the more ready
to be influenced by our preaching and those of them who have
been converted to Christianity at Cawnpore and Benaras are very
highly spoken of and being far superior to the Hindu converts.
The Punjab Mission, therefore, as being a thank-offering to
Almighty God for the victory He has given us over that warlike
nation, ought to be planted in the midst of the Sikhs, that is, in
Umritsar, and from thence branch out… 16
The Church of Scotland received a bequest in 1855 for the explicit purpose of
establishing a mission to the Sikhs. 17 Yet once these three missions actually
arrived in the Punjab, there is no evidence that they specifically “targeted” the
Sikhs in their evangelistic and educational work, even though they considered
the Sikhs to be the group most receptive to the Christian message. In fact, as
their misperceptions indicate, they made little effort to study Sikhism in any
depth, not even to challenge or refute it. Whatever Christian-Sikh polemics
existed during the nineteenth century were very mild in comparison to the
polemics between representatives of these two communities and their Hindu and
Muslim counterparts. 18
A second wave of Protestant missions arrived in the Punjab towards the end
of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries under very different
circumstances. These included the Salvation Army, the Seventh Day Adventists,
the American Methodists, the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission, and the

39 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
Church of England Zenana Missionary Society. The last two societies were
exclusively for women and were part of a major influx of single women
missionaries from Protestant societies which began in the 1870s. At this time
the Roman Catholics - who had hitherto confined their efforts to the European,
Anglo-Indian, and other Roman Catholics in the British military and civil
services in the Punjab - also began work among the local Punjabi population.
Following its concordat with the Portuguese Padroado in 1886, the Sacred
Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome created the Lahore
Diocese, appointed its first bishop, and in 1888 entrusted its development to the
Belgian Capuchins. Soon afterwards, some disgruntled Protestants approached
one of the priests, expressing a desire to become Roman Catholic. They were
admitted after proper instruction, but soon left when they did not get what they
wanted. 19 Yet, despite this setback, the diocese set aside sufficient people and
funds to sustain steady evangelistic work among the Punjabis. By 1931, the last
census in which denominational affiliations among Christians were recorded,
about 11.6 per cent of the Christian population of the Punjab was Catholic. 20
In the years following independence and partition, there have been five
important developments that have altered the ecclesiastical patterns established
in the nineteenth century. The first of these was the completion of the transfer of
power from the overseas missionary societies to Indian churches under Indian
leadership. These transfers of power varied in nature, with some speedy and
others gradual, some earlier and others later, some involving structural change
and others only placing Indians in positions formerly occupied by Europeans or
Americans. The second consisted in a series of adjustments in ecclesiastical
boundaries among virtually all denominations following Partition so that the
Indian churches became completely separated from the Pakistani churches on
the other side of the border. A third development was the significant change in
the position of the Catholic Church in the Punjab. In that church foreign
personnel were replaced by a far larger number of priests and nuns from Kerala.
In 1973 the Jullundur Diocese was created with the Rt. Rev. Symphorian
Keeprath OFM Cap. as bishop. Since then it has expanded rapidly both
numerically (largely at the expense of the Protestants) and in institutional
presence. A fourth development paralleling the third was the arrival of
Evangelical and Pentecostal missionaries belonging to Indian (Protestant)
missionary societies based largely in the South. Their work has been devoted to
evangelism and the creation of new churches. Some of them have worked
independently of, and others in cooperation with, the older Protestant
denominations in the Punjab. Finally, this period has also witnessed the
emergence and growth of a number of indigenous Punjabi churches which have
been independent of all formal ecclesiastical ties with larger denominations
inside or outside the Punjab. As a result of all these developments, the
ecclesiastical picture and the church loyalties of Punjabi Christians are far more
Indian, more diverse, and more complex than they were one hundred years ago.
The largest Christian denominations in the Punjab at present are the Catholic
Church, the Church of North India (successor in 1970 to the Presbyterian,
Church of Scotland and C.M.S. missions), and the Salvation Army, while the

JPS: 16:1 40
number of independent Pentecostal churches have been growing and winning
most of the converts from other faiths. 21 II
Christianity got off not only to a late start but also to a slow start in the Punjab.
The missionaries took time to become familiar with the languages and with the
people. One sees in their reports and correspondence a reliance on stereotypes
which were products more of conventional European wisdom about Punjabis
than of their own personal experience with the Punjabi people themselves. The
result was that the number of initial converts was very small; probably by 1857
there were no more than two hundred of them. As Table I suggests, after 1857
the pace of growth picked up somewhat, so that by 1881 the Census recorded a
total of 3912 Indian Christians in the province, which at that time included both
Delhi at one end and the northwest frontier at the other. 22
These converts came from very diverse backgrounds, as indicated in Table I
which provides data on the converts of the earliest mission in the Punjab. 23 This
table does not represent the proportion of converts from various caste and
religious backgrounds found in the other three missions as well, but it does
show that at this stage the Christians in the Punjab were not a homogeneous
community. The community was also, from what data can be gathered, quite
diverse occupationally as well. Many of its members were mission employees;
the missions needed evangelists and teachers to carry out their work, while
conversion often cut the converts off from their former sources of livelihood.
Some were government servants of various kinds, a few were still engaged in
agriculture or trade, some were in domestic service, and others had entered the
emerging modern sector of the economy. 24 One thing virtually all Punjabi
Christians had in common at this time was that they were urban, if not before
conversion then almost certainly afterwards, as social boycotts against converts
were so effective that a convert could not survive in his village. 25
Table I
Background of Lodiana Mission Converts, 1834-1880
Background 1834-1857 1858-1880
Number Percent Number Percent
Muslim 15 32% 57 43%
Brahmin 5 11% 11 8%
Other High Caste 3 6% 14 11%
Hindu
Hindu (caste 15 32% 29 22%
unspecified)
Low Caste Hindu 2 4% 12 9%
Sikh 7 15% 9 7%
TOTAL 47 100% 132 100%

41 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
These conversions came in almost all cases either one-by-one or by nuclear
families. There were only two conversion “movements” during this period, both
of which were quite small and limited. The first occurred among some Mazhabi
Sikh sepoys in the 24 th Native Infantry who had come across some Christian
literature during the sack of Delhi in 1857. They became interested and
approached their Christian officers for instruction early in 1859. The officers not
only responded but also called in a C.M.S. missionary who formed an inquirers
class and baptized a few of the sepoys. When the regiment shifted to Peshawar
where there was no missionary to call in, the officers continued Christian
worship and instruction with the sepoys until General Birch was informed and
effectively put a stop to it. In the end only about fifty people, including sixteen
sepoys, were baptized. 26 The other was a movement that developed very slowly
among some Meghs in several villages near Zafarwal in Sialkot district. The
first converts were baptized in 1866. The next was converted five years later and
gradually other family members and friends joined them so that by 1884 there
were 59 Megh converts in those villages. After 1884 conversions among Meghs
stopped and in due time thousands joined the Arya Samaj. 27
During the fifty years following the 1881 census the number of Punjabi
Christians increased very rapidly, as indicated in Table II. As far as can be
determined, the annual number of urban converts did not change markedly
during that period. What changed the statistics so dramatically was a major
conversion movement among rural Chuhras, a caste of menial laborers
considered untouchable because they were engaged in scavenging and sweeping
in the villages where they lived. This movement began in the 1870s, making
some impact upon the 1881 census figures, and tapered off during the 1920s.
Since the 1930s the population growth rate among Christians has been about the
same as among other Punjabis.
Table II
Increase of Indian Christian Population Relative to the General Population
of Punjab, 1881-1931
Year Indian Christians Increase of
Christians
Increase in
General
Population
1881 3,912
1891 19,750 405% 10.7%
1901 38,513 95% -1.5%
1911 163,994 326% -2.3%
1921 315,031 92% 3.8%
1931 395,629 25.6% 13.5%
Source: Punjab Census
The Chuhra conversion movement is generally traced back to the 1873
conversion of Ditt, an illiterate and lame dealer in hides and skins from the
village of Shahabdike, about thirty miles east of Sialkot. Ditt subsequently
brought friends and relatives for baptism as well as encouraged fellow Chuhras

JPS: 16:1 42
to become Christians as he went about his business. The United Presbyterian
mission initially held back, allowing this movement to develop on its own and
limiting their own involvement to responding to Chuhra requests for instruction
and baptism. Meanwhile, other Chuhras independently initiated similar
conversion movements in Gujranwala and Gurdaspur districts. By the mid-
1880s, as these movements continued to spread, other neighboring missions
became involved and rural Chuhras could begin to see the kind of
“demonstration effect” which conversion and its concomitant life-style changes
were having upon those individuals and families who had been baptized. This
did give the movement added momentum, but at the same time it also made the
evangelists’ and missionaries’ task of discerning the motives behind each
conversion far more difficult. Pandit Harikishan Kaul, the Punjab Census
Commissioner in 1911, was probably right in attributing the movement to a
generalized Chuhra desire for enhanced dignity and social status. 28 By the 1920s
the momentum behind the movement was largely spent. The missions simply
did not have the human resources necessary to respond to all the requests that
kept coming in and the missionaries found it increasingly necessary to give
priority, when touring the villages, to nurturing the baptized in their new faith
rather than to evangelizing those who had not converted. Moreover, the political
context was changing and new Dalit movements were emerging alongside this
one, thus offering Dalits more alternatives than they had had before. 29
The impact of this conversion movement, which accounted for virtually all
of the Christian population growth above the Punjabi average, was considerable.
Not only did it greatly increase the number of Christians in the Punjab and
attract new missions to the central Punjab, but it also altered the Punjabi
Christians’ public image and identity from that of a tiny, literate, progressive,
and social diverse urban community to that of an overwhelmingly poor,
illiterate, rural Dalit community. Equally importantly, it drew public attention to
the plight of Dalits in general and of rural Dalits in particular. Others, especially
the Arya Samaj, realized that they had to address Dalit needs and involve
themselves in Dalit struggles in meaningful ways in order to stem the tide of
conversion or perhaps turn it in their own direction. 30 Their sense of urgency
about this was heightened in 1906 when the Aga Khan deputation to the
Viceroy not only requested separate electorates for Muslims but also argued that
the Dalits should not be included in the Hindu population totals when
determining proportional representation, on the grounds that Hindus do not
recognize Dalits as fellow Hindus. The grant of separate electorates to Muslims
in 1909 and then to the Sikhs as well in 1919 in effect politicized religious
conversion, as conversion came to involve not just a change of religious
allegiance and affiliation but of political constituency as well.
The social profile and public image of Punjabi Christians produced by the
Chuhra conversion movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries has not changed substantially, despite all that has happened in and to
the Punjab since then. That Dalit conversion movement goes a long way in
explaining the relatively low literacy rate and high proportion of agricultural
laborers among Punjabi Christians found in the 2001 Census as well as the low

43 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
status of the Christian community reported in the recent description of it made
by the Anthropological Survey of India. This data is confirmed by post-
Independence micro-studies of Punjabi Christians. 31 Conversations with
Pentecostal pastors indicate that some of their new converts come from diverse
caste and religious backgrounds, whereas others report that the new converts are
almost entirely from Dalit backgrounds. 32 The social profile inherited from the
past may thus be changing somewhat, but not very much.
III
Jeffrey Cox, in his study of Protestant missionaries in colonial Punjab, made the
point that “Alongside the gospel of the spoken word, and the gospel of the
printed word, was the gospel of institutional presence.” 33 From the very outset,
when Lowrie took over for the Presbyterian mission the school that the British
Political Agent had started in Ludhiana, the missionaries were inveterate
institution-builders. Mrs. Newton started a small girls’ school there in
conjunction with the orphanage that she had opened during the 1837-38 famine.
When Rev. Goloknath established a mission in Jullundur following the first
Anglo-Sikh war, he immediately started a school there. Charles Forman did the
same thing in Lahore following the conclusion of the second Anglo-Sikh war.
When the Church Missionary Society arrived in Amritsar they opened a school
there, even though there was already a government school in that city.
Since those beginnings the mission school in the Punjab has found itself in
four quite different educational contexts. At the outset each school was
autonomous, choosing its own medium of instruction, curriculum, textbooks,
and modes of student assessment. The mission schools and those set up by the
government during this period were quite similar, except that the mission
schools not only had compulsory Bible classes and Christian worship but also
introduced English at an earlier stage than did the government schools. 34 The
Wood Despatch of 1854 introduced standardization of curriculum and of
examination as well as grants-in-aid for schools that submitted to government
inspection and gained “recognition” from the Education Department. During
this period, when the educational “system” was taking shape in the Punjab, not
only were mission schools the only schools offering a western, “governmentrecognized”
education in the cities of Ludhiana, Jullundur, Sialkot, Gujranwala,
Rawalpindi and Peshawar, but also their heads played influential roles in
educational circles. 35 In addition, mission schools played a pioneering role in the
education of both women and Dalits. 36
The educational context shifted once again when the Government of India
appointed an Educational Commission in 1882. The Commission’s hearings
provided an important stimulus to the Punjab’s newly formed religious
associations - the Arya Samaj, the Singh Sabhas, the Muslim anjumans - to
establish their own schools and gain recognition for them. Within a very short
period of time mission monopolies in “recognized education” came to an end
and inter-religious competition for cultural influence through education became
stronger than ever. What distinguished the mission educational institutions from

JPS: 16:1 44
the newer ones was not only their continued quality but also the non-communal
character of their faculties and student bodies. It was also during this period that
the stated aims of mission education began to change. Initially that aim had
been primarily evangelistic, with a secondary interest in disseminating a broader
Christian cultural influence. However, in the 1920s and 1930s Christian
educators placed less emphasis upon evangelism and more upon character
building based on Christian ideals. To cultural influence they now added the
development of educated leadership for the Christian churches and
community. 37 Their most noteworthy innovation was in the area of rural
education, primarily through the highly creative and influential work of the
Training School for Village Teachers at Moga, which drew national as well as
international attention.
Independence and Partition in 1947 changed the educational context yet
again. All the Christian colleges at the apex of the Punjab educational system -
Forman Christian College and Kinnaird College in Lahore, Gordon College in
Rawalpindi, Murray College in Sialkot, and Edwardes College in Peshawar -
ended up in Pakistan. In the reorganization that followed, Baring College in
Batala was raised from an intermediate to a degree college (and later introduced
post-graduate courses), but it did not cater to the urban elites as its predecessors
had done. 38 Perhaps more significantly, the Punjab government invested more
heavily than ever before in popular rather than just urban elite education by
opening a school in every village. As a result, Protestants closed many of their
village schools and consolidated their educational efforts in a much smaller
number of urban boarding schools. This trend was counter-balanced to some
extent after 1973 when the Roman Catholics began opening a large number of
new (most often English-medium) schools in villages as well as towns and
cities. 39 Both Protestants and Roman Catholics treated their educational
institutions as Christian contributions to national development and national
integration, as the chief means for the educational advancement of the Christian
community, and as disseminators of value education within the wider society.
The other major Christian institutional presence in the Punjab has been the
mission or Christian hospital. The evolution of medical missions in the Punjab
is difficult to trace in any detail, but the issue did come up at the Punjab
Missionary Conference on December 27, 1862. In the discussion of a resolution
that “Medical Missionaries would prove very valuable auxiliaries to the direct
work of propagating the Gospel” John Newton of the Lodiana Mission provided
this testimony in favor of the resolution.
When I came to India, almost 30 years ago, thinking that I might
be stationed where medical advice could not be had, I brought with
me a number of medical books; some of which I read on the
voyage. I had not been long in the country, before I found myself
engaged in a small practice; having sometimes 20, 30, and even 40
patients, in a day. Cases being sometimes brought to me, which I
was utterly unable to treat, I recommended their being taken to the
Native Doctor, at the Government Dispensary. But, instead of
following this advice, the sick often begged me, with importunity,

45 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
to do what I could; saying that my medicine would do them far
more good than the Government Doctor’s; because he gave it as an
official duty; whereas I gave it for God’s sake. A medical
missionary, therefore, may find a sphere of usefulness almost
anywhere. 40
The sense of the meeting appeared to be that medical missions would help “win
the affections and confidence of the people, in imitation of the Great Physician,
‘who went about healing all manner of diseases’.” 41
From that time on there was a kind of progression, which varied in its timing
from mission to mission, from recruiting missionary doctors and nurses who not
only set up urban dispensaries and clinics but also joined in winter itineration
through the villages, to the creation of hospitals, and finally to developing a
training center for Indian medical personnel to service those hospitals. A most
significant feature of early Christian medical work in the Punjab was that most
of it was done by women for the benefit of women, because virtually all of the
doctors practicing western medicine in government or private medical facilities
were men. In fact, medical work became a top priority, along with education
and evangelism, for the large number of single women missionaries entering the
Punjab from the 1880s onward. The Church of England Zenana Missionary
Society was responsible for St. Catherine’s hospital in Amritsar and an Indian
woman doctor, Dr. K. M. Bose, was in charge of a small general hospital in the
village of Asrapur. 42 The first United Presbyterian medical missionaries were
both women and the mission’s hospitals in Sialkot and Sargodha were created
for women. 43 The Lodiana Mission’s two hospitals in Ambala and Ferozepore
were also women’s hospitals.
However, the most important Christian medical institution in the Punjab has
been what is now Christian Medical College and Hospital, Ludhiana. Begun in
1894 as the North India School of Medicine for Christian Women with
representatives of seven mission societies on its governing board, it received
government recognition as a medical school in 1902. In 1909 the Punjab
Government asked that it admit non-Christian students and in 1915 transferred
to it all the students in the Women’s Department of the Lahore Medical College.
It was then renamed Women’s Christian Medical College. The first time the
hospital admitted men as patients was during the 1947 Partition riots. In 1951
the college took steps to be upgraded to the M.B.B.S. level, a condition for
which was that it become co-educational and an All-India institution. It also
changed to its present name. Since then it has built a new hospital (1957),
upgraded nursing education to the B.Sc. (1973) and M.Sc. (1985) levels, and
added a Dental College in 1991. 44
These educational and medical institutions have provided not only
employment for many urban Punjabi Christians but also opportunities for their
upward social mobility, which might otherwise have been denied them. Their
schools and colleges played a significant, and in places a dominant role in the
development of education in the Punjab and, in the years prior to World War I
when socio-cultural reform was high on the agenda of the Punjabi elites,

JPS: 16:1 46
exercised considerable cultural influence. That influence declined after the war
when those elites turned their attention away from the socio-cultural to the
pursuit of political power and influence. However, Christians, and especially
Christian women, managed to maintain a position of considerable importance in
the teaching and medical professions in the Punjab, until overwhelmed by the
large number of people from other communities entering these professions in
the years following Independence.
IV
The Christian message was new and different in nineteenth century Punjab. It
challenged not only the established orthodoxies and pervasive religious
eclecticism but also the social hierarchies of the period. It was met with varying
mixtures of curiosity, resistance, hostility, and indifference. Those Punjabis who
accepted it and underwent baptism were labeled as scoundrels, a disgrace to
family and community, and were socially boycotted by friends and kin. Yet its
foreign missionary and Indian proponents persisted in spreading the message
through the preached and written word as well as through a growing
institutional presence which served the needs and aspirations of the urban
middle class in particular. It was their successes in winning occasional converts
from among this section of Punjabi society that made Christians and
Christianity appear to be such a threat to the socio-religious foundations of
Punjabi society. This perceived “Christian threat” has been viewed as directly
responsible for the rapid growth of the Arya Samaj in the Punjab, 45 for the
creation of the Amritsar Singh Sabha 46 and for generating the religious
competition reflected in the pamphlet literature, religious debates, educational
developments, and social service endeavors of the time. 47 On the other hand,
there were also members of the Punjabi middle class who genuinely appreciated
what the Christian were doing for the betterment of Punjabi society. Two
examples, one urban and one rural, illustrate the kind of ambivalent
relationships between Christians and members of other communities of caste
and religion during the late nineteenth century.
In 1880 the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society began its work in
Amrtisar by visiting zenanas for both evangelistic and educational purposes,
opening schools for girls, and starting St. Catherine’s hospital for women. They
won a few converts from among the middle class women they visited and one,
who did not convert, reportedly told her husband, “Well, one thing you will
allow: whatever Christianity may be for men, it’s a good religion for women.” 48
In 1885 both the Arya Samaj and some Muslims organized a joint campaign to
boycott the mission’s girls’ schools and close the zenanas to mission visitors.
This campaign was a temporary and partial success, but some men defied the
organizers and the missionaries reported that the campaign had stimulated
greater interest in education among the women. 49 When another campaign was
launched in 1900 there were women and girls who were actually subverting it! 50
As Anshu Malhotra has shown, the Arya Samaj and Singh Sabha reformers had
a very different agenda for the women in their lives. 51 However, while the

47 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
C.E.Z.M.S. activities posed a clear threat to their domestic ideals, the women
themselves seemed to see the Christians as opening options to them that they
did not have before. 52
Missionaries, when itinerating through the villages surrounding their urban
mission stations during the winter months, often reported being well received by
members of the dominant groups in the villages they visited. However, it was
not the landowners but the Dalit menials who worked for them that took a
serious interest in Christianity and converted in large numbers. Almost
invariably those who were baptized faced harassment and persecution, not from
their caste fellows, who unlike the upper castes rarely brought sanctions against
converts, but from the landowners who saw in conversion the possibility of
revolt. Mission reports are full of stories of converts losing wages and work,
being unable to use village shops and village wells, being singled out to perform
forced labor (begar) for the government, being reported to the police for theft or
other trumped up charges. The missionaries were not of one mind about whether
to intervene with the district authorities on behalf of converts who had been
wronged in these ways or to insist that the converts work things out with their
landlords as best they could. The C.M.S. missionaries seemed to be the most
willing to intervene, whereas the United Presbyterians seemed most adamantly
committed to restraint. 53 Persecution and harassment lasted until the landlords
became convinced that their dominance was no longer threatened.
Some studies conducted since Independence indicate that relations between
Christians and members of other religious communities in rural Punjab were
shaped far more by the village hierarchies of caste status and power than by
explicitly religious considerations. A 1977 study of six villages in Gurdaspur
district, which has the highest concentration of Christians in the Punjab,
revealed that religion and religious values played a very minor role in Christian-
Sikh relations. The two religious groups had little to do with each other either at
the explicitly religious level or at the social level. Relationships were defined
socio-economically, as landlords and laborers, who happened to be of different
religions. Where this hierarchy was accepted, relationships were cordial; where
it was not, as in one village with a Christian majority which controlled the
village panchayat, they were not. 54 These conclusions were confirmed by two
later studies that found little social integration; Christians were seen as and
functioned as a Dalit caste which was low in the village hierarchy and whose
members were treated accordingly. 55
In urban Punjab the picture is pretty much the same, except among the
educated elites. Christians, like others, tend to live in their own mohallas and
confine their social relationships to neighbors and those with whom they work.
Educated Christians in white-collar jobs are more spread out and have
friendships with educated people of other communities. 56 A major Christian
initiative in inter-faith relations at the educated elite level was the creation of the
Christian Institute of Sikh Studies at Baring Union Christian College in 1966.
Unlike the preaching and debates of the past, it sought not to score points over
opponents but to promote understanding of one’s neighbors. It promoted a series
of major inter-faith dialogues on such subjects as popular religion, the nature of

JPS: 16:1 48
guruship, rituals and sacraments, death and suffering. 57 Following the example
of its second director W. H. McLeod, it also brought modern critical scholarship
to bear upon its study of historical and contemporary Sikhism, 58 which in some
Sikh academic circles was considered to be a hostile act. The Institute had to
curtail these dialogues following Operation Bluestar and to change its name to
the Christian Institute of Religious Studies.
What this brief sketch suggests is that relations between Christians and
members of other social groups in the Punjab have been shaped over the past
two centuries initially by the evangelistic aims of the Christian missions;
secondarily by changing political contexts, agendas, and power imbalances; and
always by the particular social demographics of the Christian community
relative to other communities of religion and caste within Punjabi society.
Communal prestige and respect in the Punjab has been accorded less on the
basis of right doctrine or notions of purity and pollution than on the basis of
power, wealth, education and access to other resources. Christians in the Punjab
have long borne the “scoundrel” and especially the Dalit image. This is to some
extent countered by a progressive, enlightened, service-oriented image, but the
Dalit image has come to dominate more and more, and has given Christians
their “place” from which they have related to others in the social hierarchy of
the Punjab. 59
V
It was not just the Christian message that was new and challenging to early
nineteenth century Punjab. Christian patterns of religious leadership and
organization also proved to be innovative as well. Stanley Brush has shown how
the Protestant mission society, based as it was on the principles of voluntarism,
cooperation, purposefulness and rationality, 60 presented quite a contrast to
prevailing Punjabi patterns of religious organization and leadership, whether
orthodox or sectarian. He went on to argue that the Protestant mission society
provided an organizational model, which the western educated religious
reformers of the late nineteenth century used both to face the “Christian threat”
and to change religious beliefs and social practices within their own
communities. The Arya Samaj, the Singh Sabhas, and the Muslim anjumans are
examples of this organizational revolution, which Brush called the
“Protestantization of the Punjab.” One can see the “mission model” at work not
only in the organizational patterns of these new reform bodies but also in their
chosen agendas and modes of operation. 61
How well did this innovative pattern of organization and leadership suit
Punjabi Christians? Initially leadership within the Christian churches was vested
in the foreign missionaries. John C. Lowrie’s successors organized themselves
into the Lodiana Mission in 1837. All male missionaries sent out by the
Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions to the Punjab belonged to that mission.
The churches they formed became part of a presbytery, in which all foreign and
Indian clergy as well as elected representatives of the presbytery’s churches
were full and equal members. In this parallel structure the totally foreign

49 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
mission, which reported directly to the Board of Foreign Missions in New York,
made all the important decisions, including the allocation of funds and
personnel, while the powers of the more egalitarian presbytery were limited to
ordaining and disciplining clergy. Exceptional Indian clergy, like Rev.
Goloknath and Rev. Kali Charan Chatterjee, were invited to attend mission
meetings but they were not mission members. The United Presbyterian and
Church of Scotland missions in the Punjab had the same kind of parallel
structure. The Church Missionary Society structure was also parallel but far
more complex. Their “mission” or Missionary Conference reported to a
Corresponding Committee in India, made up of Evangelical Anglican civil and
military officers, which then reported to the C.M.S. in London. Their churches
became part of the Calcutta Diocese, and after 1877 the Lahore Diocese, of the
Church of England. Since these dioceses were dominated, not by missionaries
but by the chaplains and churches of the British ecclesiastical establishment, the
“mission churches” and their representatives were treated somewhat separately.
Early converts were absorbed into this structure, but by the 1870s the
educated elite clergy and laity were challenging the pattern of foreign
dominance inherent in it. Two proposals for change competed for acceptance.
One was to transfer power and responsibility gradually from the missions to the
church bodies like the presbytery. The other was to include Indians in the
membership of the missions. In many respects what followed was a nationalist
movement within the churches that closely paralleled the broader Indian
nationalist movement. By 1898 the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. had
committed itself to a gradual transfer of power from the missions to the
churches and in 1935 this transfer was virtually completed in India. 62 The
United Presbyterians did not complete a similar transfer until after
Independence. The C.M.S. tried the same course of action by creating in the
Punjab a Native Church Council in 1877, but when this failed to take hold
(more responsibility than power was transferred), they amalgamated the
Corresponding Committee, Missionary Conference, and Native Church Council
into the Punjab Mission Council in 1905. 63 In 1931 Canon John Bannerji was
consecrated Assistant Bishop of Lahore. When the ecclesiastical establishment
departed in 1947, the mission council structure merged into the diocesan
structure. The Roman Catholics simply replaced foreign with Indian personnel
within the same diocesan structure, as did the Salvation Army. However,
whereas the Salvation Army had a South Indian Territorial Commander in
Lahore by 1930, the Roman Catholics had no Indian clergy in the Punjab until
after 1947. Following Independence the missions gradually ceased to exist and
the missionaries who continued on had no power base independent of the church
bodies now totally dominated by Indians. Then the foreign missionaries
themselves slowly disappeared as Indian church and institutional leadership
emerged and the Government of India became more unwilling to grant
missionary visas.
What this brief survey suggests is that Punjabi Christians accepted the
Christian ecclesiastical structures which the missionaries brought with them, but
objected to the fact that foreign dominance was built into the functioning of

JPS: 16:1 50
those structures. Once foreign domination was gone the structures were retained
and even extended. 64 As a result this more modern pattern of religious
organization and leadership prevails in the Punjabi churches today. The most
famous Punjabi Christian of pre-Independence days to insist upon operating
outside those structures was Sadhu Sundar Singh (1889-1929) who followed a
more traditional role but at the same time made a significant impact upon urban
educated Christians both in India and in the West. 65 More recently, it is some of
the new, independent Pentecostal churches emerging from within the Punjab
that have followed the more traditional, guru-centered sampradaya model, 66 but
these are still very much the exception rather than the rule.
VI
The vast majority of Christians in the Punjab have always been Punjabis, born
in the Punjab, speaking the languages and sharing in the culture of the Punjab.
The nineteenth century exceptions were the foreign missionaries, many of
whom lived for decades in the Punjab, as well as a small number of migrant
Hindustanis and Bengalis, some of whom rose to considerable prominence. To
them might be added an influx of South Indians since Independence, staffing
Protestant institutions and providing, since 1973, the very backbone of the
Roman Catholic presence in the state. The presence of these outsiders has
involved at least the educated elites among Punjabi Christians in an engagement
not only with a more cosmopolitan Indian and even global culture but also, in
turn, with their own Punjabi culture. One sees this engagement most obviously
in Christian institutions as well as in English language services of Christian
worship. However, the vast majority of Christians remain rural laborers who
are immersed in the culture, and especially the Dalit culture, of the rural Punjab.
What distinguishes them from other rural Punjabis is not a distinctive set of
cultural or political loyalties, but a somewhat distinctive religious focus.
Christians have made important contributions to Punjabi culture. The
earliest of these was producing the first grammars and dictionaries of the
Punjabi language. 67 Christians also translated the Bible and some western
religious classics, like Pilgrim’s Progress, which modeled new literary forms
that other Punjabis later used in their own writing. Christian cultural influence
reached its apex during the second half of the nineteenth century when their role
in education was so strong and they were able to influence the reform agendas
within other religious communities. At the same time Punjabi culture has made
its impact upon Christian worship. A major milestone in this regard was the
Rev. Imam-ul Din Shahbaz’ setting the psalms to fit the meter of popular
Punjabi tunes. The Punjabi zaburs (psalms) added greatly to the vitality of both
rural and urban Christian worship. Some Punjabi religious forms have also been
followed during worship in most Punjabi churches. Worshippers leave their
shoes outside the church door. They usually sit on the floor, with men on one
side of the central aisle and women on the other. Men who wear turbans have
generally kept them on during worship.

51 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
Christians have not fared so well in Punjabi political culture. Prior to
Independence the Christian leadership, in their opposition to the rampant
communalism all around them, refused to organize politically as a community.
This, plus the community’s small size and generally low status, has effectively
marginalized Christians in the political life of the state. No Christian has been
elected to the Punjab Legislative Assembly since 1947, although there are a
surprising number who have been elected to, and even served as sarpanch of
their village panchayats. At higher levels they have simply been the clients of
political patrons belonging to other communities, getting a few patronage posts
for their loyal service. On the other hand, Punjabi political culture is alive and
well inside the democratically governed churches in the Punjab, so that the style
and functioning of “church politics” is far more profoundly Punjabi than
western, or distinctively Christian.
VII
Perhaps the best key to understanding Punjabi Christians is provided by the
social profiles given at the outset of this essay. Christians are a small minority
within the state population and, given their social backgrounds, are now more
influenced by than influencing the society around them. The community has
produced some outstanding individuals who have served the Punjab and India
well in their respective professional fields. They, like some of the better
Christian institutions, have been a source of community pride. However, the
ongoing struggles of Punjabi Christians for individual and family survival and
dignity, as well as for respect as a religious minority, have been shaped far more
by their own social profile and community image than by exceptional
individuals.
Notes
1
It is perhaps significant that the small number of other communities identified
in this volume by a religious rather than a caste label (e.g., Ad Dharmis,
Balmikis, Jains, Kabirpanthis, Mazhabis, Nav-Buddhists, and Rai Sikhs) are
also treated as castes. K. S. Singh, general editor, People of India. Volume
XXXVII: Punjab (New Delhi: Manohar, 2003).
2
Virinder Singh, ‘Christians’, in ibid., 150.
3
Ibid., 152
4
The Punjabi population as a whole was 33.9 per cent urban, 46.7 per cent
female, and 60.6 per cent literate. The figures given above, and those from
which percentages are calculated, are provided in Census of India. The First
Report on Religion Data (New Delhi: Registrar General & Census
Commissioner of India, 2001).
5
The female literary rate among Punjabi Christians was 39.5 per cent, whereas
for Indian Christians as a whole it was 76.2 per cent (only the Jains had higher

JPS: 16:1 52
general literacy and female literacy rates), while the sex ratio for the entire
Christian population is by far the highest in the country, 50.2 per cent. Ibid.
6
Although drawing heavily upon the research done for my A Social History of
Christianity: North-West India since 1800 (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2007), I have consciously sought to avoid making this essay a summary
of its contents.
7
Bornkamm viewed The Acts of Thomas as “a Christian-Gnostic variety of
the Hellenistic-Oriental romance,” the main elements of which were the hero’s
journey to a far land, links with historical figures, fantastic works, erotic scenes,
and an inclination toward the tendentious. G. Bornkamm, ‘The Acts of
Thomas’, in Edgar Mennecke, New Testament Apocrypha, edited by Wilhelm
Schneemekher and translated by R. McL. Wilson (Philadelphia: Westminster
Press, 1965), II:428. A good discussion of this tradition is found in A. Mathias
Mundadan, History of Christianity in India. Volume I: From the Beginning up
to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century (Bangalore: Theological Publications of
India, 1984), 12, 25-26.
8
Akbar and the Jesuits: An Account of the Jesuit Missions to the Court of
Akbar by Father Pierre Du Jarric, S.J. Translated with Introduction and Notes
by C.H. Payne (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1926), 71.
9
Edward Maclagan, The Jesuits and the Great Mogul (London: Barns Oates &
Washbourne Ltd., 1932), 274-285.
10
Joseph Thekkedath, History of Christianity in India. Volume II: From the
Middle of the Sixteenth to the End of the Seventeenth Century, 1542-1700
(Bangalore: Theological Publications of India, 1982), 430-432.
11
Edward Maclagan, The Jesuits and the Great Mogul, 320.
12
Maclagan says that in 1735 there was a report that there were many
Christians in Lahore who were not in the military. Op. cit., 287.
13
John Rooney, On the Heels of Battles: A History of the Catholic Church in
Pakistan 1780-1886 (Rawalpindi: Christian Study Centre, 1986), 35.
14
Mrs. Lowrie died in Calcutta and the Reeds returned home on medical
advice. He died at sea.
15 ‘Mission to Northern India’, The Foreign Missionary Chronicle (April 1834),
201.
16
Proceedings of the Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East, Fifty-
Second Year, 1850-1851, clv. [Hereafter referred to as C.M.S. Proceedings with
the years added.]
17
Report to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland by the Committee
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, Especially in India, 29 th
May, 1855, 13.
18
Two examples of Sikh tracts concerning Christianity are given in John C. B.
Webster, “The Christian Mission to the Sikhs in Punjab,” Dharma Deepika, 2
(June 1998), 7-8.
19
‘Pauperes Evangelizantur’, Collectanea Lahorensia (October-December,
1938), 162-164.

53 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
20
Punjab Census 1931. Report, 313-314.
21
It is virtually impossible to determine the present proportion of Christians in
the Punjab who are Protestant or Catholic, as this must be based on church
records which are widely scattered and not all that reliable.
22
Punjab Census 1881. Part I: Report, 151.
23
This information is drawn from references to converts found in the mission’s
annual reports as well as in articles its missionaries wrote for The Foreign
Missionary Chronicle, The Foreign Missionary, and The Home and Foreign
Record, all of which were publications of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A.
24
John C. B. Webster, The Christian Community and Change in Nineteenth
Century North India (Delhi: Macmillan, 1976), 50 & 75.
25
The one extraordinary exception to this was the village of Ghorawaha in
Hoshiarpur district, where eight Muslim Rajput families managed to survive the
boycott following their conversion, thanks to government intervention.
‘Monthly Concert India’, The Foreign Missionary (April 1875), 335-338.
26
C.M.S. Proceedings 1859-69, 116-118; 1860-61, 117-119.
27
Frederick and Margaret Stock, People Movements in the Punjab with special
reference to the United Presbyterian Church (South Pasadena: William Carey
Library, 1975), 33-47.
28
Punjab Census 1911. Part I, Report, 192.
29
For more detailed analyses of this movement, see John C. B. Webster,
‘Large-Scale Dalit Conversion to Christianity in Late Nineteenth Century
Punjab as an Early Dalit Movement’, in Chetan Singh, ed., Social
Transformation in the Punjab During the Twentieth Century (forthcoming); The
Dalit Christians: A History (third edition; Delhi: ISPCK, 2009), 56-63; and
‘Christian Conversion in the Punjab: What has Changed?’ in Rowena Robinson
and Sathianathan Clarke, eds., Religious Conversion in India: Modes, Methods,
and Meanings (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), 351-380.
30
Bhagat Lakshman Singh was present in 1900 when the Arya Samaj
performed shuddhi on thirty low caste (Rahtia) Sikhs and shaved their heads.
The Rahtia Sikhs told Lakshman Singh that if they could be assured that other
Sikhs “would inter-marry and inter-dine with them they would not even dream
of going out of the Sikh fold. The demand was only in keeping with the promise
made at the time of Pahul (baptismal) ceremony which was honoured more by
its breach than by observance. I had nothing to say.” Bhagat Laskshman Singh,
Autobiography, edited and annotated by Ganda Singh (Calcutta: The Sikh
Cultural Centre, 1965), 162.
31
See, e..g., E. Y. Campbell, The Church in the Punjab: Some Aspects of its
Life and Growth (Nagpur: National Christian Council of India, 1961); Clarence
O. McMullen, John C.B. Webster, and Maqbul Caleb, The Amritsar Diocese: A
Preliminary Survey (Batala: Christian Institute of Sikh Studies, 1973); John C.
B. Webster, ‘Christians and Sikhs in the Punjab: The Village Encounter’,
Bulletin of the Christian Institute of Sikh Studies, VI (December 1977), 2-27;
Philip Dayal, Level of Social Integration of Ethnic Minorities: A Case Study of

JPS: 16:1 54
the Christians of Gurdaspur District in the Punjab (Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis,
Panjab University, Chandigarh, 1982); Vidya Sagar J. Dogar, Rural Christian
Community in Northwest India (Delhi: ISPCK, 2001).
32
Meeting with Pastors, Carmel Church, Jullundur, October 26, 2002;
Interviews with Sant Harbhajan Singh and newly baptized converts, Khojewala
village, Kapurthala district, October 27, 2002; Meeting with Pastors, Bethsaida
Prayer Tower, Ludhiana, October 28, 2002; Interview with Reginald Howell,
Amritsar, August 31, 2005.
33
Jeffrey Cox, Imperial Fault Lines: Christianity and Colonial Power in India,
1818-1940 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002), 52.
34
John C. B. Webster, The Christian Community and Change, 154.
35 This is based on the annual reports of the Punjab’s Director of Public
Instruction. See also John C. B. Webster, The Christian Community and
Change, 177-178.
36
Mrs. Newton’s was the first girls’ school in the Punjab and other missions
followed her lead. When the Presbyterians admitted a Dalit into their school at
Lahore, other parents withdrew their children in protest, but the mission
remained firm; the Dalit student remained and the others gradually returned.
‘Monthly Concert’, The Foreign Missionary (April 1877), 377. To educate their
Megh and Chuhra converts the United Presbyterians created village schools
which other villagers, Dalit and non Dalit, also attended. See Robert Stewart,
Life and Work in India: An Account of the Conditions, Methods, Difficulties,
Results, Future Prospects and Reflex Influence of Missionary Labor in India
Especially in the Punjab Mission of the United Presbyterian Church of North
America (New edition; Philadelphia: Pearl Publishing Co., 1899), 267-270.
37 This can be seen by comparing the aims listed in the Survey of the
Educational Work of the Three India Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the
United States of America 1926 (pp. 61, 90, 136, 137) with those in the later
Reports and Recommendations of the Deputation of the Board of Foreign
Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Modified and Approved by
the Final Conference with the India Council and Other Regional
Representatives, March 22-25, 1939 (pp. 25-26).
38
Vinod K. Khiyale, Hundred Years of Baring’s Mission to Batala: Christian
Education and Social Change in a Punjab Countryside (Delhi: ISPCK, 1980),
79.
39
Diocese of Jalandhar Punjab, India. Directory 1999, 107-130.
40
Report of the Punjab Missionary Conference held at Lahore in December
and January, 1862-63 (Lodiana: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1863),
109-110.
41
The discussion is in ibid., 107-110 and the quotation is on page 108.
42
Kheroth Mohini Bose, The Village of Hope or The History of Asrapur,
Punjab (London: Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, n.d.).
43
A Century for Christ in India and Pakistan 1855-1955 (Lahore: United
Presbyterian Church, n.d.), 14, 15, 32, 35.

55 John Webster: Punjabi Christians
44
A longer version of this history, with full documentation, is provided in
chapters 4, 5 and 6 of my forthcoming Christianity in Northwest India since
1800: A Social History.
45
Kenneth W. Jones, Arya Dharm: Hindu Consciousness in 19 th -Century
Punjab (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 48-49.
46
Both Harbans Singh and Harjot Oberoi mention that the public declaration
of four Sikh boys in the mission school at Amritsar of their intention to convert
to Christianity was a precipitating cause for the organization of the Amritsar
Singh Sabha, without naming the sources from which this information was
derived. Harbans Singh, The Heritage of the Sikhs (New Delhi: Manohar,
1983), 232-233 and Harjot Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries:
Culture, Identity and Diversity in the Sikh Tradition (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1994), 235.When examining the records and correspondence of the
C.M.S. missionaries at Amritsar, I found no reference to this incident. Had the
boys actually converted, this would surely have been reported; either the
missionaries did not know about the public declaration or did not consider it
important enough to mention.
47
John C. B. Webster, The Christian Community and Change, 93-186.
48
‘Umritsar’, India’s Women (July-August 1881), 175.
49
‘Sowing and Reaping’, India’s Women (May-June 1886), 119.
50
Twenty-first Annual Report of the Church of England Zenana Missionary
Society for the Year Ending 31 st March 1901, 54.
51
Anshu Malhotra, Gender, Caste and Religious Identities: Restructuring
Class in Colonial Punjab (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002).
52
John C. B. Webster, “The Women of Amritsar through Missionary Eyes,” in
Reeta Grewal and Sheena Pall, eds., Precolonial and Colonial Punjab: Society,
Economy, Politics and Culture (New Delhi: Manohar, 2005), 265-288 and A
Social History of Christianity, 155-167.
53
See John C. B. Webster, “Christian Conversion in the Punjab,” 358.
Examples of C.M.S. missionary intervention may be seen in C.M.S.
Proceedings 1891-92, 113-14; 1892-93, 121.
54
John C. B. Webster, “Christians and Sikhs in the Punjab: The Village
Encounter,” Bulletin of the Christian Institute of Sikh Studies, 6 (December
1977), 2-27.
55
Philip Dayal, Level of Social Integration of Ethnic Minorities: A Case Study
of the Christians of Gurdaspur District in the Punjab (Unpublished Ph. D.
Thesis, Panjab University Chandigarh, 1982); Vidya Sagar, “The Christian
Community in Punjab: An Analogy,” Religion and Society, XXXVIII (June
1991), 3-17.
56
Philip Dayal, op. cit., 306.
57
All of these have been published by the ISPCK in Delhi.
58
McLeod prepared his Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion for publication
while connected with the Institute. Other books in a modern critical vein by
McLeod’s two successors were John C. B. Webster, The Nirankari Sikhs (New

JPS: 16:1 56
Delhi: Macmillan, 1979) and Clarence Osmond McMullen, Religious Beliefs
and Practices of the Sikhs in Rural Punjab (New Delhi: Manohar, 1989).
59
The Christian Institute of Sikh Studies organized two conferences to address
this image issue and its meaning for Punjabi Christians. “The Gospel for the
Punjab,” Bulletin of the Christian Institute of Sikh Studies, 4 (July 1975), 14-16;
Clarence O. McMullen, “The Self-Image of Christians in the Punjab,” ibid., 6
(January 1977), 16-23.
60
Stanley Elwood Brush, Protestants in the Punjab: Religion and Social
Change in an Indian Province in the Nineteenth Century (Unpublished Ph.D.,
Dissertation: University of California, Berkeley, 1971), 38-39.
61
Ibid., 264-333.
62
A detailed account of this may be found in John C. B. Webster, The
Christian Community and Change, 208-23 and John C. B. Webster, “American
Presbyterian Missionaries and Nationalist Politics in the Punjab, 1919-1935,”
Indian Church History Review, XXXIV (June 2000), 51-73.
63
H. U. Weitbrecht, “The Punjab Mission Council,” Church Missionary
Intelligencer (September 1905), 664-68; H. G. Gray, “Native Church
Organization in India,” ibid. (August 1909), 476-81.
64
A good example of this was the creation of the Church of North India in
1970, which brought together the Anglican and Presbyterian churches in the
Punjab.
65
Two good biographies of him are A. J. Appasamy, Sundar Singh: A
Biography (Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1966) and Friedrich Heiler,
The Gospel of Sadhu Sundar Singh, abridged translation by Olive Wyon
(Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1970).
66
The best example of this that I have seen is Sant Harbhajan Singh and the
Open Door Church in the village of Khojewala, located in Kapurthala district.
See John C. B. Webster, A Social History of Christianity, 299-300, 350-351.
67
John Newton produced the first grammar of the Punjabi language in 1851,
the first Punjabi vocabulary book in 1854, and, with Levi Janvier, the first
dictionary of the Punjabi language also in 1854. James Massey, ‘Presbyterian
Missionaries and the Development of the Punjabi Language and Literature,
1834-1984’, Journal of Presbyterian History, 62 (Fall 1984), 259.

57 Lakhwinder Singh et al: Migrant Labour
Changing Character of Rural Economy and Migrant
Labour in Punjab
Lakhwinder Singh, Inderjeet Singh and Ranjit Singh Ghuman
Punjabi University, Patiala
________________________________________________________________
Rural economy of Punjab has been undergoing structural transformation. But the
dependence of rural population in general and rural labour in particular for earning
livelihood from the rural economy continues. This process of rural transformation has
perpetuated the distress among the rural workforce. It is a strange phenomenon that
migrant labour continues to pour into the rural areas. The rural economy of Punjab, due
to a wage gap, does attract huge inflow of people from other poorer states of India.
Rural-rural migration is largely seasonal and the stay of workers in most cases is less
than six months. Therefore, the official statistics on migration grossly under record the
rural-rural migration. Attempt has been made in this paper to fill this gap. Despite the
fact that the rural real wage rate has declined between the period 1990 and 2000 ruralrural
migration has increased during the same period. The majority of the migrants (more
than 90 per cent) are able to find work in agriculture for only up to 50 days in a year. It
has wide ranging implications for the rural-rural migration and on the level of living of
migrant families.
_______________________________________________________________
Introduction
Migration and economic development are intimately linked. Dualistic
development literature viewed internal migration as natural process in which
surplus labour can gradually be withdrawn from the agriculture sector to fulfil
the increasing demand in the urban industrial sector. This process of economic
transformation has been considered socially beneficial because of human
resources can be shifted from low paid economic activities (marginal product
nearly zero) to rapidly growing economic activities where marginal product is
positive (Todaro and Smith, 2004).Thus, economic theory of migration suggests
that migration takes place in response to urban-rural differences in expected
income. Contrary to this, Jolly (1970) argued that most of these concern looks
irrelevant today. The rates of rural-urban migration in less developed countries
continue to exceed rates of urban job creation. Dualistic theory of economic
development and migration has been criticized that it completely ignored the
empirical realities of most of the developing economies where the rural-rural
migration is the dominant form than rural to urban. It is being generally
observed from empirical literature on migration that the skill levels required for
urban migration have increased over time. The skill requirements in urban areas
and skill possessed by the agricultural workers have widened substantially.

JPS: 16:1 58
Therefore, the people of poorest areas do not have access to the most rewarding
activities in the urban areas.
They migrate to activities, which are seasonal agriculture and also less
rewarding. Another important factor that contributes to the flow of rural to rural
migration is the improvement of agricultural productivity due to technological
progress, which resulted into the improvements in mean income in such regions.
The people of the less developed areas are likely candidates for such migration
(Haan, 2007). The rural economy of Punjab do attract huge amount of flow of
people from other poorer states of India. These workers do engage themselves
into low paid agriculture sector related activities both regular and seasonal. The
real wage rate in the rural economy of Punjab has declined at the rate of 0.8 per
cent per annum between the period 1990 and 2000 (Deshpande, Mehta and
Shah, 2007). Rural to rural migration, which is largely seasonal and the stay of
workers in most of the cases is less than six months, therefore, excluded from
the official records. The place of residence of migrant workers is usually at the
place of work, that is, farm and thus is not being recorded during the period of
conduct of census. Therefore, the official statistics on migration grossly under
record the rural to rural migration. In this paper, an attempt has been made to
examine the changing character of rural economy of Punjab and inflows of
migrant labour. The paper is organised into seven sections. Section two deals
with the changing character of rural economy of Punjab and situates the migrant
labour pouring in from other states. The structure of migrant inflows and growth
pattern is presented in section three. Fourth section provides state-wise analysis
of inflows of migrant labour in urban Punjab. The trends of rural-rural migration
are presented in section five. Section six contains discussion regarding the
estimated number of migrant workers in the rural economy of Punjab. The
concluding remarks are presented in section seven.
Changing Character of the Rural Economy of Punjab
The rural economy of Punjab ushered into the era of economic prosperity with
the advent of green revolution in the mid-sixties. The share of agriculture sector
in the state domestic product was nearly 53 per cent in the year 1966-67. In the
early green revolution period, the rapidly growing agriculture sector increased
its relative importance in terms of generating income, the share of this sector in
the SDP further increased to 54.27 per cent in the year 1970-71.The rising
production and productivity of agriculture sector not only increased the
contribution of this sector to the state’s economy but also provided number one
position in terms of per capita income in the country. The fast rate of growth of
productivity and value addition during green revolution period in the agriculture
sector has given big push to raise the level of living in the rural economy of
Punjab. The most important impact of green revolution on the rural economy of
Punjab was a dramatic reduction of the proportion of people living below
poverty line. This has happened mainly because of the fact that the available of
employment opportunities in the rural areas of Punjab have dramatically
improved. The estimated demand for labour (based on cost of cultivation data)

59 Lakhwinder Singh et al: Migrant Labour
was 443.3 million man-days for the crop sector in the year 1971-72. It further
increased to 502.85 million labour man-days in the year 1985-86 (Sidhu and
Johl, 2002). During the period of early green revolution, the all along
development of rural areas and other sectors of the economy generated huge
employment opportunities in Punjab. The higher wage rate and higher level of
living conditions also attracted labour force from other states, which was
looking for survival. This has led to increase in the inflows of labour force from
other states to both rural and urban locations in Punjab.
The green revolution in Punjab dramatically altered the cropping pattern.
During the seventies and eighties, the diversified rural economy of Punjab
turned towards predominantly wheat-paddy rotation. The number of crops sown
in Punjab was 21 in the year 1960-61 and was declined to 9 in 1990-91 and
remained so thereafter. The area sown under crops other than wheat declined
from 62.74 in 1960-61 to 17.12 per cent in 2004-05. The area under rice
increased from merely 6.05 per cent in 1960-61 to 63.02 per cent in 2004-05.
Crop diversification index for the winter season declined from 0.79 in 1960-61
to 0.303 in 2004-05 and this index for summer crop season declined from 0.98
in 1960-61 to 0.58 in 2004-05 (Toor, Bhullar and Kaur, 2007). This indicates
that there has occurred a clear “reversal” of diversification of the rural economy
of Punjab. The assured market and prices of two crops (wheat and Paddy)
provided by the state agencies facilitated this transformation. The rate of growth
from the agriculture sector proper (crop) income has grown at a nearly 5 per
cent per annum during the eighties. The growth rate of state domestic income,
during the same period, from dairy sector was higher than the income from
agriculture proper (Singh and Singh, 2002).The predominant two cropping
pattern of agriculture has governed the technological changes which
significantly affected the employment opportunities in the rural economy of
Punjab. A rise in the income of rural households, particularly of farmers,
increased the capacity of the farm households to employ innovations to further
exploit the potential of yields. Thus, the new technological innovations of
threshing, tractor, use of pesticides and insecticides, diesel pump sets and
electric tubewells increased the use of mechanical power for tilling and
harvesting operations (Gill and Singh, 2006). The biological innovations for
making crops free from weeds and pest attack started decreasing the demand for
labour in most of the operations earlier done by the labour. This kind of
technological progress has reversed the early green revolution’s peculiar
characteristic, that is, the increased labour intensity in Punjab agriculture. The
man-days of labour use declined after the mid-eighties in both the wheat and
paddy crops. The requirement of man-days per hectare for wheat crop declined
from 52.35 to 38.9 from 1985-88 to 1998-2000. For paddy crop, the decline of
man-days per hectare was dramatic, that is, 103.60 to 56.32. Mechanical and
biological technologies were mainly responsible for the decline in intensity of
labour use in the major crops of Punjab agriculture (Sidhu and Singh, 2004).
The capitalist pattern of agricultural economic development has increased the
share of hired labour. In fact, the Punjab farmers have turned from peasant to
managers of agriculture activities. The pattern of technological progress has

JPS: 16:1 60
reduced the sowing and harvesting operation time dramatically that has
impinged upon reduction of family labour and spurt in the hired labour. This is a
paradoxical situation of Punjab agriculture, on the one side, during the peak
season an acute shortage of labour is being met by seasonal migration from
other states and on the other, surplus of local labour during the lean season (Gill,
2002).
During the period of 1990s, the green revolution technology has shown signs
of fatigue. Productivity growth stagnated along with near freeze of prices, which
resulted into the decline of agriculture sector’s contribution to the state income.
Growth rate of income generated in the agriculture (crop) proper was less than 1
per cent during the nineties and early years of twenty first century. This has
created imbalance in the structure of Punjab state’s economy, whereas share of
agriculture sector’s (Crops and dairying) income has sharply declined in the
state domestic product from 54.27 per cent in 1970-71 to 33.70 per cent in
2005-06. But the proportion of workforce engaged in agriculture sector of
Punjab continue to be very high, that is, 48 per cent in the year 2004-05. This
comes out to be 66.9 per cent of the total rural workforce of Punjab in the year
2004-05. It needs to be noted here that agricultural workforce was as high as
82.5 per cent of the total rural workforce of Punjab in the year 1983. The
workforce engaged in the agricultural sector of Punjab has declined to 74.6 per
cent of the total rural workforce in the year 1993-94 compared with 1983. It
further declined to 66.9 per cent in the year 2004-05 (NCEUIS, 2007).
Furthermore, the 90.9 per cent of workforce in Punjab is engaged in the
unorganized sector where the wage rate is very low. The workforce working in
the agriculture sector, especially agriculture labour, small and marginal farmers,
are earning below Rs 20.3 per capita per day, which is called vulnerable by the
National Commission on Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector. The low
growth of agriculture sector and high dependence of workforce are expected to
further worsen the working and living conditions of the rural workforce. This
will act as a disincentive for the migratory workforce usually comes to rural
areas of Punjab for finding much-needed livelihood. This will either divert these
flows to other fast growing states of India or will suffer because of nonavailability
of necessary skills required to be absorbed in the urban areas.
Migration Inflows in Punjab
There was a dramatic improvement in agricultural productivity with the advent
of green revolution, which resulted into rise in per capita income. Intensive
agriculture has also increased the demand for labour. The high yielding variety
of seeds, irrigation network of canals and tubewells have given big push to
multiple cropping pattern. This process of agricultural development created
shortage of labour force required for intensive agriculture. The successful and
sustained agricultural transformation widened the the gap of per capita income
of Punjab compared to other states of India. The poor people of poorer states
have started gradually flowing in the state of Punjab.

61 Lakhwinder Singh et al: Migrant Labour
Table 1: Trends of migration in Punjab: 1981-2001
1981 1991 2001 Growth rate
Year
(Per cent per annum)
State
1981-
91
1991-
01
1981-
01
Bihar 50235 90732 267409 6.09 11.42 8.72
(06.43) (09.20) (17.01)
Haryana 248043 298192 361766 1.85 1.95 1.90
(31.74) (30.41) (23.02)
Himachal 112289 136134 165158 1.94 1.95 1.94
Pradesh (14.37) (13.80) (10.51)
Rajasthan 91879 110853 136168 1.90 2.08 1.99
(11.76) (11.24) (8.66)
Uttar 220216 280350 517351 2.44 6.32 4.36
Pradesh (28.18) (28.42) (32.92)
Madhya 15556 15717 30559 0.10 6.87 3.43
Pradesh (01.99) (1.58) (1.95)
West 12970 18635 45902 3.69 9.43 6.52
Bengal (01.66) (01.89) (2.92)
Jammu & 30223 36108 47349 1.80 2.75 2.27
Kashmir (03.87) (03.66) (3.01)
Total of 781411 986621 1571662 2.36 4.77 3.56
eight states (95.02) (87.61) (89.67)
Total 822377 1126149 1752718 2.59 4.52 3.55
(100.00) (100.00) (100.00)
Source: Government of India, Census (various issues).
Note: Figures in parentheses are percentages.
The total migrants reported in the census 1981 were of the order of 8,22,377
persons (table 1). This was increased to 11,26,149 persons in 1991. The annual
rate of growth of migrants in Punjab during the period 1981 to 1991 was of the
order of 2.59. The inflow of migrants increased sharply during the decade of
1991 to 2001. The total number of migrants increased from 11,26,149 in 1991 to
17,52,718 persons in 2001. The rise in flows of migrants in Punjab during the
period 1991-2001 was quite sharp. The annual rate of growth comes out to be
4.52 per cent, which is higher than the previous decade.
The compound growth rate of migrant inflows to Punjab was 3.55 per cent
per annum during the period 1981 to 2001.The overall growth rate is higher than
the first decade that is 1981 to 1991 compared with the 1991 to 2001.This
implies that the migrant flow to Punjab was higher in the decade of 1991 to
2001 than that of the 1981 to 1991.However, the similar trends can also be seen
from table 1 so far as the growth rates of migrants coming from other important
states are concerned.
The perusal of Table 1 reveals an important fact that the compound rate of
growth of migrant inflows from Bihar was the highest compared to other states.

JPS: 16:1 62
There was a sharp rise in the migrant inflows from Bihar state to Punjab. When
we compare the structure of migrant inflows, Haryana tops in the year 1981
with 31.74 per cent migrants recorded in Punjab were from Haryana. Uttar
Pradesh with 28.18 per cent of the migrant inflows to Punjab was ranked
number two. Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan ranked number 3 and 4 recorded
migrant inflows shares 14.37 and 11.76 per cent respectively. Bihar state comes
at number 5 so far as migrant inflow proportion in 1981 is concerned. The eight
important states in terms of migrant inflows together covered nearly 90 per cent
of migrant inflows to Punjab. The analysis of the changing structure of migrant
inflows presented in Table 1 clearly shows that Uttar Pradesh has emerged as
the most important state that sends migrants to Punjab. This is contrary to the
widely held belief that the majority migrant inflows are from Bihar (Singh,
2006). However, the proportion of Bihar migrants in total migrants from other
states to Punjab has sharply increased and Bihar is now ranked at number 3 rd in
2001 and improved its rank from 5 th in 1981.On the whole, the higher growth
rate than the average of all states of India was recorded by four states, that is,
Bihar, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh during the period 1991
to 2001. The relative shares of migrant inflows in Punjab from these four states
improved, but the share of migrants declined for rest of the states included in the
analysis.
Migration Inflows in Urban Punjab
The structure and growth rates of migration inflows to urban Punjab from rest of
the states are presented in table 2.The perusal of the table 2 reveals that the
highest proportion of migrant inflows in the year 1981 was from Uttar Pradesh.
The share of Uttar Pradesh was 38.02 per cent among the eight states. Haryana,
Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan occupied 2 nd , 3 rd and 4 th position in terms of
migrant inflows to urban Punjab in the year 1981. Bihar state having its share of
urban migrants only 6.41 per cent in 1981 and was ranked number 5 th .
However, the average annual growth rates for the two decade period under
consideration clearly shows that the migrant inflows to urban Punjab took place
from Bihar has grown at a fast rate. West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya
Pradesh have recorded higher annual compound growth rates compared with the
overall average of all the states.
Table 2: Structure and trends of urban migration in Punjab: 1981-2001
1981 1991 2001 Growth rate
Year
(per cent per annum)
State
1981-
91
1991-
01
1981-
01
Bihar 26039 58348 184992 8.40 12.23 10.30
(06.41) (10.88) (19.42)
Haryana 101607
(24.99)
117582
(21.92)
162931
(17.10)
1.47 3.32 2.39

63 Lakhwinder Singh et al: Migrant Labour
Himachal 58719 70812 93063 1.89 2.77 2.33
Pradesh (14.44) (13.20) (09.77)
Rajasthan 38092 45603 59632 1.82 2.72 2.27
(09.37) (08.50) (06.26)
Uttar 154568 206480 381625 2.94 6.39 4.62
Pradesh (38.02) (38.49) (40.05)
Madhya 6125 9537 16749 4.53 5.79 5.16
Pradesh (01.51) (01.78) (01.76)
West 6297 10255 30553 5.00 11.53 8.22
Bengal (01.55) (01.91) (03.21)
Jammu & 15092 17822 23265 1.68 2.70 2.19
Kashmir (3.71) (03.32) (02.44)
Total 406539 536439 952810 2.81 5.91 4.35
Note: Figures in parentheses are percentages.
The structure of migrant inflows has changed dramatically during the period
1981 to 2001. Uttar Pradesh not only retained its first position rather improved
its share in urban migrants. It is important to note that nearly 40 per cent of the
urban Punjab migrants just came from the state of Uttar Pradesh as per the
census of 1991. Bihar emerged as the second largest so far as migrant inflows to
urban areas of Punjab are concerned. Haryana and Himachal Pradesh relegated
to third and fourth position.
The West Bengal state has improved its relative position from 1.55 per cent in
1981 to 3.21 per cent in 2001 and recorded 8.22 per cent per annum growth rate
between the period 1981 and 2001. The growth rate of migrant inflows from West
Bengal to urban areas of Punjab is comparable to Bihar during the period 1991 to
2001.
Rural Migration in Punjab
Rural economy of Punjab received 4,04,657 persons from other states of India
in the year 1981. Rural migrants registered increasing trend between the period
1981 and 1991. However, the rate of growth was 2.08 per cent during the same
period. Rural migrants registered fast growth between the period 1991 and
2001 and the growth rate was nearly 3 per cent per annum. Among the eight
states, which cover nearly 93 per cent of the total rural inflow of migration from
other states, have been selected for analysis. Haryana occupies first position
from where largest migrants came from. The proportion of migrants from
Haryana was 39.06 per cent in 1981, which increased 40.10 per cent in 1991
and dwindled to 32.13 per cent in 2001. It is important to note here that Haryana
state occupied rank one during the period of analysis. The rate of growth of
migrant inflows from Haryana to rural Punjab was more than 2 per cent during
the period 1981-1991 which was higher than overall as well as of the eight
states average growth rate. However, the growth rate of migrant inflows
declined to nearly one per cent during the period 1991 to 2001. This increase

JPS: 16:1 64
was lower than overall growth rate as well as of the eight states average growth
rate.
The total number of migrants, which came to rural areas of Punjab from
rural areas of Uttar Pradesh was of the order of 65,648 in the year 1981.The
proportion comes out to be 17.51 per cent. According to the proportion of
migrants, Uttar Pradesh was ranked number two among the eight important
states under consideration. The rate of growth of migrants from Uttar Pradesh to
rural areas of Punjab was nearly one per cent during the period 1981 to 1991,
which was below the overall as well as combined eight states growth rate.
Therefore, the proportion of migrants declined to 16.41 per cent in 1991 (Table
3).
There was a sharp rise in the growth rate of migrants from Uttar Pradesh to
rural areas of Punjab during the period 1991 to 2001, which was 6.62 per cent
per annum. Therefore, the relative share of Uttar Pradesh dramatically improved
to 21.93 per cent, which is more than 5 percentage point shift. Rajasthan and
Himachal Pradesh occupied ranks 3 rd and 4 th in the year 1981 lost to the state of
Bihar where the rate of growth was very high during both the decades. Bihar
rose to the 3 rd position in the year 2001 so far as relative shares of migrant
inflows to rural areas of Punjab are concerned. Another important source, which
has been sending substantial number of migrants to rural Punjab, was the state
of Jammu and Kashmir. However, the rate of growth of migrants from J&K
remained slightly below average of other states. Thus, the relative share of
migrants from Jammu and Kashmir declined marginally in 2001 compared with
1981 and 1991. The growth rate of migrant inflows from West Bengal to rural
areas of Punjab was 2.30 per cent per annum between 1981 and 1991.This
growth rate dramatically increased during the period 1991 to 2001 and was of
the order of 6.24 per cent per annum. The structure of rural migrants from other
states remained quite stable except that the relative share of Bihar improved
dramatically. Rural to rural migration from other states to Punjab has increased
during the period of analysis but the growth was slow compared with the
migrant inflows to urban areas of Punjab.
Year
State
Table 3: Structure and tends in rural migration in Punjab: 1981-2001
1981 1991 2001 Growth rate
(Per cent per annum)
Bihar 24196
(06.45)
Haryana 146436
(39.06)
Himachal 53570
Pradesh (14.29)
Rajasthan 53787
(14.35)
32375
(07.19)
180519
(40.10)
65322
(14.51)
65250
(14.49)
82417
(13.32)
198935
(32.15)
72095
(11.65)
76536
(12.37)
1981- 1991- 1981-
91 01 01
2.95 9.79 6.32
2.11 0.97 1.54
2.00 0.99 1.50
1.95 1.61 1.78

65 Lakhwinder Singh et al: Migrant Labour
Uttar
Pradesh
Madhya
Pradesh
West
Bengal
Jammu &
Kashmir
Total of
eight states
Total
Punjab
65648
(17.51)
9431
(02.52)
6673
(01.78)
15131
(04.04)
374872
(92.64)
404657
(100.00)
738701
(16.41)
6181
(01.37)
8380
(01.86)
18286
(04.07)
450182
(90.52)
497312
(100.0)
135726
(21.93)
13810
(02.23)
15349
(02.48)
24084
(03.87)
618852
(93.13)
664468
(100.00)
1.19 6.62 3.70
-4.14 8.37 1.92
2.30 6.24 4.25
1.91 2.79 2.35
1.85 3.23 2.54
2.08 2.94 2.51
Estimates of Migrant Labour in Rural Punjab
The pattern of migrant inflows in rural economy of Punjab as ascertained from
36 sampled villages is presented in table 4.The analysis of the table 4 reveals
that there are two types of migrant workers working in the agrarian economy of
Punjab. One, the workers engaged in regular kind of activities being done by
agriculture households and enter into a contract for one year or beyond are
called attached or regular workers. Two, the workers hired by the farm
households during the peak season, that is, harvesting and sowing are called
casual workers. The highly developed villages of Punjab hire major proportion
of both types of migrant workers, that is, regular and casual. The hiring pattern
of casual workers across village development levels clearly shows that level of
development of village and hiring practices are positively correlated. This
pattern also holds true across farm size classes. Region wise distribution of
regular/attached migrant workers and casual migrant workers brings out the fact
that more than 75 per cent of migrant workers work in Malwa region. Majha
region attracted more than 16 per cent of the migrant workers both regular and
casual. The migration inflows in rural areas of Doaba region are quite low.
Table 4: Migratory attached and casual labour in sampled villages across the
regions and development levels in Punjab
Labour
Characteristics
Number of attached
labourers
Number of casual
labourers
Village development Total Per village Total Per village
levels
1. Low 146 12.17 618 51.50
2. Medium 80 6.67 793 66.08
3. High 162 13.50 841 70.08
Total 388 2252
Size of Holdings Total Per Total Per

JPS: 16:1 66
operational
holding
operational
holding
1. Upto 2.5 13 0.03 51 0.10
2. 2.5-5.0 101 0.18 305 0.55
3. 5.0-10.0 99 0.17 455 0.79
4. 10.0-15.0 51 0.22 343 1.48
5. 15 and above 124 0.40 1095 3.54
Total 388 2252
Regions Total Per village Total Per village
1. Majha 62 6.89 375 41.67
2. Doaba 33 5.50 117 19.50
3. Malwa 293 13.95 1760 83.81
Total 388 10.78 2252 62.56
Source: Field survey.
On the basis of inflows of migrant workers in the 36 villages of Punjab, we have
estimated total number of migrants from other states to rural Punjab and the
same are presented in table 5. Total estimated number of migrant workers
working in rural areas of Punjab comes out to be 8,19,254 persons. This is 23.04
per cent of the agricultural workforce engaged in the agriculture sector
activities. It comes out to be 58.35 per cent of the rural agricultural labour in
Punjab. The casual migrant workers working in agriculture sector of Punjab
were 6,95,615 persons. The casual or seasonal migrant workers alone come out
to be 19.57 per cent of the total agricultural workers of Punjab. Their proportion
in rural agriculture labour comes out to be 49.54 per cent. The higher migrant
inflows were recorded in Malwa region of Punjab.
This region has hosted 6,01,944 persons both regular and causal. Majha
region is ranked 2 nd as far as the migration inflows are concerned. The total
number of migrant workers which came to Majha region were 1,32,236 persons
in the survey year. The proportion of the estimated number of migrant workers
of Majha region comes out to be more than 16 per cent. The incidence of casual
migrant inflows of workers is quite low in the Doaba region. The proportion of
regular migrant workers hired by the Doaba region was 15.14 per cent of the
total estimated number of regular/attached migrant workers. This proportion is
nearly equivalent to the Majha region. The perusal of the table 5 shows that the
high degree of concentration of migration inflows in the Malwa region. This is
because of the fact that the size of villages, farm size and geographical area is
large. Therefore, the inflows of migrant workers are also higher.
Table 5: Estimated number of migrant workers across the regions in Rural
Punjab
Types of
workers
Regular/attached
workers in numbers
Casual/seasonal
workers in
Regions
numbers
Majha 19.019 1,13,217

67 Lakhwinder Singh et al: Migrant Labour
(15.38) (16.28)
Doaba 18,716
(15.14)
66,358
(09.54)
Malwa 85904
(69.48)
5,16,040
(74.18)
Total 1,23,639
(100.00)
6,95,615
(100.00)
Note: Figures in parentheses are percentages.
The estimates of number of migrant workers are based on the actual data
collected from 36 sampled villages spread over to 12 districts of Punjab. From
the actual number of migrant workers, we have derived the average number of
migrant workers employed in a village in each region of Punjab. This derived
average, then was multiplied with the total number of villages of each region to
arrive at the estimated number of total migrant workers employed in Punjab. It
needs to be mentioned here that the mechanization, new variety of seeds and use
of herbicides have squeezed the peak period of employment of farm labour in
Punjab.
Our study shows that peak season employment of casual labour in a year is
at the maximum between 50 to 75 days, across the operational holdings. More
than 90 per cent of the casual workers can only get employment up to 50 days in
rural Punjab. Another study (Rangi, Sidhu and Singh, 2004) also shows nearly
the same results. The study of the migrant workers from other states of India is
being continuously reduced due to the shrinkage of the peak period work in
rural Punjab. This fact needs to be taken care of when one views the
implications of the influx of migrant farm labour in Punjab.
Concluding Remarks
It is a widely held view that migration and economic development are closely
connected. The workforce, especially of poorer households and relatively poorer
regions, migrates in search of better employment opportunities. Punjab state has
been continuously receiving substantial amount of migrant work force since the
ushering in of green revolution. The total number of migrants increased from
8,72,377 in 1981 to 17,52,718 persons in 2001.The growth rate of migrant
population during the period 1981-2001 was 3.55 per cent per annum. The
inflow of migrants increased at a fast rate during the 1990s compared with the
eighties. Uttar Pradesh and Haryana were the major sources, which have
supplied migrants to Punjab state. The growth of migrants also increased in
Punjab from Bihar but still their proportion remained quite less compared with
the proportion of migrants from Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. However, the urban
migrants are predominantly from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. The proportion of
Uttar Pradesh, among the eight major sender states, migrants in urban areas of
Punjab was 40 per cent and that of Bihar was only 19.42 per cent in the year
2001.Haryana and Uttar Pradesh remained predominant so far as rural-rural

JPS: 16:1 68
migrants from other states to Punjab are concerned. The rural to rural migration
has increased but at a lower pace compared with influx of migrants to urban
areas of Punjab. It is generally believed that Census do not record migrants
whose stay in the state is less than six months. Therefore, this leads to an under
estimation of migrant inflows.
The study has attempted to provide estimates related to regular/attached and
casual workforce coming to Punjab in search of earning livelihood. The total
estimated number of migrant labourers working in agriculture sector in Punjab
comes out to be 8,19,254 persons. This is 23.04 per cent of the agricultural
workforce in the state. The regular/attached labourers were just 1,23,639
persons. However, the large chunk of migrant workforce comes to Punjab as
casual labourers. The estimated number of casual migrant labourers is 6,95,615
persons. The majority of these migrant workers (more than 90 per cent) are able
to find work in agriculture only up to 50 days in a year. There are three peak
seasons - wheat harvesting, paddy sowing and paddy harvesting – when the
migrant workers are most needed in Punjab and after the peak season they
usually go back to their respective native places. Some of them shift to urban
areas of Punjab, during the lean season of agriculture.
References
Deshpande, R. S., P. Mehta and Khalil Shah (2007) ‘Crop Diversification and
Agricultural Labour in India’, Indian Journal of Labour Economics, Vol.50,
No.4.
Gill, Anita and Lakhwinder Singh (2006) ‘Farmers Suicides and Response of
Public Policy: Evidence, Diagnosis and Alternatives from Punjab’, Review of
Agriculture, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLI, No. 26, June 30-July7.
Gill, Sucha Singh (2002) ‘Agriculture, Crop Technology and Employment
Generation in Punjab’, in S.S. Johl and S.K. Ray (eds.) Future of Agriculture in
Punjab, Chandigarh: CRRID Publishers.
Haan, Arjan de (2007), ‘International Migration in an Era of Globalisation: Has
it Come Out of its Marginality?’ in George Mavrotas and Anthony Shorrocks
(eds.) Advancing Development: Core Themes in Global Economics, Hampshire:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Jolly, Richard (1970), ‘Rural-Urban Migration: Dimensions, Census, Issues and
Policies’, in Prospects for Employment Opportunities in Nineteen Seventies,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
NCEUS (2007), Report on Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihood in
the Unorganised Sector, National Commission on Enterprises in the
Unorganised Sector, Government of Indian, New Delhi.

69 Lakhwinder Singh et al: Migrant Labour
Rangi, P.S., M.S. Sidhu and Harjit Singh (2004), ‘Casualisation of Agricultural
Labour in Punjab’, The Indian Journal of Labour Economics, Vol. 44, No. 4,
957-970.
Sidhu, R.S. and S.S. Johl (2002) ‘Three Decades of Intensive Agriculture in
Punjab: Socio-Economic and Environmental Consequences’ in S.S. Johl and
S.K. Ray (eds.) Future of Agriculture in Punjab, Chandigarh: CRRID
Publishers.
Sidhu, R.S. and Sukhpal Singh (2004) ‘Agricultural Wages and Employment’,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXIX, No.37.
Singh, Lakhwinder and Sukhpal Singh (2002) ‘Deceleration of Economic
Growth in Punjab: Evidence, Explanation and A Way Out’ Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol.XXXVII, No. 6, February 9.
Singh, Ram (2006), Migrant Labour in India, New Delhi: Classical Publishing
Company.
Tadaro, M.P. and S.C. Smith (2003), Economic Development, Delhi: Pearson
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Toor, M.S., A. S. Bhullar and Inderpreet Kaur (2007) ‘Agriculture-Led
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71 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
Punjab Peasantry in Life and Debt
Anita Gill
Punjabi University, Patiala
________________________________________________________________
The agrarian crisis engulfing the country is bankrupting the farming communities. The
euphoria that began with the green revolution, making India self-sufficient in food grains
and increasing the incomes of farmers across the board, was eroded within a matter of
decades, so plunging the agrarian economy into deep gloom. Facing low yields, spiraling
costs of cultivation, a near stagnant technology and dipping incomes, farmers are now
struggling for survival. Their heavy borrowing to meet their day-to-day expenditure on
subsistence and farming, coupled with their inability to repay back loans, have brought
them to a stage where they are choosing death rather than debt. The state’s apathy, and
the failure of institutions to provide adequate, timely and cheap credit, has aggravated the
problem. Punjab’s economy is no exception, although the media and policy makers alike
have largely ignored the crisis in this grain bowl of India. The present paper attempts to
highlight the agrarian crisis and its manifestations in indebtedness and suicides in the
state of Punjab. The widely held misconception that indebtedness is a result of
unproductive expenditure has been refuted by our analysis of the empirical evidence. The
study points out that the problem is multidimensional and attempts to curb this crisis
would require both short-term as well as long-term measures.
________________________________________________________________
Introduction
“A debt-ridden farmer of Tumbhanbar village (in Ferozepur) committed suicide
by consuming some poisonous substance…. A suicide note written by the
deceased said he owed Rs. 8 lakh to five persons… they were harassing him”
(Hindustan Times, 2007).
“Charandas could not take the burden of debt anymore, so he wrote to the most
famous person from his district, Amravati – President Pratibha Patil –
requesting mercy killing. When no help came, the farmer committed suicide”
(Maitra, 2007).
The above are just two of the numerous media reports of farmers deeply
indebted, unable to bear the burden. Between debt and death, they are choosing
the latter. Farmers’ suicides are being reported from different parts of the
country, but the underlying story is more or less the same – the agrarian crisis
engulfing the country is bankrupting farming communities. Low yields,
spiraling costs of cultivation and living, and dipping incomes have eroded the
euphoria of attaining green revolution and self-sufficiency in food grains.
Punjab’s case is not much different. But it is certainly ironical in the sense that
this state was the forerunner in green revolution, the grain bowl of the country,
contributing as much as 75 per cent of wheat and 34 per cent rice to the central

JPS: 16:1 72
pool (Rangi and Singh, 2007). The farmers of even this prosperous state could
not escape the crisis, and when they could no longer fight it out, they simply
ended their life.
The present paper is an attempt to examine the ongoing crisis in the agrarian
economy of Punjab. An effort is made here to diagnose factors that have led to
the problem of indebtedness and suicides. The paper is divided into four
sections. The first section examines the agrarian crisis in the state. The
manifestation of this crisis into indebtedness and farmer suicides is taken up in
the second section. Possible solutions for this crisis are suggested in the third
section, while the fourth section provides a brief conclusion of the paper.
I
Punjab State has turned from a leader of economic development to a laggard
state. It was ranked fourth in terms of per capita income at 1993-94 prices
(Rs. 16756) in the year 2004-05 whereas Maharashtra, Gujarat and Haryana are
ahead of Punjab. If we include the union territories and the smaller states like
Delhi, Punjab’s rank has slipped to seventh. The rate of growth of Punjab
economy has continuously decelerated in the nineteen-nineties (Ahluwalia,
2002; Singh and Singh, 2002) and early years of the present century. The
average annual growth rate of Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) of Punjab
economy during the period 2000-01 to 2005-06 was 3.7 per cent per annum
(Table 1) which is surprisingly lower than the national average growth rate
(Govt. of India, 2007). 1
Economic growth of Punjab state since the ushering in of green revolution
remained higher than the national average up to the late nineteen eighties.
Punjab State, because of its agricultural development, has been projected as a
successful model of economic development worth emulating elsewhere.
However, the agriculture sector of Punjab state has grown at a rate of 0.9 per
cent per annum during the period 2000-01 to 2005-06 (Table 1).The value
addition of agriculture proper (cropping sector) has grown at a rate of less than
one per cent per annum and is so meager that it has threatened the livelihood of
those who have remained dependent on this sector. This is a crisis like situation,
which needs explanation.
The structure of the economy of Punjab state was predominantly agrarian
especially after the ushering in of green revolution. The share of agriculture
sector (agriculture and livestock) in the NSDP was 54.27 per cent in the year
1970-71 (Table 2). Agriculture proper (cropping sector) contributed 38.51 per
cent of the NSDP whereas income share of livestock was nearly 16 per cent in
the same year. Trade, hotel and restaurants, construction and manufacturing
contributed 10.96, 9.21 and 8.04 per cent respectively to the NSDP in the year
1970-71. A perusal of Table 2 reveals that share of agriculture sector in NSDP
declined nearly 6 percentage points between the period 1970-71 and 1980-81.
This share remained stagnant between the period 1980-81 and 1990-91. The
rising sector, which emerged during the decades of 1970s and 1980s was the
manufacturing sector. This sector consistently improved its relative share in the

73 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
NSDP, which, however, remained meager compared with the agriculture sector.
It is important to note here that during the decade of 1990s there has occurred a
sharp decline in the relative share of agriculture sector in the NSDP. The decline
between the periods 1970-71 to 2005-06 was 20.57 percentage points. It is
surprising to note that both the sectors (agriculture and manufacturing) have
shown relative decline in importance so far as the contribution to state income is
concerned. However, the services sector seems to have progressed during the
1990s and early years of the 21 st century. The deceleration of growth rate has
reduced relative income share dramatically of the agricultural sector proper
(cropping sector).
This structural shift has occurred in sharp contrast to the high degree of
dependence of majority of population of Punjab on agriculture. The workforce
engaged in the agriculture sector (cultivators and agriculture workers) in the
year 1971 was nearly 62.67 per cent. This share of workforce declined at a slow
pace between the period 1971 and 1991, that is, 6.6 percentage points during
two decades. However, the share of workforce engaged in agriculture sector
declined sharply between the period 1991 and 2001, that is, 17.12 percentage
points. 2 Given that nearly 39 per cent of the workforce is still engaged in the
agriculture sector points to the fact that Punjab is still predominantly an agrarian
economy (Table 3). A perusal of Table 3 indicates that the gain of the workforce
in the services sector was quite dramatic during the decade of the 1990s.
However, in the earlier period, there was a slow increase in the relative share of
workforce in the services sector. It is important to note that the division of
agricultural workforce between cultivators and agriculture workers shows that
the share of agricultural workers increased between 1971 and 1991, but
dwindled between the period 1991 and 2001 (Table 3). The share of cultivators
declined continuously throughout the period under consideration though more
sharply between the period 1991 and 2001. This structural transformation of the
economy of Punjab state has created a crisis of its own kind. The income share
of agriculture has declined sharply compared with high dependence of the
workforce on the agriculture sector of Punjab.
The changing structure of an economy from a agricultural to nonagricultural
one has been viewed in economic development literature as a
healthy sign. But the economic transformation of the developed and recently
fast growing economies of East Asia has shown that industrial sector had played
a lead role. Industrial sector not only provided gainful employment to labour
force released by the agriculture sector but also remained highly dynamic and
centre of gravity of the economy. However, the transformation of Punjab
economy has bypassed the usual path of structural transformation and has
prematurely become service oriented. It needs to be noted here that the strategy
of economic transformation adopted by the policy makers has squeezed
agricultural income without lifting the work force engaged in agriculture. This
strategy is indicative from the fact that the terms of trade between agriculture
and non-agricultural activities remained unfavourable to the agricultural sector
throughout the period of 1980s and 1990s (Table 4). The agriculture sector
received prices lower than the prices paid by agriculture sector, which amply

JPS: 16:1 74
speaks of the bitter truth that an agricultural squeeze policy continued
throughout the decade of 1980s and 1990s. This has not only resulted in loss of
income of Rs. 3944 crores (Ghuman, 2002) but also plunged the agrarian
economy of Punjab into a crisis of unprecedented scale. The minimum support
prices recommended by the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices
(CACP) during the 1980s and 1990s presented in Table 5 clearly brings out the
fact that the real rise of minimum support prices for wheat and paddy (the two
major crops of Punjab) was negative. The average annual growth rate of wheat
Minimum Support Price (MSP) was negative (-0.69 per cent) during the period
1980-81 to 2005-06.The growth of MSP for paddy during the same period was -
0.33 percent per annum. This implies that agricultural income is continuously
being squeezed in terms of adverse prices given to this sector. This process has
reduced per hectare return on land to such a low (Table 6) that the farmers
dependent on agricultural income have no other option but to borrow to fulfill
both productive and consumption needs. Further, this process has provided
circumstances where their capacity to service debt has decreased dramatically
during the post reform-period. Therefore, there is an unprecedented rise in
indebtedness across the board and widespread distress, manifesting itself in
suicides.
II
Punjab economy’s agrarian distress, outlined in the previous section, has pushed
the peasantry deeper and deeper into a trap of indebtedness. Increasing costs,
declining productivity and shrinking incomes have left farmers with no other
option but to borrow heavily from any and every source. Borrowings by itself
would not have posed any serious problem but for the fact that farmers simply
are not attaining sufficient repaying capacity and the burden of debt kept on
becoming heavier. Malcolm Darling’s famous observation made as far back as
in 1925 is a ground reality nearly a century later too, with only slight
modifications: the Punjab peasant, even if not born under debt, lives under debt
and dies under debt, or more aptly, commits suicide under debt (Darling, 1947).
In this section we will examine the extent and other aspects of indebtedness,
which will lead us to its most destructive consequence- suicides.
The enormity and gravity of the problem of indebtedness in Punjab has been
amply captured by a number of surveys (Sukhpal et al., 2007; NSSO, 2005; Gill
and Kaur, 2004; Kaur, 2000; Iyer and Manick, 2000; Shergill, 1998) both at the
macro and micro level. The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) data
has been used mainly in the present study, which is supplemented by other
studies and surveys as and where considered appropriate. As per NSSO, in
Punjab, 65.4 per cent of farmer households were found to be indebted (Table 7)
as against the All India figure of 48.6 per cent in 2002-03. Punjab was only
behind Andhra Pradesh (82 per cent) and Tamil Nadu (74.5 per cent). However,
in terms of average outstanding loan per household, Punjab was at the top: the
grain bowl state of the country also ‘boasted’ of the biggest loan bowl! The
green revolution state of Punjab carries out farming more intensively than other
states, hence requiring greater input expenditure, which itself is not declining

75 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
while incomes are declining. According to land size (Table 8), it was,
understandably, the marginal farmer (upto 1 hectare of land) households, which
showed the highest percentage (53.3 per cent of indebted households, although
average loan outstanding per household normally increased with increase in
land size, presumably because expenditure on farming rises with rise in land
size.
Table 9 provides greater details on the picture of indebted Punjab. Of the
loans taken, 62.4 per cent was for current and capital farm expenditure, while
nearly 4 per cent was for non-farm business – all conventionally classified as
productive loans. Section I has amply demonstrated that returns from agriculture
are meager, while expenditure on it is not mitigating, hence the need for
borrowing. Other studies, (Shergill, 1998; Gill, 2000; Chahal, 2005; Sukhpal
et.al., 2007) corroborate the fact that a greater percentage of loans are for
productive purposes. Land-size wise, except for the marginal farmers, all
categories took 60 per cent or more of the loans for productive purposes. Again,
barring marginal farmers, not more than 12-13 per cent of the loans were for
consumption, education and medical purposes. This category of loans justifiably
cannot be classified as unproductive, as spending for maintaining/enhancing
one’s productive capacity is currently recognized as being highly productive
expenditures (Strauss and Thomas, 1995).Hence this percentage, ideally, should
be deducted from the total of unproductive loans.
The expenditure on marriages and other ceremonies, conventionally labeled
as ‘unproductive’, was below 10 to 11 per cent of the loans; even for marginal
farmers, it was barely 20 per cent. Compared to other states, nine states were
ahead of Punjab so far as marriage and other ceremonies was the purpose of
loan, whereas two states had the same percentage as Punjab (NSSO, 2005, p.
20). Even the All-India percentage (11.1 per cent) was greater than Punjab’s
(10.2 per cent). The continuous and convenient explanation of indebtedness of
the Punjab peasantry as mainly due to loans taken for unproductive purposes or
conspicuous consumption does not hold much ground. This has been established
in other studies carried out at micro level also (Gill, 2000); Gill and Kaur, 2004;
Bhangoo, 2006). Even the small percentage actually spent on marriages will be
justified in an economy where demonstration effect forces even the poorest
farmer to make some minimum expenditure on a marriage (even the educated,
elite, ‘reformist’ elements of society succumb to social and family pressures and
spend lakhs on marriages) or else face the social ‘shame’ of not being able to
find a groom for his daughter, or let his daughter bear the consequences after
marriage. A total change in the mindset of the society at large, beginning from
the educated class, against the evil of lavish marriages can be the only solution
for this.
A distressing aspect of indebtedness of the farmers is the source of loan
(Table 10). The non-institutional sources account for nearly the same percentage
of loans as the institutional sources (government, cooperative societies and
commercial banks taken together). This is a clear indication of the inefficiency
of the institutional set up in meeting the credit needs of an important sector of
the economy. The inadequacy of formal loans and the highly exploitative set up

JPS: 16:1 76
of the informal loans, mainly the commission agents, has been underlined by the
author time and again (Gill, 2000; Gill and Kaur, 2004; Gill and Singh, 2006).
Other studies (Sukhpal et al., 2007; Chahal, 2005; Shergill, 1998) have also
pointed to the dominance of informal lenders and also established that a major
percentage of loans even from these informal sources are for productive
purposes (as expenditure on farming is ever increasing) even though incomes
are dipping) and less for conspicuous consumption. These informal sources, the
commission agents, being the dominant lenders, entrap the hapless farmers into
interlinked contracts, forcing them to sell their produce to the lender-agent in
return for easy loan (easy in terms of availability, not rate of interest) with the
result that farmers are left with meager incomes when their produce is sold to
the commission agent, who deducts the loan amount first and then pays the
farmer. Another round of an interlinked credit-crop contract, thus, begins. The
exorbitant rates of interest - often around 36 per cent per annum or more -
charged by these lenders only enhance the misery of farmers, who, not being
able to get adequate institutional credit, have no option but to turn to
commission agents. And the farmer continues to live a life of debt. When they
can no longer bear this burden, they attempt to end their misery by taking their
own lives.
Suicides by farmers began to be reported in the late 1980s and 1990s. It
became a public issue because these were not occasional or stray incidents, but
were increasing both in total numbers as well as the states in which where they
were occurring - Andhra, Maharashtra, Kerala, Karnataka, and then
surprisingly, the prosperous grain rich state of Punjab. The media was joined in
by the economists, political scientists, sociologists, social workers, and farmer
organizations in drawing attention towards this tragic situation.
As per the state government, 2116 suicides have taken place in Punjab since
1986, while as per a survey conducted by kisan organizations in some villages
of Malwa, 2870 suicides had taken place between 1990 and 2006. The figures
are for eight districts. It was claimed that the figure would shoot up to 46000 if
all 12,400 villages of Punjab were to be considered (Sidhu, 2006) The
Chandigarh based Institute for Development and Communication (IDC) quotes
the figure as 2000 per year (IDC, 2006).
In Punjab, as elsewhere, analyses of suicide victims were carried out in an
attempt to find the root cause of suicides (IDC, 1998); Iyer and Manick, 1999;
Association for Democratice Rights (AFDR), 2000; IDC, 2006; Bhangoo,
2006). Indebtedness as a prime cause of suicide figured prominently in the
studies carried out by Iyer and Manick and the Ludhiana based AFDR (78 per
cent and 52 per cent) and Bhangoo, although IDC’s 1998 study focused on
social issues like alcohol and drug addiction (18 per cent) family discord (36 per
cent) as the main determinants besides indebtedness (18 per cent) as the causes
of the tragedy. This was also the institution’s stance in its second report (IDC,
2006) too although now it attributed 30 percentage points (the highest) to
indebtedness as a single cause of suicides, and also a higher percentage to
causes where indebtedness also figured as one of multiple causes (IDC, 2006:

77 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
50). Other micro-level studies (Jaijee, 1999; Bhangoo, 2006) as well as several
media reports point towards indebtedness as a major cause of suicides.
In fact, Bhangoo’s field survey carried out in December 2006 on 50 suicide
victims in Bathinda district of Punjab revealed that per household and per
hectare debt was very high in the case of the suicide victims, as compared to
Punjab farmers in general, and indebted farmers in particular. The same is also
true when the debt is considered land-size holding wise (Table 11). His study
also revealed that over 80 per cent of the households of victims attributed high
costs of inputs and implements and low prices of farm products accompanied by
low yield and/or crop failure as the reasons for indebtedness. A very low
percentage (12 per cent) put the blame on excessive expenditure on social
ceremonies, and a still lower percentage (2 per cent) attributed alcohol and drug
abuse as the reason behind suicides of their kin. This corroborates our stand that
indebtedness is the single most important cause of suicides, and indebtedness is
mainly attributable to the crisis in agriculture, not to the lavish life style that the
Punjabi culture is (in) famous for.
The phenomenon of debt-to-death in particular and agrarian crisis in general,
thus, needs to be studied, analysed and solved together. Borrowing is not to be
considered as a sign of weakness, nor a stigma. It is only when the repaying
capacity of the borrower is eroded and farmers in distress prefer to commit
suicide rather than be faced with the humiliation that comes with indebtedness,
that the serious problem arises. The need is to find ways to make farming more
remunerative, to enhance repaying capacity and to strengthen the institutional
credit set up to prevent exploitation at the hands of informal lenders.
III
The problem is multi-dimensional - agrarian crisis in the form of rising
expenditures and falling incomes, necessity to borrow to meet this crisis, eroded
the repaying capacity leading to indebtedness, public shame, harassment at the
hands of lenders, and the only ‘succour’ available in the form of suicides. The
remedy too, thus, has to be multi-pronged. It should begin with immediate relief
to the kith and kin of suicide victims and move on to long-term measures aimed
at addressing the problem of agrarian crisis.
As part of relief measures to help the physical survival of the families of
victims, monetary assistance needs to be provided immediately. 3 To rehabilitate
the family, the eldest child/wife of the victim should be provided with suitable
employment, especially if the victim was the sole earning member of his family.
Rescheduling the repayment of a loan could also be considered, but only after
the family gains financial strength through employment/pension, so that it could
live a life of honour, not having to bear the shame of having to beg for a loan
waiver. NGOs can also do a lot by helping such families both financially and
emotionally.
The long-term measures would have to tackle the problem of agrarian crisis
at large. It has been suggested that a section of farmers could be shifted to the
non-agricultural secondary and tertiary sectors so as to improve income levels

JPS: 16:1 78
(Gill, 2007). Diversification of agriculture from the existing wheat-paddy
cropping pattern as suggested by Johl Committee (Govt. of Punjab, 1986) is also
desirable and will be highly beneficial, but only if the Taiwan model is strictly
followed – that is, process agricultural produce at the farm gates and plough
back surpluses to expand rural industrial activities – and that private firms as
middlemen in the process are discouraged from operating. The state too, will
have to play its role by providing essential institutional infrastructure and
investment. A strategy which is not purely private and market based but one
which leads farmers to organize themselves to carryout production, processing
and marketing, is, thus, strongly recommended. Also, diversification will be a
success “only if an equivalent mechanism for MSP and procurement is in place”
(Satish, 2006).The state also has to focus attention on R & D in agriculture and
allied sectors. Information relating to new technologies in farming, inputs etc.
should be made available to the farmers continuously. Equally necessary is the
quality control on inputs – seeds, fertilizers, pesticides – so that farmers do not
waste their resources in purchasing substandard or fake inputs and suffer losses
in productivity too. Provision of substandard inputs by trader-lenders through
interlinked contracts is a major menace. The state agencies can play a pro-active
role in curbing such practices.
To address the specific problem of credit, remedy lies in the provision of
institutional credit at the right time, in the right quantity and at a low rate of
interest. Informal lenders are so deeply entrenched in the credit system of the
country that it will be difficult to ouster them, but the credit institutions can gear
up to provide a formidable competition to these informal lenders, so that their
business is reduced to a minimum. To do so, institutions would do well if they
took a tip or two on lending practices of the informal lenders – how to reduce
transaction costs and make credit readily available. The ICICI Bank’s example
of micro-financing can be cited here: in order to tackle the unorganized
moneylenders (read arhtiyas), the ICICI Bank is giving unsecured loans to
farmers at 12.5 per cent, using local distributors who are prominent people of
the area. A loan is thus given at ‘hi-speed’, and since farmers are known to local
distributors, chances of bad debts are rare (Sally, 2007). Direct payment to
farmers for food grains brought by the Punjab Agriculture Department (TNS,
2006) instead of through commission agents concerned will be a step in the
right direction. Although this is bound to earn the wrath of commission agents,
strengthening of institutional credit set up can save farmers from the fury and
clutches of these informal lenders.
There is, therefore, much that can be done to mitigate the misery of farmers,
and this has to be done both at the level of the government as well as civil
society institutions. The real problem is not a dearth of ideas and solutions,
rather it is of implementing a solution in the right measure, at the right time. On
this account, the policy towards Punjab is a glaring example of the callous
attitude of the Central Government. When a Rs. 3750 crore relief package was
announced for distressed farmers of Vidarbha as part of a central package that
would also cover Andhra, Kerala and Karnataka, Punjab was left out of this
relief measure. However after much lobbying and six months later, the union

79 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
government announced for Punjab a financial package of Rs. 1044 crore, which
included Rs. 500 crore as one time settlement (OTS) of loans of commercial
banks, and Rs. 210 crore as compensation to the cooperative banks for the OTS
benefit extended, as well for the interest subsidy. However, none of the relief
measures were given towards relieving farmers from the debt incurred from
informal lenders. There is an urgent need to look into this aspect, because it is
the informal lenders who are the dominant sources of finance, especially in
Punjab.
IV
A desirable structural transformation of an economy would require a
diminishing importance of its agricultural sector, both in terms of reduction of
workforce dependent on agriculture, as well as transfer of surpluses from the
agricultural to the industrial sector of the economy. In the case of Punjab, while
surpluses are being extracted, a big percentage of the workforce still continues
to depend on agriculture. The burden of this heavily dependent workforce is
aggravated by the fact that the benefits of the green revolution – sharp increases
in income, production and productivity for all classes of cultivators – are being
eroded with declining productivity, increased costs of production and living, a
near freeze in minimum support prices and declining real incomes. With
alternative opportunities for employment being low, a crisis like situation has
gripped the agricultural sector, so much so that even bare survival needs are
difficult to meet. Farmers have been left with no option but to borrow heavily,
to meet both cultivation as well as living expenses. But their limited repaying
capacity due to low incomes has led to them being heavily indebted. A very
distressing manifestation of this economic crisis is mental trauma, which is
being demonstrated through a large number of farmers committing suicide. The
magnitude of indebtedness, the purpose of loans, as well as the sources of loans
pointedly underline that farmer suicides are result of their rising burden of debt.
Other causes might be there, but they emerge largely from this single malaise.
Attempts to curb this crisis, and hence indebtedness, would have to be in the
form of short term relief measures like putting the families of suicide victims on
a strong financial footing, as well as long term measures ranging from arresting
the decline in agricultural production and productivity through improved
technologies and greater R & D, through diversification and by revamping the
institutional credit set up. The only point common to both short-term and longterm
remedies should be the sincerity in efforts at the implementation stage.
And this task of implementation should not be left to the state alone, but also
taken up by civil society at large.

JPS: 16:1 80
Table 1
Average Annual Growth Rates of NSDP and Agricultural NSDP of Punjab at
1999-2000 Prices (per cent per annum)
Year Agricultural NSDP NSDP
2000-01 0.69 3.40
2001-02 -0.18 1.32
2002-03 -5.79 2.57
2003-04 7.79 4.94
2004-05 1.78 5.24
2005-06 1.11 4.52
2000-01 to 2005-06 0.90 3.66
Source: Estimated from NSDP at Factor Cost by sectors in Punjab; Economic
and Statistical Organisation, Govt. of Punjab, 2006 (Statistical Abstract of
Punjab)
Table 2
Sectoral Distribution of NSDP at Factor Cost in Punjab
(Figures in percentages)
Year 1970- 1980- 1990- 1999- 2005-
Sector
71 81 91 00 06
1. Agr. & Livestock
(a) Agriculture
(b) Livestock
54.27
38.51
15.76
48.46
32.22
16.24
47.63
30.69
18.94
39.34
27.62
11.72
33.70
22.87
10.83
2. Manufacturing 08.04 11.00 16.27 13.50 11.71
3. Electricity, gas and
water supply
00.84 01.31 02.45 02.12 01.66
4. Construction 09.21 06.15 03.74 04.69 06.72
5. Trade, hotel and
restaurants
10.96 14.58 11.33 13.07 17.68
6. Transport, storage
and communication
01.73 02.05 02.32 04.07 05.63
7. Banking &
Insurance
01.80 02.55 04.67 04.74 05.52
8. Real estate and
business services
04.79 04.26 03.20 03.97 03.14
9. Public
Administration
01.79 02.81 03.28 04.52 04.47
10. Others 06.57 06.81 05.11 09.98 09.77
Source: Economic and Statistical Organization, Statistical Abstract of Punjab
(various issues), Govt. of Punjab.

81 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
Year
2001
1991
1981
1971
Agriculture
35,54,928
(38.95)
34,19,333
(56.07)
28,59,511
(58.02)
24,51,858
(62.67)
Table 3
Changing Structure of Workforce in Punjab
(b)
(a)
Industrial
Agricultural
Cultivators
Workers
workers
20,65,067
(22.62)
19,17,210
(31.44)
17,67,286
(35.86)
16,65,153
(42.56)
14,89,861
(16.32)
15,02,123
(24.63)
10,92,225
(22.16)
7,86,705
(20.11)
7,69,047
(08.43)
7,49,136
(12.28)
6,65,442
(13.50)
4,42,070
(11.30)
Other
Workers
48,03,499
(52.63)
19,29,905
(31.65)
14,02,806
(28.47)
10,18,664
(26.03)
Source: Economic and Statistical Organization, Statistical Abstract of Punjab,
(various issues), Government of Punjab.
Note: Figures in parentheses are percentages
Table 4
Terms of Trade between Agricultural and Non-Agricultural Sector
Year Terms of Trade
(Prices paid and
prices received
CACP) at 1971-72
= 100
Net barter terms of
trade between food
grains and
manufacturing
(1970-71 = 100)
Estimated
loss/gain to
Punjab farmers
(Rs. Crores)
1981-82 82.9 87.65 -127
1982-83 84.7 91.51 -121
1983-84 86.3 92.57 -161
1984-85 86.0 86.25 -240
1985-86 82.4 86.30 -278
1986-87 85.3 83.29 -373
1987-88 86.9 86.16 -267
1988-89 86.2 94.21 -111
1989-90 86.5 85.37 -427
1990-91 90.0 85.48 -467
1991-92 92.7 93.09 -236
1992-93 86.6 93.62 -259
1993-94 90.9 93.92 -310
1994-95 91.8 95.20 -280
1995-96 80.2 93.10 -354
1996-97 92.7 101.57 +83
1997-98 88.8 99.7 -16
Total -3944
Source: Bhatia, M.S. (2002) and Ghuman, R.S. (2002)
Total
91,27,44
(100.00)
60,98,37
4
(100.00)
49,27,75
9
(100.00)
39,12,59
2
(100.00)

JPS: 16:1 82
Year
Table 5
Minimum Support Price for Wheat and Paddy (Values in Rs.)
MSP of
Wheat
at
Current
prices
MSP of
Wheat
at 1993-
94 prices
Growth
Rate
per cent
per
annum
MSP
of
Paddy
at
Curren
t prices
MSP
of
Paddy
at
1993-
94
prices
Growth
Rate
per cent
per
annum
1980-
322.78 -
130 399.63 - 105
81
1985-
294.54 -1.81
162 336.06 -3.41 142
86
1990-
279.75 -1.02
225 307.04 -1.79 205
91
1995-
301.13 1.48
380 317.86 0.69 360
96
2000-
328.71 1.77
610 393.17 4.34 510
01
2005-
296.21 -2.06
640 332.59 -3.29 570
06
Overall Average
-0.33
Annual Growth
-0.69
rate
Source: 1.Estimates are based on statistics made available by Rangi and Singh
(2007); 2. Bhatia, M.S. (2002).
Table 6
Per Hectare Return in Rupees on Land at A 1 , B 2 , and C 2 Costs (at 1970-71
prices)
Year
Wheat
Paddy
A 1 B 2 C 2 A 1 B 2 C 2
1980-81 843 162 80 1457 672 501
1985-86 1732 773 612 1382 564 389
1990-91 1648 571 436 1498 449 315
1995-96 1761 472 291 1470 503 318
1997-98 2088 766 645 - - -
Source: Ghuman, R.S. (2002)

83 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
Estimated No.
of Households
('00)
Table 7
Extent of Indebtedness (2002-03)
Percent of Indebted
Farmer Households to
Estimated No. of
Farmer Households
Average
outstanding
Loan Per
House hold
(Rs.)
Punjab 12069 65.4 41576
India 434242 48.6 12585
Source: NSSO, 59 th Round, 2005.
Land Size
(Hectares)
Table 8
Indebtedness According to Land Size
Punjab
(%)
Percent of Indebted Farmer Households
Average India
Outstanding (%)
Loan per
household
(Rs.)
(Rs.)
Average
Outstanding
Loan per
household
Upto 1.00 ha 53.3 38808 61.03 21289
(Marginal)
1.01-200 ha 15.8 27543 18.9 13762
(Small)
2.01-4.00 17.0 94344 12.5 23456
(Semi-Medium)
4.01-10.00 11.8 132907 6.4 42532
(Medium/Large)
10+ 02.2 267601 1.2 76232
Source: Same as Table 7.
Size-Class
(Hectares)
Capital
Exp. On
Farmin
g
Table 9
Purpose of Loan (Per cent)
Current
Exp. On
Farming
Nonfarm
Busine
ss
Consu
mption
Marriage
&
Ceremoni
es
Educ
ation
Medi
cal
Others
0-1.00 18.2 13.96 4.1 20.26 19.60 0.1 7.56 16.23
1.01-2.00 12.0 49.6 10.1 12.0 7.6 0.3 0 8.4
2.01-4.00 28.9 49.1 4.9 1.6 6.3 0 1.2 8.1
4.01 - 33.4 38.6 0.7 9.6 10.9 0 2.9 4.0

JPS: 16:1 84
10.00
10+ 27.5 30.4 0 3.9 4.0 0 0 34.2
All Sizes 26.4 36.0 4.4 8.5 10.2 0 2.6 12.0
Source: Same as Table 7.
Table 10
Land Size Wise Source of Loan (Punjab) (Per cent)
Land
Size
0-
1.00
1.01-
2.00
2.01-
4.00
4.01-
10.00
10+ All
Source
Govt. 3.6 0 2.6 0.1 0 1.9
Coop Society 12.8 22.0 21.7 17.3 14.6 17.6
Bank 23.46 27.1 36.9 30.1 15.5 28.4
Agri./Prof. 31.7 35.5 31.1 35.9 65.3 36.3
Money Lender
Trader 6.26 2.9 5.8 13.4 4.6 8.2
Relatives 18.16 11.5 1.0 3.1 0.1 6.3
&Friends
Doctors/Lawyers 2.26 1.0 0.9 0 0 0.6
Others 1.83 0 0 0 0 0.7
Source : Same as Table 7.
Table 11
Magnitude of Indebtedness among the Victims, Indebted Farmers and Punjab
Farmers (Rs.)
Farm
Category
Suicide Victim
(Field Survey)
Per
Household
Per
Hectare
Indebted Farmer
(PSFC Study)
Per Per
Household Hectare
Punjab Farmer
(PSFC Study)
Per Per
Household Hectare
Holding
Size
Landless 80167 - - - - -
Marginal 181000 217589 89603 128004 72017 102881
Small 284591 174819 126813 77310 112441 68549
Semi- 386386 113509 231177 74637 210023 67807
Medium
Medium 521000 116344 234128 46036 215290 42332
Large 300000 20036 336050 38341 309949 35363
All 302009 50972 201427 56422 178934 50140
Source: Adapted from Bhangoo (2006)

85 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
Notes
1
2
3
Indian economic growth rate during the period 2000-01 to 2005-06 at
1999-2000 prices was 6.9 per cent per annum. Acceleration of net state
domestic product of the national economy is in sharp contrast to
deceleration of economic growth in Punjab and deserves the attention
of policy makers.
The unimaginable falling share of agriculture workforce provided by
census statistics has been questioned in terms of rising unemployment
in Punjab (Gill, 2002). The NSSO data shows that a high percentage of
the workforce was engaged in agriculture in the year 2000-01 i.e. 53
per cent. This figure seems reasonable and confirms the falling trend of
agriculture workforce. Nevertheless there is still a very high degree of
workforce engaged in the agricultural sector. Falling income shares are
in sharp contrast to the slow falling trend of workforce and have
decreased availability of income.
It is, however, shameful to note that the state government’s apathy
forced public interest litigation (PIL) to be filed, and the Punjab Govt.
had to be issued a notice with the obiter dicta that it is taking no
remedial steps to save poor farmers.
References
AFDR (2000) Suicides in Rural Area of Punjab: A Report (in Punjabi),
Ludhiana: Association for Democratic Rights.
Ahluwalia, M.S. (2002) ‘State-Level Performance Under Economic Reforms in
India’, in A.O. Krueger (ed.) Economic Reforms and the Indian
Economy, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Bhangoo, K.S. (2006) ‘Farmer Suicides in Punjab: A Study of Bathinda
District’, Journal of Agricultural Development and Policy, Vol. 18,
No. 1 (Forthcoming).
Bhatia, M.S. (2002) ‘Appraisal of Agricultural Pricing Policy with Special
Reference to Punjab" in Johl, S.S. and S.K. Ray (eds.) Future of
Agriculture in Punjab, Chandigarh: CRRID Publication.
Chahal, T.S. (2005) Forced Fall: A Case Study of Punjab Farmers, Amritsar:
ID&P.
Darling, Malcolm L. (1947) Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, Oxford,
Oxford University Press.
ESO (2006) Statistical Abstract of Punjab: Publication No. 880, Chandigarh:
Government of Punjab.
Ghuman, R.S. (2002) ‘World Trade Organisation and Indian Agriculture with
Special Reference to Punjab: Crisis and Challenges’ in Johl, S.S. and
S.K. Ray (eds.) Future of Agriculture in Punjab, Chandigarh. CRRID
publication.

JPS: 16:1 86
Gill, Anita (2000) Rural Credit Markets: Financial Sector Reforms and the
Informal Lenders, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publishers.
Gill, Anita and Gian Kaur (2004) ‘Informal Agrarian Credit Markets and Public
Policy: Empirical Evidence from Punjab’, The Global Journal of
Finance and Economics, Vol. I, No. 2.
Gill, Anita and Lakhwinder Singh (2006) ‘Farmers’ Suicides and Response of
Public Policy: Evidence, Diagnosis and Alternative from Punjab’,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLI, No. 26, June 30.
Gill, Sucha Singh (2002) ‘Economic Reforms, Pace of Development and
Employment Situation in Punjab’, in IAMR (ed.) Reform and
Employment, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.
Gill, Sucha Singh (2007) ‘Suicides by Farmers: Remedy Lies in Improving
Economic Conditions’, The Tribune, June 13, Chandigarh.
Government of India (2007) Economic Survey 2006-2007, New Delhi : Ministry
of Finance, Economic Division.
Government of Punjab (1986) Report of the Expert Committee on
Diversification of Agriculture in Punjab, Chandigarh: Government of
Punjab.
Sidhu, H. (2006) ‘Arhtiyas’, Cops the Killers: Kin’, Hindustan Times
Chandigarh, September, 8.
Hindustan Times (2007) ‘Debt-Ridden Farmer Ends Life’, Hindustan Times
Chandigarh, November, 8.
IDC (1998) Suicides in Rural Punjab, Chandigarh: Institute for Development
and Communication.
IDC (2006) Suicides in Rural Punjab, Chandigarh: Institute for Development
and Communication.
Iyer, K. Gopal and M.S. Manick (2000) Indebtedness, Impoverishment and
Suicides in Rural Punjab. Delhi: India Publishers and Distributors.
Jaijee, Inderjit S. (1999) ‘Rural Suicides in Punjab’, North American Sikh
Journal, Vol. 3, No. 1.
Kaur, Gian (2000) ‘Rural Credit in Punjab: Existing Gaps’ in R.S. Bawa and
P.S. Raikhy (eds.) Punjab Economy, Amritsar: GNDU.
Maitra, P.K. (2007) ‘Farmer Suicide after Plea to President’ Hindustan Times,
October, 10.
NSSO (2005) Indebtedness of Farmer Households, NSS 59 th round (January-
December 2003) National Sample Survey Organisation, Ministry of
Statistics and Programme Implementation, Govt. of India.
Rangi, P.S. And Gurkirpal Singh (2007) Agricultural Statistics of Punjab, The
Punjab State Farmers Commission, S.A.S. Nagar, Mohali.
Sally, Madhvi (2007) ‘Banks Shy Away from Punjab Farmers’, Economic
Times, January 11.
Satish, P (2006) ‘Institutional Credit, Indebtedness and Suicides in Punjab’,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLI, No. 26, June. 30.

87 Anita Gill: Punjab Peasantry
Shergill, H.S. (1998) Rural Credit and Indebtedness in Punjab, Chandigarh:
Institute for Development and Communication.
Singh, Lakhwinder and Sukhpal Singh (2002) ‘Deceleration of Economic
Growth in Punjab: Evidence, Explanation and a Way-Out’, Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 6, February 9.
Singh, Sukhpal, M. Kaur and H.S. Kingra (2007) Flow of Funds to Farmers and
Indebtedness in Punjab, Ludhiana: Punjab Agriculture University and
the Punjab Farmers Commission.
Strauss, J. and Duncan Thomas (1995) ‘Human Resources: Empirical Modeling
of Household and Family’, in Jere Behrman and T.N. Srinivasan (eds.)
Handbook of Development Economics, Vol. 3A, Amsterdam: Elsevier
Science Publishers.
TNS (2006) ‘Payments to be made Direct to Farmers’, The Tribune, November
11.

89 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
Human Trafficking in Punjab
Suneel Kumar
Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar
________________________________________________________________
Human trafficking is a criminal act which affects the global community. Consequently,
Punjabis, too, are the victims of human trafficking. The Punjabis’ enthusiasm to migrate
to affluent countries has given the traffickers an opportunity to exploit them. Using
diverse modi operandi, people of different backgrounds involved in human trafficking
have often put the lives of their clients in considerable danger. Failure in reaching their
promised destination leads to deportation, exploitation, indebtedness, imprisonment and
even death. What is more, when these migrants eventually arrive in a particular country
they have been labeled criminals rather than victims of human trafficking. By way of
contrast, in cases where such migrants have succeeded in settling abroad, they have sent
huge remittances back to their families, enhancing their wealth. This paper explores the
different dimensions and major actors involved in the business of human trafficking in
Punjab. It concludes by evaluating measures being adopted to control it by both host and
recipient countries.
________________________________________________________________
Theoretical Formulations
Globalization is often illustrated in terms of increased ‘flows’ of money, goods,
ideas or cultural values (Lintner, 2007; Bauman, 1999). But the movement of
people across national borders remains highly regulated and a point of major
contention between many countries. Advanced and industrialized countries
spend billions of dollars each year to have control over inflows of people
seeking greater economic opportunities. Despite efforts to legally regulate
immigration, millions of people continue to seek passage to greener pastures.
The push and pull of economic requirements has given rise to a new-fangled
class of criminal people called ‘human traffickers’ (Lintner, 2007).These
traffickers charge high fees and promise to deliver their charges to a new land
and a new life. Discovering new techniques to evade outdated detection
mechanisms, human traffickers and trans-national crime syndicates are
increasingly flourishing by serving clients reach their goals. They also place
their clients’ lives in grave danger on the open seas and cargo transports and in
jungles and in deserts (Salt and Stein, 1997:467-494; Vayrynen, 2003:12-15;
Lintner, 2007).
According to the Wikipedia Enclyclopedia human trafficking can be
defined as
…the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt
of people for the purpose of exploitation. Trafficking involves a
process of using illicit means such as threat, use of force, or other
forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the
abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or

JPS: 16:1 90
receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a
person having control over another person, for the purpose of
exploitation. (emphasis in original, Enclyclopedia, 2007).
Human trafficking has been further defined in international law in a broader
way. The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons,
Especially Women and Children, supplementing the UN Convention against
Transnational Crime 2000 in Article 3 stipulates that trafficking in persons
…mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring, or
receipt of persons, by means of threat or use of force o other forms
of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of
power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving
of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having
control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.
Exploitation shall include, at the minimum, the exploitation of the
prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced
labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude
or removal of organs (Protocol, 2001).
An indistinguishable definition of human trafficking is given in Article 4 of the
Council of Europe Convention. Another important document, the EU Council
Framework Decision on Combating Trafficking in Human Beings in its Article
1 describes trafficking as
…the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring, subsequent
reception of a person, including exchange or transfer of control
over that person, where:
(a) use is made of coercion, force or threat, including
abduction, or
(b) use is made of deceit or fraud, or
(c) there is an abuse of authority or of a position of
vulnerability, which is such that the person has no real and
acceptable alternative but to submit to the abuse involved,
or
(d) payments or benefits are given or received to achieve
the consent of a person having control over another person
for the purpose of exploitation of that person’s labour or
services, including at least forced or compulsory labour or
services, slavery or practices similar to slavery or servitude,
or for the purpose of the exploitation of the prostitution of
others or other forms of sexual exploitation, including in
pornography. (EU, 2002).

91 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
Thus, to sum up, human trafficking which has been defined by the various
academicians and organizations - official as well as private - is recruitment,
harbouring, transporting, providing or obtaining, by any means including the
abuse of authority, any person for services involving forced labour, slavery or
servitude in any industry, such as forced or coerced participation in agriculture,
prostitution, manufacturing, or other industries in domestic service or marriage
or put them into vulnerable position. Hence, the term ‘human trafficking’
includes multiple aspects involved in the trafficking of victims. At first,
susceptible victims are recruited by the traffickers by using various methods of
pulling or decoying. After that, successful or unsuccessful attempts are made to
transport the obtained candidates to a destination or transit country. In the whole
process, trafficked persons are forced, coerced and deceived by the individuals
or organizations involved in trafficking in persons.
Human trafficking is a global industry which ‘employs’ millions of people
and leads to the annual earnings of billions of dollars. It continues throughout
Asia, Africa and Latin America because it is relatively less risky, perilous and
hazardous. If one gets caught in human trafficking, he doesn’t risk capital
punishment. At the same time, there are more and more immigrants who are
taking great risks to enter one of the countries with the help of human
traffickers. Therefore, trafficking in persons within and across borders is
increasing rapidly in South Asia and the Middle-East. Trafficking from
Bangladesh and Nepal to India, Pakistan, Bahrain, Kuwait and the United Arab
Emirates is known worldwide (Yousaf, 2006:16; Dhungana, 2006:21). India has
become the nucleus of human trafficking as the rate of cross-border and intrastate
trafficking in human beings has mounted swiftly. Trafficking in women
from the poor states to the rich states especially from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh to
Punjab has been reported many times in the electronic and print media.
Similarly, due to the rising phenomenon of migration among Punjabis, reports
and cases of illegal migration and human trafficking and of cheating and fraud
by travel agents in Punjab have become a routine feature reported in daily and
weekly newspapers and magazines at local, national and international levels.
Punjab has become the hub of the 12,000 crore rupees human trafficking racket
(Dogra, 2007:3). It is estimated that 10,000 to 20,000 Punjabis contribute to this
flourishing business each year by paying anything between Rs. 2.5 lakh to Rs.
10 lakh each on being promised greener pastures abroad. The favoured
destinations are mainly the USA, Canada, Australia, England, Italy and Greece
(Dogra, 2007:3).
In Punjabi language, human trafficking is termed as ‘kabootarbaazi’,
traffickers as ‘kabootarbaaz’ and victims as ‘kabootars’. As trafficking in
human beings is one of hottest issues in Punjab, dominating electronic and print
media and the policy formulation process of the state as well as central
governments, we needs to explore the social, economic, political, cultural and
other factors which have promoted human trafficking. Further, human
trafficking is not an act which involves a single individual. A number of people
from different social, economic, political, cultural and religious backgrounds are
involved through their trans-national connections and trans-national syndicates.

JPS: 16:1 92
Therefore, it becomes imperative to the study the functioning of these
syndicates and the type of strategies and methods that are used or adopted by
them and other actors involved in the illegal trade of human trafficking.
Human beings are direct victims of an illegitimate global business, which is
replete with human rights violations and abuses on a large scale. It is important
to understand what type of treatment is meted out to potential Punjabi migrants
by trans-national syndicates at the beginning and end of their illegal journey to a
foreign country. The affluent western countries especially of Europe and North
America are the target countries of human traffickers. They are trafficking
human beings to these destinations using diverse methods. Moreover, these
countries are well aware of the same. Hence, a question arises as to what steps
have been taken by these states to prevent or control such activities. As
compared to other supplementary forms of trafficking, human trafficking or
‘kabootarbazi’ in Punjab is an illegal business in which ‘consent’ of the victims,
i.e., ‘kabootars’ is also involved. They want to reach the destinations of their
choice and earn handsomely and raise their standard of living. People who want
to reach their desired countries through the trans-national syndicates have met
with three outcomes. In some cases, they have reached the desired destinations
and earned good money. In other cases, they have failed to reach and settle in
the desired countries and have been deported back to Punjab. There are also a
large number of instances where the agents, who are part of trans-national
syndicates, have collected huge amounts of money from the candidates to send
them abroad, but had cheated by not fulfilling their promise. Thus, given these
circumstances, one is required to examine the impacts on the lives of successful
as well as unsuccessful candidates. Another question here is to analyze the steps
taken by both central and the state government of Punjab to prevent the illegal
business of human trafficking. The present article is a modest attempt to seek
answer to such questions in a systematic and scientific way while using
documentary and official sources, studying reports published in the vernacular
newspapers and conducting interviews with deported ‘kabootars’. With the help
of interviews and field observations, an attempt has also been made to
understand the functioning of ‘kabootarbaazs’ and the types of mechanisms and
channels they use in this illegal business.
Factors Responsible For Flourishing Human Trafficking
At the international level, human trafficking has accelerated due to numerous
factors such as poverty, unemployment, war, civil war, natural disaster,
discrimination, weak government, corruption and globalization (Pearson,
2000:33-39; Wijers and Lap-Chew, 1997:87). In the specific case of Punjab,
there are numerous social, economic, cultural and political factors which have
promoted trafficking in human beings. Formerly the land of five rivers, the
Punjab remains one of the most advanced states of India. It occupies 50,362
square kilometers land mass which accounts for 1.54 percent of total
geographical area of India. The state is divided into three regions – Majha,
Malwa and Doaba. It comprises of around 24 million people who depend

93 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
primarily on agriculture and small manufacturing for their livelihood (Govt. of
Punjab, 2007). Despite Punjab’s relatively well-off economic status, an
unabated wheeling and dealing with human lives to settle them abroad is taking
shape in the form of organized crime with billions of dollars at stake. Further,
unspecified laws of the land are providing human traffickers with a level
playing field (Kamal, 2006).
Given Punjab’s long history of migration the majority of Punjabis have
always cherished the idea of settling overseas. Along with the charm of settling
in a foreign land, population explosion, cut-throat competition, shrinking job
opportunities, fragmentation of land holdings, stark poverty, opportunities
offered by the affluent nations, and razzmatazz of Non-Resident Indians’ (NRI)
affluence has fuelled the desperation of moving abroad among them even more
stridently (Zaidi, 2007:8). The mirage of a better life in foreign lands and hope
of amassing huge wealth in a short span of time, despite the uncertainties, have
become the fancy of many Punjabis. The pull of wealth and affluence of the
west has not only attracted gullible young people, but there are also highly
skilled professionals who go a long way to vie for the chance to leave, ever
ready to part with their valuable skills. Besides, a good number of government
officials are leaving their prestigious jobs to settle abroad, even ready to do jobs
that they would feel ashamed of doing in their own country. 1 Along with an
illiterate, unskilled and skilled workers, a substantial percentage of educated
youths are also motivated to leave, even knowing well the consequences. An
epidemic of drug addiction among the Punjabi youth is also compelling parents
to send their children abroad. Parents want to save their children from falling
into bad company, through which they often start taking drugs and gradually
become addicts. 2 Therefore, by legal or illegal methods, they desperately want to
send them abroad to save from drug addiction. Under such circumstances,
parents in rural Punjab are even selling their landholdings and borrowing money
from informal moneylenders on high interest rates to send their children abroad.
Meanwhile, people living in the cities are seeking easy money from private
banks for the same purpose (Kamal, 2006).
In an attempt to go abroad, Punjabis are using diverse methods to get around
legalities. For example, sponsorship from relatives settled abroad, marriage to a
foreign citizen or getting work permits and study visas (Zaidi, 2007:8). Earlier
laws relating to migration were soft in receiving countries and it was easier to
acquire a visa and go abroad in a legal way. But, as the receiving countries
adopted new migration policies, this made it difficult to get visas and those
desperate to go abroad started using unfair methods to get there, for example:
after getting a tourist visa and on reaching abroad, they destroy the papers and
disappear; travel on a forged visa; go along with one of the cultural troupes;
obtain a temporary work visas for ‘soft’ countries in Africa or Asia, and then
move to the west illegally by sea or land; travel on a valid visa, but on someone
else’s passport (Zaidi, 2007:8). Moreover, Punjabis have not even hesitated to
put their lives and moral values at the stake while pursuing risky and immoral
methods. For example, two brothers from Hoshiarpur district squeezed
themselves in a cavity in the undercarriage of the aircraft meant for the wheels.

JPS: 16:1 94
One of them was dropped dead when the plane landed and the other made it
through the perilous journey to the United Kingdom, that too in a serious
condition (Randhawa, 2007:7). Similarly, putting the moral and cultural values
aside, after the legal recognition of gay marriages in the United Kingdom in
2006, many Punjabis applied though various travel agents, exploring the
possibility of going abroad after marrying someone of their own sex. In some
cases, brothers and sisters have gone through marriage rituals in their bid to get
the visa. A number of Punjabi girls were made to tie the knot with NRI grooms,
irrespective of their antecedents and many a girl thereby fell prey to men out to
exploit the ‘foreign fantasy’, left in lurch after being used as a ‘holiday
wife’(Randhawa, 2007:7). All this, thus reflects that Punjabis are ready to go to
any extent to get their feet on affluent foreign lands. And, therefore, their
obsession for living in an affluent foreign land and becoming rich over night
and lead a luxurious life has promoted the business of human trafficking beyond
a limit. All those people who are connected with the business are exploiting the
people of India, particularly Punjabis in Punjab.
Human Traffickers and Their ‘Modus Operandi’
Human traffickers or ‘kabootarbaazs’ belonging to diverse classes, categories
and backgrounds have used different methods, sometimes specific to their
profession, in trafficking Punjabis abroad. The weakness of Punjabis has given
strength and encouragement to the different actors involved in human
trafficking. In the veracity of getting a huge amount of money and becoming
rich in no time, different types of people are indulging in the profitable business
of ‘human trafficking’. By taking the advantage of their position and profession
and with the help of lopsided and asymmetrical government policies, politicians,
religious preachers, singers, musicians, artists, athletes, organizers, promoters
and theatre personalities have indulged in the lucrative racket of human
trafficking (Singh, 2003:1).
The politicians have to do the least hard work in this business. The
procedure used by the politicians in human trafficking is straightforward and
less risky. They simply misuse their status and the facilities provided to them by
the government. When they go abroad on official or private visits, they also take
their staff along with them. They take a huge amount of money from the person
who is willing to go abroad and put his or her name in the list of his members of
staff. Due to their high position and connections, they often succeed in evading
security checks and successfully board the candidates. Politicians have been
exposed from time to time while engaging in human trafficking and in some
cases have been caught red handed. In 2001, the name of a Punjabi politician of
the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) was highlighted in media for involvement in
human trafficking. After a short period, the involvement of two ministers of
Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) was highlighted in the media (Dogra, 2007:3).
Moreover in April 2007, Babubhai Katara, a BJP Member of Parliament (MP)
from Gujarat was caught while attempting to traffic Paramjit Kaur and Amarjeet
Singh of Kapurthala, on his wife’s and son’s passports while taking a huge sum

95 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
of Rs. 30 lakh from them (Editorial, 2007:10). The police recovered 12
passports from his residence in an overnight raid. Later on, during the police
investigation, along with Babubhai Katara, the names of other politicians
including those of Ramswaroop Koli, a BJP MP from Bayana, Rajasthan,
Mohammed Tahir Khan, a Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) MP from Sultanpur,
Uttar Pradesh and Mitrasen Yadav, a Samajwadi Party (SP) MP from Faizabad
were also disclosed as being involved in human trafficking (Bhalla, 2007:1;
Pasricha, 2007:6).
Bureaucrats play a decisive role in human trafficking. All the categories of
actors involved in the business of human trafficking have to enroute through
them. As an illustration, the bureaucrats help them in preparing fictitious
passports, granting them sanction to organize cultural or musical shows and
write to embassies in their favour. The bureaucrats working in this field have
illegal relations with these people and help them to get through various hurdles.
All the fictitious papers are prepared with the help of bureaucrats. Bureaucrats
take considerable amount of money from these people. They being highly
educated and top ranking officers are not easy to identify although they are the
pillars of the unfortunate racket. Some of cases involving bureaucrats in human
trafficking have come into limelight. The Ministry for External Affairs (MEA)
had stripped a Special Secretary of the Indian Foreign Service, Rakesh Kumar
of his post for his alleged involvement in a human trafficking case. The charges
against Kumar relate to the time when he was Director General of the Indian
Council for Cultural Relations, which selects artists who represent the country
in official functions abroad. Kumar was accused of breaking the rules and
hurriedly selecting a bhangra troupe of 15 people, of whom nine disappeared on
arrival in Berlin. Reportedly, 9 members had paid him a huge sum of money for
sending them to Germany (Srivastva, 2006:4). In the other case, Delhi Police
arrested Sanjay Kaushik, a former employee in the US Embassy who worked as
a visa specialist in the late 1990s. Allegedly, he is considered as the master mind
behind a human trafficking racket in which 32 persons, including some of the
famous Punjabi artists, were arrested. Kaushik was arrested for facilitating the
granting of visas in an illegal manner (Indian Express, 8 November, 2003:3).
Besides, religious leaders are also involved in such unscrupulous activities.
While travelling to participate in religious seminars, conferences and
ceremonies organized by the Punjabi community living abroad, religious leaders
took some extra people as a part of their ragi and dhadi jathas who then stayed
back for naturalisation. For example, a Sikh priest, Giani Inderjit Singh reached
Canada using such modus operandi and is now a Canadian citizen. Hence, in a
few cases, this method has been adopted by the Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) priests. In 2001, five priests of the SGPC went
to Canada along with an official delegation of SGPC office-bearers for Baisakhi
celebrations in Vancouver, but they scooted and never returned (Singh, 2003:1).
More to the point, Punjabi singers, musicians and other artistes are
amassing huge wealth by indulging in the human trafficking business. A number
of Punjabi artistes are very popular and have a good reputation in Punjab as well
as in foreign countries. Punjabis well settled abroad in these foreign countries

JPS: 16:1 96
send invitations to them regularly to do cultural shows in the UK, U.S.A and
Canada. They are all already quite wealthy and have good social status, but the
enticement of getting even richer make them indulge in human trafficking. They
enroll the departing person as a member of their cultural troupe which they take
to affluent foreign countries and leave them there. From there, departed
candidates have to take responsibility to manage everything for themselves. In
the last few years, many Punjabi singers are reported to have indulging in
human trafficking. In 2003, a renowned Punjabi singer, Daler Mehndi was
alleged to have been behind a criminal outfit bringing illegal immigrants to the
United States and Canada under the guise of musicians and dancers for his
overseas shows after taking large amount of money from them (Singh, 2003:1).
In September 2004, Sukhi Brar, another famous Punjabi folk singer was singled
out for allegedly helping an upcoming singer-dancer Baljinder Kaur to reach the
United States. Further, on 19 October, 2007, Punjabi singer-couple, Balbir
Mann and Sunita Mann were booked by the Punjab Police in Sangrur in a
cheating case linked with human trafficking (Service, 2007:2).
Sports activities have also gradually developed as a preferred route in Punjab
to illegally move to affluent foreign countries. In fact, sports clubs are
flourishing in the Doaba region of Punjab on a large scale. Most of them
specialize in getting invites from friendly sports associations in Canada and the
US. These clubs send some people abroad for a hefty fee along with the genuine
team members. The most notorious incident of using sports as a vehicle for
human trafficking is the one where five girls, who were part of a 13-member
cricket team from Punjab, slipped away. Two girls returned to join the team, but
the rest are still untraceable (Rajta, 2007:17). The tour was organized by a
Jalandhar-based Lynex Club. In 2005, six rafters of Punjab Armed Police went
to participate in a tournament at AWOL in the United States while representing
the Indian Rafting Association and never returned to Punjab (Rajta, 2007:17). In
the same year, a grappler, Santokh Singh, went missing at the World Police
Games in Quebec, Canada. Earlier in 2004, a basketball player, Manpreet Singh
had disappeared in Canada. In August 2003, three handball players from a
school in Sangrur district did the vanishing act in Italy. Similarly, in 2006, 19
Kabaddi players went to participate in tournaments at the invitation of the
Ontario Sports Federation in Canada and stayed on there permanently (Rajta,
2007:17). There are numerous cases where members of hockey, football,
Kabaddi, volleyball, tug of war and wrestling teams who went to the USA and
Canada disappeared after reaching their destination.
Tracing the history of such operations, one finds that it was from about the
mid-80s that the Punjabi community living abroad, perhaps as a marker of their
newly acquired affluence, started sponsoring cultural and folk troupes, religious
groups and sports teams for participation in Baisakhi and Divali festivals.
Gradually, many of the enterprising promoters of these visits abroad thought of
using the platform for taking ‘foreign crazy’ people as a part of their delegations
on the payment of a hefty fee. Initially, those who were made members of the
troupe were given some lessons in folk, culture, or religious discourses so that
they could prove they were bona fide to the interviewing officials in the foreign

97 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
embassies. However, once the system was in place, the intake of ‘nonperformers’
or ‘sleeping performers’ started increasing and the racket began
spreading its tentacles (Singh, 2003:1). As a result, now every troupe or team
going abroad is suspected by the foreign missions in New Delhi and many of the
organizations have even been blacklisted (Singh, 2003:1). But even then, the
business of human trafficking is flourishing in Punjab. On the other hand, wiser
through experiences, foreign missions have started refusing visas to people
wanting to go abroad as special observers for international events, conferences
and seminars despite the recommendations made by even recognized Non-
Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and National Sports Federations (NSFs).
A large number of registered and unregistered travel agents operating in
Punjab are the major source of human trafficking. 3 These travel agents exploit
those wishing to go abroad. They advertise their travel agencies and make
unaccountable false promises to the candidates while not disclosing the
problems they would have to face travelling to their destination. They take huge
amount of money from them. The agents charge according to the destination
and status of the country to which candidates want to migrate. For example, for
migrating to the USA, Canada and UK, they charge higher rates compared to
the other affluent countries like Greece, Italy, and Germany etc. Agents have
their main offices in the major cities and have retained further agents based in
local towns and villages to approach and search for potential candidates.
Moreover, they give commission to the local agents. They have links with high
officials and politicians of the state and embassies who help them in obtaining
visas and making other arrangements in lieu of what they receive from the
agents. In a way, there is a large network of these agents at local, national and
international level which helps in running this business. These agents use
diverse modi operandi to traffic the candidates and continue to find new
methods to beat the immigration checks. As the detection of forgery in travel
documents has become easier, photo-replaced passports have given way to use
of valid passports and visas to reach countries close to the port of destination.
From there, people slip in via land or sea routes. A number of Punjabis set off
abroad using unfair means. They are helped by the agents who tamper passports
and clandestinely arrange visas without revealing the realities to these aspirants.
The situation is so grave that in 2005, in a small district of Kapurthala, 52 cases
were registered and 44 travel agents suspected of trafficking were arrested by
the Punjab police. Further, in the same year, the Punjab Police registered more
than 500 cases against travel agents with Jalandhar topping the list with 118
cases, followed by Kapurthala with 77, Hoshiarpur with 58, Ludhiana 60,
Patiala 38, Nawanshahr 26, Amritsar 18 and Barnala 15 (Kamal, 2006). In 2006,
755 illegal travel agents were arrested and more than 350 others had been
identified operating illegally in Jalandhar, Nawanshahr, Ludhiana, Kapurthala
and Hoshiarpur (Bharadwaj, 2007:3). The numbers of youth coming into the
clutches of travel agents are astronomical with many illegal migrants being
deported. In 2000, the Regional Passport Office (RPO), Jalandhar received
15,785 inquiries about people imprisoned abroad. The figure rose to 21,517 in
2001, 24,398 in 2002, 21,156 in 2003 and 19,101 in 2004 (Kamal, 2006).

JPS: 16:1 98
Despite all this, Punjabis are continuing to go abroad with the help of such
traffickers. There is a nexus between politicians, bureaucrats and travel agents
involved the human trafficking business. As a large number of travel agents and
bureaucrats enjoy political patronage it is difficult to take action against them.
In reality, numerous people including politicians, bureaucrats, artistes,
religious leaders, sports clubs and organizations and travel agencies are
involved in human trafficking in Punjab. The consent of trafficked persons is
also mixed-up with those involved in the business. Punjabis have been forced by
diverse circumstances to migrate, even through use of prohibited means.
Positions of vulnerability have been exploited by the people running the
business of human trafficking. Further, certain high profile persons are misusing
their power and position to run such a business and are using diverse methods to
traffic their clients to their transit or destination countries.
Pangs of Human Trafficking
Human trafficking has resulted in numerous emotional, financial and social
costs to the victims or ‘kabootars’. The success rate in trafficking is varied. In a
number of cases, by exploiting loopholes in the legal system of recipient
countries, they have been able to get legal shelter and citizenship. Whilst there,
by working hard, they have earned good amount of income. Hence, by sending a
large share of this income back to their families in Punjab, they have purchased
more property especially in the form of land and have constructed new big
houses called ‘kothis’. Such success stories, however, are seldom played up in
the media. But anyone living in Punjab is capable of observing this
development, an outcome of both legal migration and human trafficking. In this
context, the case of Surjit Singh is worth mentioning. He went to the USA
twenty-five years ago with the help of a human trafficker and settled there
permanently. Now he is a legal citizen there and has even been able to sponsor
his other family members from Punjab. Some of the family members still in
Punjab are enjoying a comfortable life due to the remittances sent by him. 4
Undoubtedly, this is the story of success of an illegal migrant or of the gains of
illegal migration and human trafficking for the trafficked person and his family.
However, on a large scale, human trafficking has negatively affected the
world by putting various lives into serious danger, including those of the
Punjabis. As Fortress Europe observes, at least 8,175 people have died along
the European frontiers due to this illegal business since 1988. Along with them,
2,755 were missing in the sea (Europe, 2007). In the Mediterranean Sea and the
Atlantic Ocean towards Spain, 6,027 persons died in the process of trafficking.
In the Sicily Channel 1,929 people died along the routes from Libya and Tunisia
to Malta and Italy, including 1,118 missing and 33 other people drowned sailing
from Algeria to Sardinia. Along the itinerary from Mauritania, Morocco and
Algeria towards Spain, through the Gibraltar Strait or off the Canary Islands, at
least 2,929 people died, including 1,206 who were missing. Then, 514 people
died in the Aegean Sea, between Turkey and Greece, including 252 missing.
Further, 474 people died in the Adriatic Sea between Albania, Montenegro and

99 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
Italy. The sea is crossed by being aboard makeshift boats. Sailing hidden inside
registered cargo vessels, 148 died by asphyxiation or drowning. In order to
reach the sea, the hazardous passage of the Sahara is obligatory. Many people,
in the process of trafficking, have crossed it on trucks and off-road vehicles
along the tracks between Sudan, Chad, Nigeria and Mali on the one side and
Libya and Algeria on the other. On this route, at least, 1,069 people have died.
Travelling stowaways in the trucks, 247 people were found dead in Albania,
France, Germany, Greece, Turkey, UK, Ireland, Italy, Holland, Spain and
Hungry. There are still mine-fields along the Evros River between the Greece-
Turkey borders where at least 88 people died over the mines trying to enter
Greece. Additionally, 51 persons drowned crossing rivers delimiting the frontier
between Croatia and Bosnia; Turkey and Greece; Slovakia and Austria; and
Slovenia and Italy. Likewise, 41 people froze to death in their track through the
icy mountains at the borders between Turkey, Greece and Slovakia; 20 died
under the trains in the Channel tunnel trying to reach England; 33 people were
shot dead by Spanish and Moroccan police or injured along the border fence of
the Ceuta and Melilla Spanish enclaves in Morocco; 11 people were burnt after
a deportation centre in Holland caught fire; another 11 people were killed by
Turkish, French and Yugoslav policemen; and 8 men were found dead hidden in
the undercarriages of planes (Enclyclopedia, 2007a and Daly, 2002:A4).
Among these causalities, the Punjabis have a large share. To date, more than
1800 Punjabis have died in this way (Service, 2007a:3). Many a times the
stories of Punjabis, of their failures in trafficking, leading to death, have
acquired screaming headlines in media. In an unsuccessful case, on 25
December, 1996, 170 youths from the Doaba region of Punjab were drowned in
the Malta-Sicily channel along with 88 Pakistanis and 149 Sri Lankan illegal
migrants. However, even after this tragedy, youth wishing to go abroad, by
whatever method available, did not change their mind. In an unsuccessful case,
on 18 May, 2001, two Punjabis - Karnail Singh and Gurmukh Singh - were
jailed for trying to traffic 12 illegal Indian migrants into Britain in the back of a
refrigerated metallic container packed with meat. These migrants were sitting,
wearing coats, on packs of chilled meat. These arrests had revived memories of
a gory incident which occurred on 20 June, 2000, in which 58 Chinese
stowaways were suffocated to death in an airtight truck of tomatoes at Dover in
the UK. In another case, on 29 March, 2001, 33 Indians were discovered by the
Czech Police hidden in a truck which was heading from the Lovosice Ro-La for
Germany. At that time, it was the largest ever group of refugees attempting to
cross over to Germany in a truck. Again, most of those arrested were Punjabis
(Singh, 2001:4).
In spite of traumatic experience, the craze for foreign shores has not abated.
Nowhere is the passion more pronounced than in the dollar-rich Doaba region,
which accounts for 1.3 million expatriates over in the last five decades. Doaba is
the focal point for well-entrenched travel agents who operate at the village level.
These agents are part of a multi-tier international smuggling racket with bases in
Delhi, Mumbai and abroad (Vinayak, 2002). The thought of living in an affluent
western country is so engraved in the minds of Punjabis that they do not even

JPS: 16:1 100
shy away from exploring the not so desirable routes to reach their favoured
destinations. In the process, some end up in jail or dead as happened with the
1996 Malta boat tragedy which still haunts the Punjabis (Kamal, 2006). Balwant
Singh Ramoowalia, a former Union Minster of India and President of the Lok
Bhalai Party, who has been raising the voice against unscrupulous travel agents
for several years, disclosed on 19 April, 2007, that 30,000 Punjabis are
languishing in jails abroad (Dhaliwal, 2007:3) and round about 1500 illegal
migrants have died in 20 countries (Press Trust of India, 2007:2). Out of the
thousands of Punjabis dumped by travel agents, nearly 400 are said to be in
various jails in Sri Lanka. Others are lodged in jails in Algeria, Ukraine, Mali,
Sudan, Malaysia, Thailand, Pakistan, Turkey, Morocco, Italy and Russia.
According to Ramoowalia, he visited Turkey, Pakistan, Italy, Thailand and
other countries to get them released. He succeeded in getting free 14 Punjabis
from Turkey, 31 from Pakistan, 70 from Italy and 100 from Thailand. Further,
around 80-90 Punjabis were released by Algeria and Morocco after intervention
by office-bearers of the Lok Bhalai Party in the United Kingdom. Likewise, 80
Punjabis were freed from Doha (Dhaliwal, 2007:3).
Thousands of trafficked people from India in general and Punjab in
particular are languishing in various jails, refugee homes and refugee camps in
Europe alone. The Czech and Slovakia are the latest transit points for illegal
migrants who after getting the political refugee status there, continue to pursue
their goal of getting into a more affluent country. Greece, Italy, and Austria are
the other favoured countries. Similarly, Mexico has become the ‘waiting room’
for illegal migrants trying to sneak into the USA. A report published in the
International Herald Tribune disclosed in 2001 that a visit to Mexico’s main
immigration detention centre was a glimpse into the globalization of trafficking
in people. Virtually 400 prisoners were being held there from 39 countries.
These included 86 from Ecuador, 84 from India, 26 from Cuba, 25 from China
and the rest from Albania, Russia, Ukraine, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Togo,
Yemen, Jordon, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh (Singh, 2001: 4).
The prospective candidates, carrying only rucksacks or backpacks, endure
squalid travelling conditions on way to their destinations. At times, they have to
criss-cross the countryside at night, through snow-clad hills and hostile terrain.
They even cross rivers and channels at the risk of getting swept away by the
strong currents (Gill, 2001:6). Sometimes, they get attacked by the wild
animals. They survive on just a few pieces of dry bread, bit of tea and water.
One such illegal migrant, Bhupinder Singh, of Cheema Khurd of Jalandhar
District narrated his experience of an illegal and horrible journey which was
arranged by a travel agent. He stated that he paid 7.70 lakh rupees to a travel
agent who took him to Delhi. There he was put up in a small hotel with a few
other persons harbouring similar ambitions. Then, he was put on a flight to
Moscow along with the other fellows. After reaching Moscow, they were locked
up in a room for eight days. From there, they were packed inside containertrucks
and crossed the border into Ukraine. They were asked to tear up their
passports in the jungle. Around 45 of them were shut inside the container and
the weather conditions were terrible and dreadful. As a result, their legs froze.

101 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
They spent 24 days in the dark and thick jungles. There was only very little food
to enable them survive. They drank off puddles to cross the border into
Slovakia, but the security forces opened fire. Although nobody was killed in the
firing, yet Bhupinder Singh along with his fellows-riders, was ‘hand-cuffed’,
‘fingerprinted’, ‘photographed’, ‘beaten up’ and thrown into a detention centre.
Following this, he was sent back to Ukraine. Later on, from there they were
deported back to India (Zaidi, 2007:8). Out of other victims of the fraudulent
travel agents, two other Punjabis, Tejdeep Singh from Tarntaran District of
Majha region and Sukhwinder Singh from Malwa region also shared their
unforgettable experience of an illegal journey for desirable destinations. Tejdeep
Singh paid a huge amount of money in 2002, for entry to France. The travel
agent did not provide him any details of his illegal journey. He was dropped on
the border of Poland. His illegal journey came to an end when he was caught by
the Polish security forces and deported back to India. 5 On the other hand,
through the help of a relative police officer in 2004, parents of Sukhwinder
Singh of Patiala, paid Rs. 5-6 lakh to the travel agent for sending their son to
Germany. Like Bhupinder Singh, Sukhwinder Singh was also taken first to
Tashkent and then to Ukraine by the travel agent. There, with eight other
persons, he stayed in a dirty house with poor accommodation. While travelling
to the next point, Sukhwinder Singh revealed that all of their belongings,
including their passports, clothes and small amounts of money were stolen by
somebody. Their Indian agent dropped them in a deep jungle where they
survived on a few pieces of bread in the absence of proper food. Before they
could shift to another place or cross the border towards their desired destination,
they were arrested by the Ukrainian Police. Sukhwinder and his colleagues
spent six months in jail in the Ukraine from where they were deported to
Moscow. From there they were only able to come back to India due to the
titanic efforts of Velantine, a women human right activist in Russia. During his
days of imprisonment, Sukhwinder’s parents contacted the travel agent many
times. The travel agent told a lie every time he was contacted. Sometimes he
said that their son has reached the Czech Republic or Slovakia and sometimes
he said he was somewhere else and/or that he is very close to his destination,
Germany. The travel agent never disclosed the information of Sukhwinder’s
imprisonment. When Sukhwinder arrived back home, he had fallen ill also. 6
After reaching their destinations, the illegal migrants are forced by the
circumstances to stay in cheap places and in groups (Singh, 2001:4). Illegal
immigrants do different types of work until they can obtain permanent
settlement. An illegal migrant, Harvinder Pal, who was deported back to India,
narrated his work experience in Italy. He said that prior to deportation, he spent
three months selling beer and soft drinks on a beach. He harvested fruits,
worked on construction sites and even made 300 chapattis a day for other illegal
workers from India (Swami, 2007:4).
Most of the illegal migrants consist of non-skilled persons. Hence, as with
Harvinder Pal Singh, they work as hawkers, agricultural workers, janitors, and
construction workers. At present, in US, there are more than 12 million illegal
migrants. Their number grows at the rate of half a million annually (Swami,

JPS: 16:1 102
2007:6). Europe has a figure of 4.5 to 8 million illegal migrants. These illegal
migrants have boosted the economies of recipient states. Without them, the
economy of the recipient countries would be hit hard. In the United States, a
quarter of all agricultural workers, one in five janitors and a seventh of the
construction workers were illegal migrants. Similarly, they contribute 7 to 16
percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) (Swami, 2007:6).
When illegal migrants are caught by police authorities, they are punished
according to the law of the land and also leads to deportation to the home
country. One such victim is Buta Singh of Bara Pind of Jalandhar District. He
went to Canada on a tourist visa, disappeared there and started working on a
petrol pump. Later on, he was traced by the Canadian Police and was sent back
to Punjab, India. 7 Beyond doubt, these illegal migrants breach the law of their
host country by making an illegal entry, by working without permits and
sometimes by falsifying documents including the passports of that country to
migrate the other destinations. On 20 April, 2007, the UK authorities held 6
Punjabis for possessing forged UK passports. All of them were seeking to fly to
Canada from Birmingham. Earlier, before making an attempt to Canada, they
had successfully made an illegal entry to the UK (Service, 2007b:1). The
beneficiaries of human trafficking are those who win protracted legal battles and
achieve legitimate legal right to permanent stay and work.
Although human trafficking is largely male dominated there have been cases
of some Punjabi women, trafficked abroad by unscrupulous traffickers with the
promise of lucrative jobs, who have been forced to work in the prostitution
industry (Thind, 2007:3). For example, more than 85 Punjabi young women
have been forced into prostitutes in Singapore alone (Editorial, 2007a: 8).
Another disturbing dimension is that a growing number of illegal migrants
had been recruited by the pro-Khalistan organizations in Europe to expand the
thin ranks of Khalistan terrorist groups based in Europe and Pakistan. For
example, Kuldeep Singh, a top activist of Paramjit Singh Panjwar’s Khalistan
Commando Force (KCF) was the resident of Chak Bamu village in the
Hoshiarpur district. He was one of the many young people from the area who
went abroad through illegal means in the early 1980s. He had no previous
record of terrorist sympathies. Indeed, Doaba youth largely distanced
themselves from the Khalistan movement to avoid police records that could
jeoparadise their prospects of emigrating legally, through marriage or through
the sponsorship of relatives. The travel agent who took Kuldeep Singh abroad,
did not take him far. And like other estimated 10,000 Punjabis living illegally in
Belgium, he ended up doing odd jobs in a pathetically poor way. At this point,
he along with another illegal immigrant, Pala Singh of Talwandi Dadiyan, met
Parsan Singh, President of the International Sikh Youth Federation (ISYF) of
Belgium. Parsan Singh convinced the two young men that their sole chance of
redemption lay in working for the cause of the Sikh community. On 10 June,
1996, Kuldeep Singh landed in Pakistan, using a fake passport acquired from
the flourishing underground market in travel documents. Sukhwinder Singh
from Phagwara and Surjeet Singh Behla, also from a village in Hoshiarpur
district flew with him to Pakistan and all three were received at the airport by

103 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
the Khalsa Commando Force (KCF) chief Nishan Singh. Pala Singh had arrived
at the camp in Lahore three months earlier. Eventually, a group of seven recruits
were sent to a camp on the Pak-Afghan border, where they were trained in the
use of assault rifles and automatic weapons as well as the fabrication of
improvised explosive devices. In early 1996, Kuldeep Singh was instructed by
Panjwar to make his way to India carrying explosive material, timer switches
and detonators. Kuldeep Singh became Punjab’s most wanted KCF terrorists
(Swami, 1997:4, 5).
Meanwhile, a number of illegal migrants apply for political asylum in the
host countries, especially in the UK, USA and Canada. They pleaded the
argument of discrimination, suppression, physical torture and other human
rights abuses by the Indian State against them. However, a refusal to give them
political asylum by the respective countries leads to their deportation
(Ramchandran, 2007). The available data shows that at least 5 Punjabis are
deported to India daily from the different countries. Moreover, since 2002,
10,165 Punjabis, residents of four districts of Doaba region - Jalandhar,
Hoshiarpur, Kapurthala and Nawanshahr - and three districts of Majha region -
Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Tarntaran - have been deported to India (Joshi,
2007:4). The data also reveals that in these seven districts, the number of
deported persons was 1,175 in 2002, 2,122 in 2003, 1,360 in 2004, 1,983 in
2005 and 2,266 in 2006 along with 650 in 2007 respectively (Joshi, 2007:7).
The deportation of illegal Punjabi migrants was the highest in 2006 in these
seven districts of Punjab. Besides, in 2007, till now, as the Regional Passport
Office (RPO) reveals, 650 Punjabis hailing from Majha and Doaba have been
deported (Joshi, 2007:4). Despite all this, demand for passports is growing
rapidly in Punjab. As Amarjeet Singh, Passport Officer of the Regional Passport
Office (RPO), Jalandhar, reveals, the concerned authorities issued about 2.1
lakh new passports in 2006. Interestingly, as he further reveals, people are also
lining up to apply a second or a third time. The number of applications for
passports in the category ‘lost’ or ‘damaged’ have increased significantly. In
2003 there were 4,540 such applications and in 2006, their number was 10,367.
The office detects at least 15-20 cases of applications for duplicate passports,
where people apply for a fresh passport without disclosing the fact that they
already have one (Zaidi, 2007:10).
A number of trafficked persons who, under different contexts, were deported
to India, now, have to face a more hard and tough life in terms of finance than
during the pre-trafficking period. They or their parents spent huge amounts of
money to send them abroad and this had to be financed somehow. Some of them
borrowed from private moneylenders on a high rate of interest, using their
houses, shops or farm land as collateral, others sold their land, hoping that after
earning money abroad, they will get rid of their debt. On return they have sunk
into indebtedness for their whole life. In the other words, they have a bleak and
depressing future, with exorbitant debt and the shame of inability to provide for
their families hanging over them. Four Punjabis, e. g., Ajay, Naresh, Sonu and
Mandeep had the same experiences. Ajay’s family pooled their jewellery and
mortgaged their home. Correspondingly, Naresh sold the Sugarcane farm, Sonu

JPS: 16:1 104
sold a Buffalo and his farm and Mandeep sold two toy stores to arrange the
money to go overseas. After facing extradition to India, now, they face a dark
future (Brothers, 2007).
As mentioned earlier, trafficked persons have also been major beneficiaries
where they have successfully acquired citizenship in their destination countries
and this enabling them to improve their financial status. But, in the majority of
cases, as the facts reveal, they have been cheated by the traffickers. Traffickers
have put them on treacherous and perilous voyages, which have ultimately led
to victims’ death, imprisonment, exploitation, deportation and indebtedness.
Human Trafficking, Parent States and Deterrent Mechanisms
All over the world, states have enacted various legislations and evolved
deterrent mechanisms to restrain the activities of traffickers. As India is a major
source as well as a destination of human trafficking, it enacted the Emigration
Act of 1983 to control these illegal activities. However, with the passage of
time, it proved sufficient to deal with the matter. After the Babubhai Katara
case, and exposure of some other parliamentarians’ involvement in human
trafficking, in 2007, the question was again discussed in the Indian Parliament.
There was talk of some appropriate action against the parliamentarians involved
in such criminal activities. Soon after the spotlight, the BJP suspended its MP
Babubhai Katara from the party membership. Moreover, the government of
India has initiated a move to amend the Emigration Act to curb such practices
by giving more teeth to the law. The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs has
decided to amend the 1983 law to regulate emigration and rein in unscrupulous
agents. It is believed that the amendment will provide harsher punishment for
those convicted of human trafficking, including an increase in minimum
imprisonment to five years from the current six months. The fine is also
proposed to be increased manifold from the present 1,000 rupees to 25,000
rupees. The main objective of the amendment is to curb the prevalence of
unauthorized recruiting agents by ensuring their registration and regulation. The
Bill provides a regulatory framework in respect of emigration of Indian workers
for employment abroad with the aim of safeguarding their interests and ensuring
their welfare. The intention is to make agents responsible for the recruitment of
every person sent abroad. The agents will have to provide reports to the
Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs every year which will form the basis for
renewal of their licences. The number of emigration clearances granted by the
Protector of Emigrants has increased from Rs. 2.79 lakh in 2001 to 5.49 lakh in
2005. Workers going abroad for jobs include skilled and unskilled persons and
remittances by them were to the tune of over Rs. 52,000 crore in 2005-2006.
The amendment Act is aimed at addressing an increasing number of complaints
about harassment and ill-treatment of Indian workers abroad. They are denied of
promised wages and food and lodged in inhuman conditions. Passports of
employees are seized by their employers as soon as they land in a particular
country and they are at the mercy of the employers (Press Trust of India,
2007:2). The proposed amendments in the Emigration Law of 1983 will

105 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
definitely help to check human trafficking and will make the agents responsible.
Since number of Punjabis going to different countries abroad is large they will
also benefit from the proposed changes in the emigration law. Besides, along
with the proposed amendment in Emigration Law of 1983, on 4 December,
2007, the Ministry of Women and Child Development launched ‘Ujjawala’, a
comprehensive scheme for the prevention of trafficking. It includes
rehabilitation and rescue of trafficked persons. It also aims at cutting entry
points to the illegal professions. The ‘Ujjawala’ was formulated and included in
the Eleventh Five Year Plan and Rs. 10 crore were sanctioned for 2007-08
(Sharma, 2007:15). It is believed that this scheme will be useful for the victims
of traffickers including Punjabis.
Earlier the Government of Punjab did not show any interest in tackling this
problem. But after the large number of cases of human trafficking reported in
the state, the arrest of Babubhai Katara while trying to take two Punjabis abroad
and the laudable efforts of Balwant Singh Ramoowalia, the Chief Minister of
Punjab, Prakash Singh Badal announced on 25 April, 2007 to appoint the
Additional Director General of Police (ADGP) to expeditiously deal with such
cases (Service, 2007c:1). He also ensured that fake advertisements given by
unscrupulous agents and immigration consultants would be severely dealt with
as per law and such cases would be settled within a strict time frame. A
mechanism would be evolved to prove the authenticity of such advertisements.
Moreover, an independent department of NRI Affairs would be set up to keep
an eye on illegal activities of travel agents (Bureau, 2007:2). Reportedly, the
Government of Punjab is also set to enact the Punjab Prevention of Human
Trafficking Act to arm the police with more powers to check illegal human
migration. Reports also reveal that the government of Punjab has prepared a
draft of the Bill. The Home and Justice Department of Punjab have already
whetted the draft which will be sent for approval of the Cabinet before it is
tabled in the Punjab Legislative Assembly. The Draft of Bill includes pecuniary
penalties and severe punishment for travel agents who defraud people on the
promise of sending them abroad through dubious means. Severe punishment
means the bigger the fraud or cheating committed by the agents, the longer
would be the imprisonment (Banergee, 2007:1, 5). The Bill also covers travel
agents who provide consultancy or guidance to different categories, including
people approaching agents for emigration, for obtaining higher education, for
working in a foreign country on a work permit or on contractual, professional
and business assignments, for a pleasure trip as a tourist, for medical treatment,
for cultural or musical shows, religious preachers and for participating in sports
tournaments. Issuing advertisements for travel to foreign countries or holding of
seminars or conferences to promote emigration are also covered as activity of
agents. To give some relief to the trafficked persons, ‘Punjab State Human
Trafficking Victim Relief Fund’ has been proposed to be constituted by the state
government. Any amount received from confiscation of illegally acquired
property of travel agents will go to this Fund. All agents have to be registered.
He/she will be issued an agent’s licence without which the government will not
allow any agent to function. The licence can be cancelled if the agent indulges

JPS: 16:1 106
in or abets, directly or indirectly, any act prejudicial to the interests of India or
contrary to government policy. An agent has to provide a bank guarantee or
pledge immovable assets worth Rs. 10 lakh. The police are empowered to carry
out searches, seizures and arrests. Any executive magistrate or a gazetted officer
of the police or any other department of the State Government can search the
premises where it is suspected that the agent could have hidden some documents
pertaining to the case. However, the searches would be carried out only during
the day. Any property acquired from the money accruing from this business is
liable for confiscation. Where the value of illegally acquired property or the
cheated amount is up to Rs. 5 lakh, the agent is liable to rigorous imprisonment
for two years or a fine which may extend to Rs. 50,000. However, in case an
agent cheats a person of Rs. 10 lakh, the imprisonment will extend up to five
years along with a fine of Rs. 1 lakh. Similarly, if the agent cheats a person of
an amount up to 50 lakh rupees, the imprisonment will be up to seven years and
a fine of 2 lakh rupees. If the cheating involves a sum in excess of 50 lakh
rupees, the prison term can extended up to 10 years and a fine of 5 lakh rupees.
If a travel agent holds back the passport of a person without any justification, he
has to face a fine extending up to 50,000 rupees.
Besides this, on various occasions the Punjab Government has raised the
issue og human trafficking with the Central Government. As a few recipient
states have initiated amnesty schemes for illegal migrants living on their
territory, numerous Punjabis are unable to get the benefit of such schemes due
the lack of relevant documents. Hence, in June, 2007, Prakash Singh Badal,
Chief Minister of Punjab, through an official letter, urged the Ministry for
External Affairs to advise the consulates and embassies in the other countries to
provide all the possible assistance to Punjabi immigrants, to avail the benefits of
amnesty schemes for regularising them in the recipient countries. A request was
also made to give them duplicate Indian passports so that they could avoid
prosecution by getting general amnesty (Ministry for External Affairs, 2007).
In brief, the Indian State is trying to suppress illegal migration and human
trafficking through legal measures and has launched a scheme to help the
victims including the Punjabis. At the same time, the Punjab government is also
taking some steps to check the illegal business of trafficking.
Destination Countries and Their Response
Most of the countries in Europe and North America are receipts of human
beings through trafficking. Approximately, more than 600,000 to 800,000
persons are trafficked annually worldwide, out of which 100, 000 to 500,000
persons are trafficked to Europe and 14,500 to 17,500 to the USA (Djanjsezian,
2005; Floor, 2006:23). As human trafficking has put the burden on land and
other resources of theses states, they have started to react against this trend.
Resistance to human trafficking is no doubt much stronger in the nation-states
of Europe than in countries that are built on immigration: the United States,
Canada, Australia and New Zealand. But even - or especially - Australia has
seen the emergence of both anti-immigration political parties asking for harsh

107 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
treatment of asylum seekers. A few countries, such as Australia, have adopted
strict policies vis-à-vis asylum seekers. The number of immigrants and refugees
that Australia admits has steadily declined. The government sternly refused to
accept asylum seekers on to the Australian territory. They became a test case for
the determination of a government to keep illegal immigrants out of the country.
A recent survey in New Zealand showed that a strong opinion believes that
there are ‘too many Asians’ in the country (Lintner, 2007). In the European
Union, the migration issues have recently dominated the political agenda. In a
significant move, in February 1997, the Council adopted a joint action to
combat the trafficking of human beings along with the sexual exploitation of
children. Moreover, in July 2002, the EU Council adopted a Framework
Decision on Combating Trafficking in Human Beings that defined common
guidelines for the jurisdiction, nature of offences, penalties and sanctions
pertaining to human trafficking. The EU is putting more emphasis on preventing
illegal immigrants and integrating existing immigrants in the host society. It has
also taken measures to return or deport refugees, including Punjabis, to India,
which is considered now safe for them (Indo-Asia News Service, 2007:10). The
European Union has also created a new agency, Frontex, to keep control on
human trafficking and illegal migration and police its frontiers more rigorously
(Naravane, 2007:24; Carrera, 2007:1-11; Carrera and Geyer, 2007:4). Likewise,
the British Crime Act, 2002, the Gangmasters (licensing) Act, 2004, the Serious
Organised Crime and Police Act, 2005 and Immigration, Asylum and
Nationality Act of 2006 also encompass various anti-trafficking and anti-illegal
migration provisions. The ‘Reflex’, a multi-agency taskforce on organised
immigration was established in 2004. In 2006, the formation of ‘Reflex’ was
followed by the creation of another anti-trafficking organization, ‘Serious and
Organised Crime Agency’, briefly known as, ‘SOCA’ (House of Lords, et. al.,
2006:39-42). Moreover, recently, under a new system of civil penalties, Britain
has announced to impose a penalty of up to £10,000 on employers hiring illegal
workers (Press Trust of India, 2007:10). All these steps had been taken by the
recipient/destination countries to prevent illegal migration and trafficking of
people including Punjabis to their territories. Besides, so far as the question of
illegal migration and trafficking of Punjabis is concerned, the recipient states
had also discussed it with the Indian as well as the Punjab government. Soon
after the UK High Commissioner to India, Sir Michael Arthur, declared India as
a ‘safe’ democratic country for all including its minorities. And, therefore, he
refused to consider cases of political asylum by the UK government in the
future. He also took up the issue of unscrupulous agents with the Chief Minister
of Punjab urging him to discourage illegal practice. He also cautioned the
Punjabis against ‘back-door’ migration to his country. While advising to adopt
legal methods, he said, “…it is easier to enter through the front door as we issue
about 1,000 visas to Indians every day. We have a visa application centre here
and people can utilize its services” (Singh, 2007:3).
In a nutshell, while trying to prevent illegal migration and human trafficking
to their respective territories, the destination countries have ratified and
formulated various special laws and created special agencies to police

JPS: 16:1 108
international borders. More to the point, destination countries have also put the
matter before the states and provinces including India and Punjab, which are the
major source of human trafficking.
Conclusion
To conclude, human trafficking, being an intractable problem worldwide, is
badly affecting the Indian Punjab which is a source as well as a destination.
Allurements of foreign land, cut-throat competition, dwindling employment
opportunities, crumbling of land holdings, opportunities offered by the
developed countries, and razzmatazz of NRI and cultural factors are the factors
behind the increasing tendency among the Punjabis to settle abroad by hook or
crook, contributing to provide a boom to the prohibited act of human trafficking
in Punjab. A number of actors such as politicians, bureaucrats, artistes, religious
leaders and organizations like sports clubs and travel agencies are earning huge
amounts in this business. These human traffickers have cheated, deceived and
exploited the Punjabi clients many times by hiding the realities, looting money
and putting their lives into jeopardy. Countless Punjabi clients have ended up
being deported and in indebtedness, imprisonment and death. Belatedly the
Indian and Punjab governments have taken certain steps to deal with the menace
of human trafficking and have launched a few schemes to provide relief to and
rehabilitation of the victims. The destination countries are acting in the same
manner. Efforts should be made to break the official and non-official nexus
involved in human trafficking. People should be educated about the risks
involved in human trafficking. A consensus based decision should be made by
all political parties to discourage entry of such persons into politics and highly
respectable democratic institutions like the Legislative Assembly and
Parliament. It is, therefore, necessary to take some harsh steps on the transborder
level as the illegal business of human trafficking is being run by transborder
international mafias. Ultimately unless the root causes which burgeon
human trafficking are not tackled, even the most rigorously policed frontiers
will be unable to check the invidious crimes.
Notes
1. In India, the job of a university or college teacher is considered a
reputed one. But, it has been found that many of the college and
university teachers are also eager to migrate to rich western countries
especially to ensure a safe and prosperous future for their kids.
Following this, 20-25 teachers of Guru Nanak Dev University,
Amritsar have migrated to these affluent countries especially to UK,
USA and Canada. Some of them have resigned from the University job
and the others have availed the leave without pay. In the foreign lands,
these teachers are doing small and hard jobs. Though, the teachers are

109 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
using legal channels, craze to go abroad among them is equal to that of
other Punjabis.
2. The analysis is based on the discussion with different people who are
eager to send their children abroad by hook or crook. Numerous cases
of illegal migration from rural Punjab also justify this observation and
analysis.
3. A few travel agents were interviewed in Amritsar, Jalandhar,
Hoshiarpur, Ludhiana and Patiala. None of them were ready to accept
their link or involvement in any type of illegal business including
human trafficking and illegal migration. Each of them claimed the use
of a legal, legitimate and a safe path. All of them were putting the
blame for human trafficking and illegal migration on their unknown
fellows. They have a common answer, “Bha ji asin taan ik number
vich bhejde han. Do number vich khatarnak tarike naal bhejan wale
hor han. Asin oh nahi haan” (Brother, we send the people abroad in a
legal way. People, who use illegal methods, will be other. We are not
those one).
4. An interview with Surjeet Singh and his family.
5. An interview with Tejdeep Singh.
6. These facts were disclosed, in an interview, by Sukhwinder Singh and
his parents.
7. An interview with Buta Singh.
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Tribune, 11 May.
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Columbia University Press.
Bhalla, Abhishek (2007), ‘Emigration Check For More MPs’, The Tribune,
22 April.
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DNA-India, 14 June.
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Human Trafficking’, The Tribune, 28 June.
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111 Suneel Kumar: Human Trafficking
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113 Research Note
Research Note
Indian Punjab: A Practical Way Forward from
Theoretical Constructs
Jaswinder Brar
Punjabi University, Patiala
Development flows from systemic, well researched and practical ideas. The
economic literature, both in its theoretical and empirical spectrums, has
produced extremely worthwhile developmental ideas on a regular basis.
International trade, since its inception as higher level of economic activity, has
continuously been subject to tight and terse research scrutiny. The emergent
input has played a critical role in the formation of countries’ expectations from
trade. External trade occupies a central place in the determination of overall
economic policies. Growth theorists assert that best way of economically
classifying countries lies in their fundamental approach to foreign trade. So
trade policy literature classifies countries on the basis of their foreign trade
regimes: autarkic, mercantilists, protectionists, second best regionalists, or free
trade globalists.
Explanation for patterns of trade continues to absorb great deal of research.
The trade theory remained in its pure competition and specific mould (Smith,
Ricardo, and Heckscher-Ohlin) for a long period. 1 It provides a robust
explanation for trade patterns and gains from trade. The pure theory of trade
provides theoretically the strongest justification for role of foreign trade in
economies. It had exploded mercantilist view of foreign trade almost on a
permanent basis. It strengthened the belief of policy makers in growthstimulating
power of foreign trade. The rationale for free trade, in all its
variants, comes from pure theory’s basic formulations.
The formidable challenge to pure theory of trade built up with increasing
intensity of trade in manufactured goods among similar countries. The quest for
suitable explanations for trade patterns containing intra-industry trade led to
further theoretical explorations. The theory has responded by basically
following two routes: first, by relaxing, modifying, or qualifying some or all of
assumptions of pure theory; secondly, by incorporating additional assumptions
and features from research in other sub-disciplines of economics. Consequently,
contributions to understanding of trade patterns poured in from divergent type
of frameworks within neo-classical settings. 2 Noticeably, almost all theoretical
constructs accord critical role to human capital in growth, trade patterns, and
comparative advantages. The famous Leontief paradox (1953) found its ultimate
settlement in a human capital version. And, it was proved that United States’
exportables were more capital-intensive than other trading countries. 3

JPS: 16:1 114
The relaxation of what are called unrealistic assumptions of pure theory
paved the way for its extension into many directions. The dimension added to
theory was the explanation of trade patterns by incorporating the assumption of
strong relationship between level of development and demand patterns. It is held
that higher level of development stimulates demand for sophisticated products
and, thereby, increases demand for advanced production technologies. High
intensity of trade in manufactured commodities among similar countries was
attributed, among other things, to the availability and utilization of human skills
which are necessary to use advance technologies (Dhesi, 1977). The difference
in use of advanced technologies among various regions becomes the basis for
differential development of comparative advantages (Salvatore, 2001).
Trade models dealt with trade patterns by explicitly incorporating solid
features pertaining to imperfect market behavior. The features which were
examined rigorously include: product differentiation, scale economies,
technological progress, demand and factor reversal, R&D activities,
innovations, market structure, logic of mass production, preference for
consumption diversity, strategic behavior, role of subsidies, taxes and tariffs,
etc. The consolidated body of literature highlights critical relationships among
economic variables and hence various markets. The stage of general
development exercises strong influence on relative intensity of factor-use by
firms competing for global market shares. Firms with more market power
happen to be high on human capital embedded in products. Importance of
human capital in formulations of trade patterns increases during mature stage of
the economy’s development. Trade promotes market by advancing
specialization which changes factor efficiencies and factor rewards. Factor
substitution following market signals impacts their demand and supply in factor
markets with strong implication for technological progress. The countries and
industries with higher R&D activity become market leaders. Therefore,
utilization of human capital is as important as that of its formation. It was
established that export performance based on R&D intensive industries indicate
the efficient utilization of higher level manpower (Dhesi, 1979).
Krugman (Nobel Laureate, 2008) contributed to the understanding by
combining vital elements of theories of economic geography and trade
(Krugman, 1979). New ‘geo-trade theory’ establishes that regions with higher
production will be more profitable and attract more production. There would be
a tendency for general concentration of production in some locations over
others. Locations with more production will manifest higher population density
along with higher income. Location bound increasing returns to scale will act as
an effective check on the diffusion of production. Thus, patterns of trade will
maintain affinity with geographical particularities of the regions inter alia factor
endowments (Krugman, 2000).
Punjab had experienced higher rate of growth (between 6 and 7 per cent) for
about two and a half decades (till 1990) with advent of green revolution during
mid 1960s. It resulted from vigorous state intervention involving high public
investment in irrigation, credit provisioning, public purchase systems, support
prices, newer seeds, and changes in agrarian institutions, etc. All this was the

115 Research Note
result of a national level growth strategy which meticulously sensed
comparatively better placing of the state in agriculture. The region has shown
quick results in crop sector with smaller investment. Livestock has emerged as
the second largest sector after agriculture within primary sector. The
manufacturing sector is confined to a narrow product range consisting of large
number of small scale units set up in an ancillary and informal mode. The sector
operates under family ownership or sub-professional management with limited
stock of capital, lower technology, utilizing unskilled and semi-skilled family
and hired labour. It essentially caters towards the lower or medium segment of
the market by producing intermediate and final goods on basis of subcontracting.
The sector made good fortune by enjoying, for about four decades,
two fold advantages: first, small scale sector favoring subsidy and reservationcum-protectionist
policies of home country; and, secondly, exporting to
formerly Soviet-Union and associated markets under the then prevalent
bilateralism of rupee trade.
The economy of the Punjab state experienced structural transformation with
change in relative production contribution of different sectors. Gradually,
proportionate share of primary sector declined and fell to 38 per cent and that of
service sector went up and touched 40 per cent. The share of the manufacturing
sector shows inter-temporal constancy and hovers around 22 per cent. It means
60 per cent of state income originated from the goods producing sector and 40
per cent from service sector during 2005-06. It implies that the state owes 62 per
cent of its income to non-primary sector. The employment structure, however,
demonstrated less resilience as the dominant form of work force is stationed in
agriculture. The state could not make any noticeable improvement in the rural
non-farm sector. The labour force composition of the state changed due to outmigration
(mainly to Europe and North America) and in-migration (mainly from
Central India). A good sized middle class came up in rural and urban areas. The
state recorded higher level of urbanization relative to the rest of the country. At
present, almost every third resident falls in category of urban dwellers.
The state experienced high growth and associated changes under national
level protectionist macroeconomic regime. But, national economic policy has
undergone drastic change under economic reforms of the last one and half
decades. National economic reforms in essence are based upon three processes,
viz. privatization, liberalization and globalization. Importantly, national
economy experienced unprecedented high growth during reform period. But,
economic growth in the state has decelerated both in inter-temporal and national
context. The overall standing of the Punjab state economy in national economy
registered a decline. The share of overall income of the state in national income
declined from 3.81 per cent in 1999-00 to 3.22 per cent in 2005-06(ES, 2007-
08). The state got just 0.68 per cent (i.e. Rs. 1968 crore) of cumulative foreign
direct investment received by the country during 1991 to 2003(EPW,
2003:4499). Similarly, the share of the state in total national exports was 1.70
per cent (i.e. US $ 2148 million) in 2006-07(ES, 2007-08). The agricultural
sector of the state has been losing vibrancy because of growing ecological
problems, falling size of operational holdings, increasing costs, unattractive

JPS: 16:1 116
returns, squeezing of public investment, mono cropping pattern, collapse of
agricultural extension services and slowing down of public funded research
activity. The Punjab state slipped from its long held position as leader with the
highest per capita income in the country to that of fifth during 2005-06.
The lackluster performance of the state resulted from complex inter play of
multitude of factors. The long spell of militancy during the eighties has turned
development oriented administration into routine administration. The
institutional network in education, health, rural development, water supply, cooperation,
and social welfare weakened because of fragile resource backing and
non-functionality of the monitoring apparatus. The political process in the state,
though functionally stable, has actually been embroiled in populism, mutual
animosity and factionalism. The political community has developed a vested
interest in privately promoting lucrative activities. It has made the regulatory
mechanism redundant and crippled the will and capacity of the state to mobilize
additional resources. Poor governance has subverted the meritorious decision
making process. The state organs throw a clear signal that economic field is
‘free for manipulators’. The state apparatus has lost its face as repository of
public trust because of lack of transparency and accountability in matters dear to
the public. The private participation in an unregulated and corruption ridden
environment has not improved the quality of basic services. The non-functional
state sector and unregulated private sector ended up in excluding masses from
quality education (Ghuman et al, 2009) and health care (Gill et al, 2007). During
1999-00, the educational base of the workforce of the state was low as follows:
illiterate (33.50 per cent); primary level education (22.10 per cent); middle level
education (13 per cent); secondary and above (31.50 per cent) (Chadha, 2004).
Similarly, health indicators too present a dismal picture (Brar, 2002).The state
has lost its competitive edge because of the qualitatively hollow physical and
social infrastructure.
The influential sections of society rely upon the private sector for all sorts of
requirements. The state machinery virtually has no interest and compulsion to
improve the quality of public goods and services. The urban infrastructure is
under stress. Lack of natural developmental advantages further aggravates the
situation. The state being land locked in character, lies about a thousand miles
away from sea ports. It, practically, does not have any commercially useable
natural base of resources. The border hostility between India with Pakistan has
inflicted tremendous costs. The state is not able to fully exploit its trade
potential with that country in the form of border trade. It has deprived the state
from all those direct and peripheral advantages which naturally accrues to a
territory being located on an international trade route. The growth in the state
slowed down with the change in the economic environment and is highly
damaging. The slow down period accompanied the educational neglect. From
1992-93 to 2007-08, share of the education budget in overall state budget
declined from 16.52 per cent to 11.40 per cent; and in state income from 2.88
per cent to 2.31 per cent (Bajwa, 2009).
The state has in all means shown greater operational incompetence in
specifying its new role in a market driven environment. Political decision-

117 Research Note
making appears to be happening in a casual and haphazard manner. The
incapacitated politico-administrative system of the state fails to acknowledge,
appreciate, absorb and put to use the new ideas generated in economic research.
New trade and growth theory contains significant policy import for regions such
as Punjab which strive for industrialization. Economic doctrine based on market
structures and trade patterns show that economic activities grow in any region
on the basis of comparative advantages; inherent, natural or acquired. The
advantages are dynamic in character and shift across countries, sectors,
industries and firms. The advantages, by interacting with economic
environment, take the form of competitive advantages and ultimately that of
growth drivers. The identification, adaptation, improvement, and building up of
comparative advantage are factors of paramount importance in industrialization.
The co-movement of new trade theory and endogenous growth theory has
singled out human capital as the most important and crucial factor of
production. It has been filtered out as the great transforming force with
enormous benefits to individual, household, economy, society, and polity. The
experience of East-Asian countries is the latest living testimony to the
transforming power of human capital. Trade patterns of these countries changed
beyond recognition. Traditional exports were replaced with upgraded high-tech
exports. New trade theory puts forward an explanation for these high tech trade
patterns to strong investment in human capital, R&D activities, product
development, and innovations, etc. Economic success stories prove that a
deficiency pertaining to any sort of factor-endowments in any region could be
more than adequately compensated by generating human capital. The
availability of quality human capital in any region attracts economic activities
and hence concentration of production. The message comes clear from
collective reading of theory of ‘geo-trade’, new trade models, high tech trade
patterns and new growth formulations. The overall context of the state demands
better governance with a central thrust towards formation and utilization of
human capital. It is the only natural option available for the state towards the
revitalization of the economy and by providing necessary dynamism, diversity
and sophistication.
Notes
1. The period in specific was 1776 to 1933; see Soderston and Reed
(1994).
2. The new trade models incorporate: market imperfections, new
industrial economics, new growth theory, and political economy
arguments, see Deraniyagala and Fine (2001).
3. For criticality of human capital in trade patterns, see Salvatore (2001).
References
Bajwa, A. K. (2009) Education Budget of Punjab: Its Composition, Spatial
Distribution, and Equity Considerations, M.Phil Thesis, Department of
Economics, Punjabi University, Patiala.

JPS: 16:1 118
Brar, J. S. (2002) ‘Basic Education, Health Care and Economic Growth in
Punjab: Achievements, Gaps and Imbalances’, Man and Development,
Vol. 24 (1), pp 51-63.
Chadha, G. K. (2004) ‘Human Capital Base of Labour Force: Identifying Worry
Spots’, The Indian Journal of Labour Economics, Vol. 47 (1), pp. 3-38.
Deraniyagala, S. and B. Fine (2001) ‘New Trade Theory versus Old Trade
Theory: A Continuing Enigma’, Cambridge Journal of Economics,
Vol. 25, pp.809-825.
Dhesi, A.S. (1977); ‘Theory of Comparative Costs and the Level of
Development: Some Extensions’, The Indian Journal of Economics,
Vol. 58(229), pp. 171-182.
Dhesi, A.S. (1979) Human Capital Formation and Its Utilization, Sterling
Publishers, Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi
EPW (2003) ‘Current Statistics, Foreign Investment Approvals and Actuals: A
Profile’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38(43), p. 4499.
ES (2007-08) Economic Survey, Govt. of India, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi
Ghuman, R.S., Sukhwinder Singh and J.S. Brar (2009); Professional Education
in Punjab: Exclusion of Rural Students, Publication Bureau, Punjabi
University, Patiala
Gill, S.S., Sukhwinder Singh and J.S. Brar (2007) Globalization and Indian
State: A Study of Delivery of Education, Health, and Agricultural
Extension Services, Project Report submitted to National Foundation
for India, New Delhi
Krugman, P (1979) ‘Increasing Returns, Monopolistic Competition, and
International Trade’, Journal of International Economics, Vol. 9,
pp.469-479
Krugman, P. (2000) Geography and Trade, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA
Salvatore, D. (2001) International Economics, John Wiley & Sons, Singapore
Soderston BO and G.Reed (1994) International Economics, Macmillan, London

119
Book Reviews
Book Reviews
Contents of Vol. 16 No. 1
Ravinder Kaur, Since 1947. Partition Narratives among Punjabi Migrants of Delhi by
Shalini Sharma
Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan by Ilyas Chattha
Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan by Ilyas
Chattha
Sheema Majeed (ed.), Coming Back Home: Selected Articles, Editorials, and Interviews
of Faiz Ahmed Faiz by Christopher Shackle
Baba Gurdit Singh, Voyage of Komagata Maru: Or India’s Slavery Abroad; Baba Gurdit
Singh, Zulmi Katha; Report of the Komagatu Maru Committee of Inquiry and Some
Further Documents and Darshan Singh Tatla with Mandeep K Tatla, Sardar Gurdit
Singh ‘Komagata Maru’: A Short Biography by Hugh Johnston
Meeto (Kamaljit Bhasin-Malik), Introduction by Kumkum Sangari, In the Making:
Identity Formation in South Asia by Pippa Virdee
Nidar Singh Nihang and Parmjit Singh, In the Master’s Presence: The Sikhs of
Hazoor Sahib volume 1: History by Louis E. Fenech
M.Y. Effendi, Punjab Cavalry: Evolution, Role, Organisation and Tactical Doctrine, 11 th
Cavalry (Frontier Force), by Brian Cloughley
Michael H. Fisher, Shompa Lahiri and Shinder Thandi, A South-Asian History of Britain
by Pippa Virdee
Autar S. Dhesi and Gurmail Singh (eds), Rural Development in Punjab: A Success Story
Going Astray by Ranjit S. Ghuman
H. Malik and Y. V. Gankovsky (eds), The Encyclopaedia of Pakistan by Kaveri Harris
Gautam Malkani, Londonstani by Bill Gent

121 Book Reviews
Ravinder Kaur, Since 1947. Partition Narratives among Punjabi Migrants of
Delhi, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007) vii + 277 pp. (hb) Rs.910. ISBN-
13: 978-0-19-568377-6 and ISBN10:0195683773.
Born of Punjabi parents who migrated from Lahore and Rawalpindi in 1947 and
then from Delhi in the 1960s, I have grown up hearing stories of how my family
lived through Partition and built their future in the period that followed it. These
are the types of stories that Ravinder Kaur sets out to elucidate in her book, Since
1947. Her ethnographic investigation looks at the interaction between the Indian
state and Punjabi refugees in Delhi until 1965, the year the Ministry of
Rehabilitation was finally shut. The book sets out to question the master narrative
of Partition. This master narrative is not, as might be expected, simply the official
public memory constructed and reinforced by the state. Rather, it is the most
popular and enduring narrative of Partition rehabilitation, a narrative which
actually diminishes the agency of the state in the whole account. It is the story of
the hardworking and enterprising Punjabis who arrived in Delhi, fresh from the
trauma of Partition, and energetically set about transforming their uprooted and
dilapidated position to one of economic success. They seemingly lifted
themselves out of homelessness and economic hardship through their shared
Punjabi traits of strength and tenacity. There are many variations of this narrative
including the equally popular disgust at the ‘Punjabification’ of Delhi aired amid
the chattering classes of the capital, but as a narrative of the rehabilitation of
refugees it is widely held and unquestioned.
Kaur’s work challenges this narrative, using government records of the
rehabilitation process and a number of unstructured interviews of people who
experienced it first hand. In her view this methodology is vital to ensure that
many of the blind spots within the master narrative, hitherto neglected by
historians and social commentators alike, are exposed. She posits her challenge
not only through the voices of groups marginal to the master narrative, such as
widows inhabiting a widow’s colony in post-Partition Delhi and the hard-to-find
life stories of dalit families who had travelled across the border and settled in the
capital, but also from the experiences of high caste and elite refugees. Of the
elites, she finds that they were not suddenly displaced but planned their move in
advance. They were thus able to rescue their businesses, property and valuables
and secure their new homes and livelihoods before the huge caravans of the
displaced arrived in Delhi. Indeed many of this class travelled by air, an image
that sits awkwardly with how Partition is remembered.
Of those in the caravans, she further uncovers the uncomfortable fact that her
correspondents rarely alluded to the fact that they received government help, in
the form of land, loans or job reservation even though they patently did. She also
relates how many of her interviewees would not call themselves refugees unless
the identity accrued some sort of economic benefit.
Ravinder Kaur’s work opens up a number of questions that cry out to be

JPS 16.1 122
explored. How was the new Indian state defining citizenship during these years?
It became the owner of a number of evacuee properties and arbitrarily decided
how and to whom these resources were allocated. What was the basis for these
decisions? What was the social role of the state? Her investigation shows how
refugee widows were housed in a separate colony, protected by barbed wire and
vigilant security, allowed no male visitors and encouraged to work and share
their childcare. These deliberate measures illustrate the extent and reach of the
new state. Her analysis draws parallels between the social role adopted by the
state and Hindu norms which cast widows outside the pale of society. As
traditional family structures could not provide refuge for their widows during
Partition, the state stepped in, took over and maintained social norms. When it
came to different caste groups, she describes how her initial attempts to extract
information from dalit refugees ended in frustration. This, for her, testifies to the
dominance of the master narrative maintained by dalits and Brahmins alike. As
Kaur shows, this paucity of information in itself reveals a huge gap in any history
of the post-Partition resettlement.
Kaur goes on to describe the process though which these refugees became
locals in Delhi, or how Delhi, for them, became home. She points to the
differences between the experience of those who migrated to Karachi and those
who ended up in Delhi in 1947. Sixty years after Partition, the Karachi settlers
are still seen as outsiders and a separate political entity. However, in Kaur’s
opinion, Punjabi refugees did not identify themselves as a separate political
group of outsiders but actively got involved in local and national politics from
early on, as member of Congress or the Jan Sangh alike. Their adoption of
refugee identity was, according to Kaur, strategic, taken up when useful and
dropped when not.
Because of the agency she gives the refugee, and her work to address the
complicated role of the state, she delivers a nuanced account of Delhi and the
experience of its inhabitants, old and new, in this period. The picture of the
refugees that emerges is far removed from the familiar one of hapless victims
who built their future through struggle and strife. That story was only partially
true, crucially neglecting the experiences of many others, some of whom had
benefited from the state, and others who had shown traits of ‘corruption,
nepotism and irregularities’ (p.63), to achieve effective rehabilitation.
This work, hopefully the first of many publications that challenge notions of
how the refugees of West Punjab became citizens of India, how the new Indian
state dealt with different groups and how certain narratives acquired dominance
in the historiography of Partition, is vital. It has opened up a series of enquiries
on the place of the Punjabi refugee in Delhi, crucial to any understanding of the
recent history of North India.
Shalini Sharma
University of Keele

123 Book Reviews
Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia
Partnership Pakistan, 2008), 216 pp, no ISBN (hb) Rs 300.
The sixtieth anniversary of Pakistan was an appropriate time to write a history of
the state. Tahir Kamran has done a good job by writing Democracy and
Governance in Pakistan. The usual study of Pakistan always begins with a linear
progression from the creation of Pakistan to the foundation of the Muslim
League in 1906, or in many cases, to the separatist politics of Syed Ahmad Khan
in the late nineteenth century that led to the demand for a separate state for the
majority Muslim areas of the Indian subcontinent. Democracy and Governance
in Pakistan extends the focus into the post-independence period with a
discussion of the ascendency of civil-military bureaucracy as a power-centre in
the governance of Pakistan.
Kamran has tried to address the important question of why democratic
institutions could not flourish in Pakistan while they could do so in India. Prior
to independence, areas of what is now Pakistan were the recruiting ground of the
British army, and the landed gentry of Punjab was at the forefront supplying
Punjabi soldiers for the world wars. So there was already a nexus between the
military and the landed elite before the creation of Pakistan. This link not only
continued in the post-1947 period but got strengthened after the assassination of
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in 1951. Another interesting point raised by the
author concerns the Muslim League leadership’s reluctance to go for the general
elections. Most of the politicians of the party were from the United Provinces
(UP) or those parts of the subcontinent that became part of India. The result was
that after independence the central Muslim League leadership found itself totally
deprived of its electoral base. Pakistan, unlike its neighbour India, did not hold
its first general election, based on adult franchise, until nearly 25 years after the
state had been created.
The second chapter, which is entitled ‘The Era of Praetorianism 1958-71’,
pays particular attention to the ‘centripetal forces’ that shaped this key period.
This crucial chapter covers familiar ground with a discussion of the rise of civilmilitary
bureaucracy as a power-centre which culminated in the Ayub coup in
1958. In particular, Kamran argues, the people of Pakistan were ‘virtually sick
and tired of the ineptness of the politicians…Therefore people heaved a sigh of
relief when Martial law was enforced’ (p.63). The third chapter of the book, ‘The
Era of Populism Zulfi Bhutto’, examines a range of the PPP Government’s
polices and performances from 1971-1977. The author sees Zulfikar Bhutto’s
period as authoritarian rule, similar to his military predecessors’. Bhutto ‘loathed
dissent like any other autocrat of the third world countries’. Such a powerobsessed
attitude, Kamran pinpoints, was ‘the main cause’ for Bhutto’s ‘exit
from power and eventual tumbling out of this world in 1979’ (p.97). In the next
fascinating chapter, entitled ‘Third Man on Horseback Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’,
the author argues how, after ‘popular unrest’, Zia took over the control of the
country on 5 July 1977 in a military coup. Here, once again, the familiar forces

JPS 16.1 124
of Praetorians re-surfaced with a bang that lasted for no less than eleven years. A
recurrent theme throughout the book is the important role of the ‘establishment’
in the political affairs of Pakistan.
Although President Zia introduced the Islamization programme for selfperpetuation,
in many ways his international standing greatly rose after the
declaration of jihad against the Soviet Union invaders in Afghanistan in 1979.
Chapter five of the book, ‘The Rule of Troika in the Name of Democracy 1988-
1999’, discusses the main events and aspects of both Benazir Bhutto’s and
Nawaz Sharif’s successive governments. The final chapter, ‘The Bonapartism
Re-Visited: Musharraf Ruling the Roots’, points to the salient features of the
Musharraf regime from 1999-2007. Kamran argues the army ruler ‘was the
kingpin in the system’ and legislative bodies were merely a ‘plaything in his
authoritarian hands’ (p.205). President Musharraf sided with the war on terror
against the Taliban government in Afghanistan after ‘an ultimatum’ and ‘threats’
from the US.
Democracy and Governance in Pakistan is a significant contribution to the
understanding of the political economy with its discussion of the complicated
issues and relations of civil bureaucracy, the landed elite and the army. It gives
brief biographies of the leading figures and then describes the main socioeconomic
and political development which occurred in Pakistan from 1947-
2007. The crux of Kamran’s work lies in his unreservedly adopted black and
white approach to Pakistan’s ruling elites. For a historian, it relies too heavily on
secondary sources; however it does utilise an extensive range of sources and
shows that the author has a very good command of the existing literature on the
subject. Kamran aptly builds upon the work of other scholars; the theme of the
book is clear throughout and it is well-written, although the use of pretentious
jargon is frequent. There are minor cavils; most unfortunately on page 184 where
60 years of Pakistan’s history is rendered 53 years; instead Democracy and
Governance in Pakistan was published much more recently, in 2008.
The book is a laudable piece of work on Pakistan’s post-independence
developments and is sure to enlighten and entertain a general readership in
Pakistan. One of the book’s strengths is indeed Kamran’s ability to converge
Pakistan’s more recent volatile history with the predominance of the bureaucracy
and the military in the governance of Pakistan. However, fresh sources could
have been deployed to enhance the existing analysis. There is still no equivalent
for Pakistan’s political history by Professor Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A Modern
History (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005) which still remains the concise but
authoritative study on the subject. Nevertheless, Kamran’s book is a useful piece
of work, which contains much valuable information and offers important
observations about Pakistan’s post-independence politics which will be of
interest to students of Pakistan studies and comparative politics.
Ilyas Chattha
University of Southampton

125 Book Reviews
Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, (New
Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007) xxv + 251 pp. ISBN:
978030012078-3, £19.99.
More than six decades after it happened, the Partition of India in August 1947
into the sovereign states of India and Pakistan continues to fascinate historians.
The division of territory was accompanied by an incredible displacement of
people. For a long time the popular historiography of the Partition was
dominated by accounts of the high level decision making in 1947, concentrating
on why it happened and who was primarily responsible. Recently, the new
interest in Partition has been more sensitive to the aftermath and the human
dimension of the divide rather than the political history of the closing years of
the colonial era. Published to coincide with the sixtieth anniversary of Partition,
The Great Partition provides an insightful analysis of the endgame of the empire
between 1945 and 1947 and elucidates the horror witnessed by millions in 1947
in the making of India and Pakistan. Drawing upon a range of oral sources,
archival records and newspaper extracts, Yasmin Khan has painstakingly
produced a valuable reappraisal of the great Partition, conflating the differential
experience of individuals with the history of nations and their high politics.
Khan begins by attempting to situate the shadow of World War Two in a
larger political context before leading us into the story of Partition. She
highlights there was nothing ‘inevitable’ or pre-planned about Partition and
nobody really imagined at the end of World War Two ‘half a million people or
more’ were going to die. She draws attention to the ‘regional variations’ of
events in 1947 and argues that ‘Each riot had its own causes and could be written
about individually’. The violence in 1947 was not the logical outcome of
previous conflict. She notes the differences between Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs
and how they took ‘a very long jump from a sense of difference or lack of social
cohesion, to mass slaughter and rape’. Khan has painstakingly attempted to focus
on a broader canvas rather than judging the limit of Partition in the worstafflicted
centres of Punjab and Bengal. In part it seems this is because she feels
that, ‘Partition went far beyond the pinpointed zones of Punjab and Bengal and
caught up people in hundreds or thousands of towns and villages in numerous
ways’.
Khan states that all the major players failed to foresee the far-reaching
consequences linked with the Partition. She notes that the 3 June Partition Plan
exacerbated the uncertainty and at the end went ‘catastrophically wrong’.
Furthermore, she condemns how the British policy-makers executed the Partition
Plan in a ‘shoddy’ manner and shifted the responsibility for dousing disturbances
to the nascent dominions. The belief in dividing intensified the communal split
and accelerated the preparation for war. Just as territory was being partitioned
along religious lines, so too were troops, policemen, railwaymen and
communities. The Partition-related violence was different from earlier episodes

JPS 16.1 126
in both intensity and causes. As Khan writes, ‘By August all the ingredients were
in place for ethnic cleansing in Punjab’. The violence was politically rather than
culturally and religiously rooted. There was a host of culpable people involved,
ranging from the fundamentalists on both sides, to unscrupulous politicians,
officials, soldiers and policemen. The violence was designed to eliminate and
drive out the opposing ethnic group while forging a new moral community. She
equally blames Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs for the 1947 ‘ethnic cleansing in
Punjab’ and highlights that the committed nationalists became the principal
perpetrators.
The Great Partition also provides an incisive analysis of the differing
experiences of elite and subaltern classes that were entangled in Partition’s
miseries. The tragic aspects of individual refugee experience were linked with
the great national cause and presented with single-dimensional rendering of the
past. In the Indian case, the suffering of refugees was viewed as a ‘manifestation
of Partition’s callousness’, which was conflated with the creation of Pakistan,
whereas in the Pakistani case, the refugees were represented as ‘sacrificial
martyrs’ to the cost of Pakistan’s freedom.
Khan takes the 1947 Partition as a ‘living history’ rather than a historical
event located in the past. Its repercussions continue to resound today. It crops up
repeatedly in a torrent of published memories, cinematic and fictional accounts.
It is preserved inside family homes by women and men, many of whom live
alongside memories of terrible trauma, which are retold and passed on to
descendants. Such memories and histories of Partition continue to reinforce and
have a direct bearing on how each neighbour perceives the other. Khan asserts
that, ‘In the end Partition solved nothing’. She sees August 1947 as too early a
cut off date to understand the importance and impact of Partition. ‘Partition is
both ever-present in South Asia’s public, political realm and continually evaded’,
as she maintains. In particular, the war of 1971 and the secession of Bangladesh
from Pakistan exacerbated the human crisis producing a refugee population of
around six million. Khan asserts, ‘Violence must sit at the core of any history of
Partition’ and concludes with a ‘loud reminder’ that Partition is a lasting lesson
of both the dangers of imperial hubris and the reactions of extreme nationalism.
The Great Partition is an important contribution to available studies
concerning the 1947 Partition of India and its legacy. The volume will interest
researchers and scholars in history, sociology and politics. The interested lay
reader too will find it engaging. Khan should be praised lavishly for producing
this thorough and accomplished volume of scholarship. However, she should
also be mildly censured for the book’s analytical slimness in comparison to
recent studies of Partition and its aftermath that highlight the more localised
differential patterns of violence and the lived experience of migrants, integrating
‘history from beneath’ with the broader national historical narrative.
Ilyas Chattha
Southampton University

127 Book Reviews
Sheema Majeed (ed.), Coming Back Home: Selected Articles, Editorials, and
Interviews of Faiz Ahmed Faiz, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2008) xi +
156 pp. ISBN 978-0-19-574380-3 (hb) Rs. 295.
Faiz Ahmed Faiz (1911-84) was unquestionably the greatest poet to have been
born in the Punjab in the twentieth century. In both its intrinsic quality and its
continuing huge reputation, his Urdu poetry far surpasses the work of all the
other poets from the region who were writing at the time, whatever the language
in which they chose to express themselves. English readers have recently been
given the chance to get a good idea of Faiz’s poetry through the generous
bilingual anthology edited by Khalid Hasan as O City of Lights, published by
OUP Karachi in 2006.
Exceptional interest is also added to this poetic achievement by the
remarkable circumstances of his life: the early attachment to the ideals of the
Progressive Writers’ Association, the war service in the British Indian army in
which he rose to become Lieutenant-Colonel, the romantic marriage to an
Englishwoman, the outspokenly left-wing editorship of The Pakistan Times in
the early years of Pakistan, the arrest and imprisonment for alleged involvement
in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case in the 1950s, the award of the Lenin Peace
Prize in 1962, the role as cultural adviser to the Bhutto government in the 1970s,
then the self-exile in Beirut following Zia ul Haq’s coup before his final ‘coming
back home’ to Pakistan and his death in Lahore.
Sheema Majeed’s anthology assembles a variety of documents which
illustrate different aspects of this life under four headings. The first part consists
of twenty-one of Faiz’s editorials written in English. Mostly from The Pakistan
Times, these are sometimes very dated but they do convey the passion of Faiz’s
earlier years. Then there are five interviews from different later periods of his
life, in which admirers record the views of the great poet, whose persona is by
now well established. The third part consists of two longer memoirs by two
writers who knew Faiz well, Khalid Hasan and I. A. Rehman. In both these parts
of the book there is some overlap with the pieces included in Khalid Hasan’s O
City of Lights. The most moving piece in the book is saved until the end. This is
an interview with Faiz’s widow Alys first published in 1991. Entitled ‘You can’t
behave like an Englishwoman when you’re married to Faiz’, this provides the
most vivid and memorable picture of its subject, informed by a great affection
and a remarkable honesty.
Since the general outlines of Faiz’s life are familiar to most of the numerous
aficionados of his poetry, they should find much to interest them here, although
those with less prior background may sometimes be misled by the lack of much
editorial guidance. Brief notes could have helped remind many readers of just
which now obscure Pakistani political figure of around 1950 was being written
about; the provenance of some of the pieces is not always very clearly indicated,
and the dates of publication which are given are sometimes quite obviously
impossible from the internal evidence of the piece itself. All in all, though, this is

JPS 16.1 128
an interesting addition to the growing literature in English on Faiz, which we
must hope will before too long include the full-length critical study which he so
richly deserves.
Christopher Shackle
University of London
Baba Gurdit Singh, Voyage of Komagata Maru: Or India’s Slavery Abroad,
edited and introduced by Darshan Singh Tatla (Chandigarh: Unistar Books.,
2007), 241 pp. ISBN 81-89899-33-3 (hb) Rs 475.
Baba Gurdit Singh, Zulmi Katha, edited and introduced by Darshan Singh Tatla
(Published in Gurmukhi, Chandigarh: Unistar Books, 2007), ix + 241 pp. ISBN
81-8989-35-X (hb) Rs 200.
Report of the Komagatu Maru Committee of Inquiry and Some Further
Documents’, edited and introduced by Darshan Singh Tatla (Chandigarh: Unistar
Books, 2007), vii + 198 pp. ISBN 81-890899-34-1 (hb) Rs.395.
Darshan Singh Tatla with Mandeep K Tatla, Sardar Gurdit Singh ‘Komagata
Maru’: A Short Biography (Chandigarh: Unistar Books, 2007), 52 pp. ISBN 81-
89899-36-8 (pb) Rs. 75.
We have here three volumes of a reprint series on the Punjabi Diaspora and a
booklet in a biographical series on overseas Punjabis, produced by Darshan
Singh Tatla. The subject is the Komagata Maru, a 90-year-old incident that still
resonates among Punjabis at home and abroad. In the past year, following
campaigning by Punjabi-Canadians, the British Columbia provincial legislature
and the Canadian Prime Minister apologized to the descendents of the 376
passengers of the Komagata Maru for the treatment they received in the port of
Vancouver in 1914. The incident has not been forgotten because it is a symbol
of the racism of past Canadian policy, and of the massive inequities of the British
imperial system. It properly has a place in the history of the freedom movement
in India and the struggle of emigrants from India for respect and equality abroad.
It is a story that ended bitterly at Budge Budge in Bengal with the deaths of
twenty passengers in an encounter with police and troops, and with the arrest and
detention of most of the others. What we know has come down to us from
opposing sides, officials and emigrants, without an objective neutral view. That
presents a challenge in explaining what happened. The best answer, as Darshan
Singh advocates, is to dig as deeply as possible into the surviving record and to
subject everything uncovered to close scrutiny.
Two of the reprints, one in English and one in Punjabi, are by the man who
led the adventure of the Komagata Maru, Baba Gurdit Singh. He was an

129 Book Reviews
individual of great experience, growing up in rural Punjab and living much of his
life as an emigrant in Malaya and Singapore, making a lot of money in a variety
of commercial ventures. His business activity gave him familiarity with civil
courts in a British colonial setting, which explains his readiness to challenge
Canadian law even though he had never before been in North America.
Moreover, his prominence as a community leader put him on easy speaking
terms with British officials in Singapore and Malaya and made him confident
about representing his countrymen in a British dominion like Canada. As a
leader in the small Sikh community in Singapore and Malaya, he had met many
emigrant Sikhs passing through, and he heard from them what they faced in
trying to enter North America or Australia. He was also close to the Punjab
scene because he regularly went home to the Amritsar district and he had spent
several years there immediately prior to the Komagata Maru.
He was drawn into the Komagata Maru venture by would-be emigrants at the
Hong Kong gurdwara when he was there to prosecute a legal case against a
business partner. He had the business experience and the prestige among his
countrymen to put together a major venture like this. He never presented himself
as an emigrant, but as a businessman developing a passenger trade between Asia
and the Americas. Once in Canada, he argued for special treatment for himself
because he was a merchant, not an immigrant. In conversation with the Hong
Kong Colonial Secretary before his departure, he disclaimed any political
motives. That did not stop officials in India from making an extremely negative
assessment—that he knew from the beginning that the passengers would not be
allowed to land in Canada, yet still sought to make money out of them, while
posing among them as a revolutionary leader.
In his publications, Gurdit Singh answered the charges against him set out in
the Report of the Komagata Maru Committee of Inquiry, a document produced
under the auspices of the British regime in India. Because he refers to it often,
the Report is a logical companion to Gurdit Singh’s books. It is also a very
different document:—one completed three months after the return of the
Komagata Maru by officials who had examined 201 witnesses in Calcutta,
Budge Budge and Punjab and assembled 1,000 pages of evidence, none of which
was made public. The Report summarizes the whole epic story, but devotes most
of its attention to what had happened at Budge Budge. It is severely critical of
Gurdit Singh and generally exonerates police and officials in Canada and India.
Gurdit Singh assembled his rebuttal with difficulty and after a lot of time. He
had been keeping a record on the ship, but lost his papers at Budge Budge where
they fell into the hands of the police. For the next seven years he was
underground, but before he eventually surrendered to police, he published a
serialized account in Punjabi papers which became Zulmi Katha. Seven years
later, having spent five of those years in prison, he privately published an
account in English. For this he had three main sources: his own Zulmi Katha, and
the official Report of the Komagata Maru Committee of Inquiry, and the
correspondence of his legal representative in Vancouver during the summer of

JPS 16.1 130
1914. His book contains a vigorous personal narrative from the moment the ship
arrives at Budge Budge, but a much looser history, told mostly through the
correspondence of the Vancouver lawyers, for much of what happened earlier.
One wonders what the book would have looked like if Gurdit Singh had not been
deprived of what he had written during the voyage.
Each reprint begins with an introductory essay by Darshan Singh. These
essays contain duplicate material, but also explore separate themes. Together
they offer an informed, thoughtful and balanced account. Darshan Singh is
generally sympathetic to Gurdit Singh but also able to look at the affair
objectively. He has interesting things to say about differences between Zulmi
Katha and Voyage of Komagata Maru—finding Gurdit Singh more effective
telling his story in Punjabi than in English, in which his idiom, rhetoric and style
can let him down. Darshan Singh says that even when Gurdit Singh makes
“outlandish arguments” they seem more cogent in Punjabi than in English. In
other words, he fairly warns us that some of what Gurdit Singh says is not
convincing.
The editing needs comment. It has been minimal and limited to cleaning up
and slightly clarifying the text; and the result is that these editions are easier to
read than the originals. Given Gurdit Singh’s limitations in English and his
problems with printers, his text in English was full of errors. Darshan Singh and
his editorial assistants have generally made the changes that one would expect of
a good copy editor. But they have missed some of Gurdit Singh’s mistakes, and
they have inadvertently added a few of their own. And, in seeking to clarify the
text, they have added headings that in at least a couple of cases accidentally
reverse the authorship and destination of a letter, or give a problematic
identification. None of the changes or additions are highlighted so they are
impossible to catch except by comparison with the original.
The same is true with other documents in these volumes, including an
incidental file of Canadian immigration correspondence, the judgments of five
justices of the British Columbia Court of Appeal in the Komagata Maru case,
and an earlier, unrelated judgment in the British Columbia Supreme Court. There
are slips in the transcription of these documents, which is understandable
because the versions that Darshan Singh obtained from the City Archives in
Vancouver are carbon copies that have thickened impressions that can be hard to
read. Darshan Singh does not identify the archival homes of his documents,
although that would help those who want to see the originals. Also, these
documents would be more useful with explanation and analysis. In one of his
introductory essays, Darshan Singh discusses the lawfulness of Gurdit Singh’s
venture. But he makes no comment about what the BC Court of Appeal justices
actually say, although he has reproduced their judgments and they run to 38
printed pages and that is a lot to assimilate without some guidance.
Darshan Singh includes a guide to sources on the Komagata Maru, and a
bibliography of published and unpublished sources that researchers will
appreciate. His notable omission is Record Group 76, the Canadian immigration

131 Book Reviews
department files, in the National Archives of Canada, the most important source
on the Canadian side. He might also have mentioned the India Office
Confidential Files in the British Library, and the Canada Series in the Colonial
Office Files in the Public Record Office, London. In these collections one finds
much information collected by police and immigration agents, as well as the
official reports, directives and daily communications related to the Komagata
Maru, all valuable for explaining this still relevant story.
The booklet, Sardar Gurdit Singh ‘Komagata Maru’ is a rearrangement,
recombination and expansion of material from the introductions to the reprint
volumes. It is based in information from secondary works and from Gurdit
Singh’s own writing and provides a useful sketch that covers more ground than
Jaswant Singh Jas’s entry in The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, although without as
much authority. There are slips that a pre-publication reviewer might have
caught, like a reference to the works of Fred Taylor, a famous ice-hockey player
and a Canadian immigration agent but not an author; or an explanation of the
Canadian legal issues that describes executive orders (orders-in-council) as an
Act of Parliament and thereby confuses the essence of the case. But the booklet
pulls a lot together and will be valued by anyone looking for a starting place in
understanding what the Komagata Maru meant to its passengers and to all who
witnessed what happened to them, including those who supported them as friends
or met them as adversaries.
Hugh Johnston
Simon Fraser University
Meeto (Kamaljit Bhasin-Malik), Introduction by Kumkum Sangari, In the
Making: Identity Formation in South Asia (Haryana: Three Essays Collective,
2007), 137 pp. ISBN: 8188789496 (hb) US$18.
The aptly named In the Making is a posthumously published piece of work. It
was part of Meeto’s doctoral research at Balliol College, in which she sought to
examine identity formation in an increasingly complex society. The book begins
with an introduction by Kumkum Sangari, described as ‘one of Meeto’s many
masis’, and reflects upon the journey that Meeto started in which she attempted
to examine the blurred boundaries and composite identities that have shaped
people and communities in South Asia. The book represents that uncompleted
journey which was tragically cut short with Meeto’s death in 2006.
The essays presented here are an attempt to challenge historical fixations with
incidents and processes of conflict, conquest, iconoclasm and instead Meeto has
attempted to examine the co-existence and peaceful interactions at the grassroots
which have also contributed to identity formation in South Asia. Case studies
from colonial Punjab, Celyon, and the Ahmadi community all provide ample
material for analysis. Meeto’s examination of the composite culture in colonial
Punjab and the census material represents work in its more advanced stages,

JPS 16.1 132
while work on the Ahmadi community was work in progress. The book begins
with a historiography of Hindu-Muslim relationship in the subcontinent.
Historians and political scientists have provided various theories, seeking to
explain the communal problem in India. However, the preoccupation with
conflict led Meeto to examine the other side, ‘It seems as if coexistence and
peaceful interactions make poor historical record, but it is crucial that they
become part of the historical record, if one is to have a holistic picture of the
past’ (p. 13).
The chapters on Punjab detail the preoccupation of the colonial power with
the classification of people and thereby embedding notions of fixed identities.
Meeto has attempted to highlight the fluidity of identity in colonial Punjab, for
example the worship of Sufi pirs or cultural festivals such as Holi and Baisakhi
(pp. 27-30). Colonial Punjab was replete with shrines that were shared by
communities and contributed to the syncretic nature of the people. An
examination of the census data collected by the colonial power highlight the
fluidity with which identities functioned; the response to the census is pragmatic
and functional and is often malleable according to the required needs of the time.
However, this process of documenting people and their religious identity
increasingly gives rise to notions of fixed religious identities and politicising
communal identities. The census reports on the Punjab were gathered in the late
nineteenth century and the reports were written by people like Ibbetson,
Maclagan and Rose. They were rich in ethnographic material and provide not
only glimpses into colonial Punjabi but also into the colonial mind. The
methodology used in gathering this information was designed to fulfil the
colonial agenda and therefore the reliability of the data has to be questioned. The
census data collected failed to capture and reflect the complexity of shared
sacred space and the nuances that made up Punjabi society. Instead communal
and caste competition intensified, motivated by material concerns and colonial
patronage.
The census in colonial Ceylon, like the Punjab, also reveals the problems and
challenges of making convenient labels fit ambiguous identities, ‘but the Census
could not accommodate the mixed and hybrid nature of these communities and
they were therefore pushed into either the ‘Sinhalese’ or the ‘Tamil’ column in
the table on race.’ (p. 90) Indeed the Census, which was introduced by the
colonial power, was often responsible for more than just counting numbers. The
root of contemporary conflicts such as the separatist demands of the Tamils and
the creation of the ‘Indian Muslim’ has its origins in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth century. The 1911 Census in Ceylon for example, ‘made a distinction
between Ceylon Tamils and Indian Tamils. This had important political
implications, because suddenly the Tamils who had seen themselves as a
dominant community felt they were reduced to a minority.’ (pp. 82-83) The
census thus had the impact of cementing these otherwise amorphous identities.
In the Making is an unfinished piece of research, marking a tragic loss to the
academic community because it represented so much promise. Due to its

133 Book Reviews
incomplete form, it only provides glimpses into what would otherwise have been
a challenging and provocative piece of work. Meeto wanted to examine those
communities that did not fit the easy labels of ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’, she wanted
to explore the communities that occupied the blurry and grey spaces in between
those convenient labels. Meeto attempted to provide a historical analysis of
themes that are relevant today and would greatly benefit from some historical
contextualisation. In multicultural societies, plural and fluid personal identities
are increasingly under threat from essentialised and politicised identities.
However, Meeto’s ambition was to learn from these syncretic communities and
understand how they coexisted in sacred communal spaces.
Pippa Virdee
De Montfort University
Nidar Singh Nihang and Parmjit Singh, In the Master’s Presence: The Sikhs of
Hazoor Sahib volume 1: History (London: Kashi House, 2008), xiv + 330 pp.
ISBN 978-0-9560168-0-5 (hb) £30.00.
In 1984 Khushwant Singh and Raghu Rai published their oversized picture book,
The Sikhs (Calcutta: Rupa and Company, 1984). Since the majority of images
here presented were of Nihang Sikhs, amongst the most colourful of those
practitioners of gurmat (i.e. Sikhism), this book portrayed a rather skewed view
of the Sikh world in which Nihangs comprise a miniscule percentage. Since that
time we have seen the appearance of a number of similar coffee-table books
attempting to capture Sikh images worldwide interspersed with narratives drawn
flawlessly from a Sikh tradition standardised by the Sikh ‘reform’ movement, the
Singh Sabha-Tat Khalsa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Patwant Singh’s The Golden Temple (New Delhi: Times Book International,
1988) springs to mind as does his Gurdwaras, in India and Around the World
(New Delhi: Himalayan Books, 1992) to name but two: pleasant to view, but not
particularly academic or informative to students of Sikh history and tradition.
When I initially saw the first volume of Nidar Singh Nihang and Parmjit Singh’s
In the Master’s Presence: The Sikhs of Hazoor Sahib last November newly
displayed in Bazaar Mai Seva in Amritsar, my first impression was to pass it by
as merely another in a growing number of extra-large and often overpriced
picture books showcasing the ‘colourful Sikhs.’
Luckily I ignored the inclination and discovered to my utter delight that this
is no mere addition to the coffee-table genre but is rather a very serious book,
tirelessly researched, and broaching a subject long neglected in Sikh historical
studies: the history of Hazūr Sāhib (literally, ‘The Master’s Presence’), one of
the five famed takhts or ‘thrones’ of the Sikhs. These takhts, each manned by a
jathedār and his entourage, are built around spots considered sacred in Sikh
tradition. Generally understood to represent the Sikh concern with the

JPS 16.1 134
secular/temporal world and thus interpreted to architecturally manifest the
concern of the Sikh Gurus with revering and respecting the universe as a creation
of Akal Purakh (God) rather than rejecting it as māiā or the cosmic delusion so
often the subject of classical Hindu philosophers, takhts were and continue to be
the centres at which Sikhs traditionally gather to make important collective
decisions regarding the Sikh people and their religious tradition in the modern
world.
The academic neglect of so important a site, believed to mark the very spot
where the tenth Guru achieved his joti jot samaunā (death) may stem from the
fact that the town in which it is situated, Nander, is in southern Indian and thus
quite some distance from the traditional haunts of Sikh and Diaspora Sikh
Studies, the Punjab and its surrounding areas. As we have noted in monographs
such as Kristina Myrvold’s delightful Inside the Guru’s Gate: Ritual Uses of
Texts Among the Sikhs of Varanasi (Lund, Sweden: Department of History and
Anthropology of Religions, 2007) and Himadri Bannerjee’s equally agreeable
The Other Sikhs: A View from Eastern India (New Delhi: Manohar, 2003),
distance from the Punjab heartland usually implies that the Sikhisms practiced in
these outlying regions differ markedly from the more normative variety observed
within the land of the five rivers. This situates In the Master’s Presence clearly
within this genre of academic literature as well, a fact which seems to have
precipitated the cold reception given it by certain segments of the Sikh
community in London (a response captured on YouTube 1 ) during the early
February book launch gala.
Including a preface and introduction this book, the first of two volumes, is
divided into thirteen beautifully illustrated chapters, all copiously documented.
These illustrations are indeed impressive, many appearing in print for the first
time. Equally striking is the historical narrative that binds them all together. In
the process of presenting us with the history of Hazur Sahib and its Sikh
community from the time of Guru Gobind Singh to the present day the authors
skillfully reveal aspects of the Sikh past and Sikh tradition, of ‘Sikhness,’ that
was at one time hidden away from the scholarly world as the many wonderful
illustrations which permeate the book. Indeed, although the Preface and
Introduction do draw heavily upon Sikh tradition, this book is no mere retelling
of the dominant Sikh narrative as we here find expressions of Sikhness which go
well beyond the Tat Khalsa-inspired texts which populate Sikh bookshelves
today: a multitextured retelling of Sikh history populated with a cast of multiple
identities, contemporary images of which are included, all of which were
understood to be Sikh during the time of Guru Gobind Singh and a century
afterwards. This dynamic Sikh diversity within an inclusivist Sikh history (that
is nevertheless drawn from both traditional materials such as Santokh Singh’s
Sūraj Prakāś, Ratan Singh Bhangu’s Srī Gur-panth Prakāś, and Gian Singh’s
Tavārīkh Gurū Khālsā as well as the testimony of present-day Hazuri Sikhs) is
often noted by the numerous hyphenated Sikh terms which regularly appear
throughout, so many that at times it is somewhat difficult to keep track: we have

135 Book Reviews
Akali Sikhs, Akali-Nihang Sikhs, Nihang Sikhs, Bhujangi Nihangs, Sewapanthis,
Udasis, Gulabdasias, and amongst still others Hazuri Sikhs; at one point,
moreover, we find the term ‘Hindu Sikh martyrs’ (p. 10, n. 2). All of these
hyphenated identities are reminiscent of the categorisation discovered within the
early British census of the Punjab. Particularly insightful are the descriptions of
the diversity within the tenth Guru’s Khalsa (pp. 15-42), a topic often explored in
the work of J.S. Grewal. Both authors make clear that the Khalsa as understood
by Guru Gobind Singh included more than just Sikhs who chose to don what
would gradually evolve into the symbols of corporate Khalsa Sikh identity, the
Five Ks. This was a diverse Khalsa, with shorn Sikh men, which reflected the
type of Khalsa Sikhness about which we read in the eighteenth-century rahitnama
literature as well as within the Prem Sumārg recently translated into
English by Hew McLeod, a Khalsa in which the veneration of weapons and the
goddess Chandi are literally at centre stage (see illustration on p. 123); and a
Khalsa which, moreover, acknowledged as Guru not only the Adi Granth but
both the Dasam Granth and the little-known Sarab-loh Granth (The All-Steel
Book) attributed to the tenth Master.
This beautifully diverse composition of the Sikh Panth whose symbolic
universe included many texts today deemed Hindu (see p. 198 for example) is
very much brought out in the figure of the virtually unknown Chandu Lal, the
principal force behind at least five of the book’s thirteen chapters. As the most
able administrator in the employ of the Nawab of Hyderabad, Chandu Lal
wielded tremendous authority within the Nawab’s domain. As a sahaj-dhārī or
Nānak-panthī Sikh, who was a murīd or disciple of the Udasi Sikh Baba
Priyatam Das (an image of whom appears in the painting on page 76), Chandu
Lal was able to shower his favour upon the small shrine at Nander, ultimately
setting in motion its transformation into the ornate complex noted in nineteenthcentury
accounts. He was also in a position to favour the small group of Sikhs
descended from those Punjabis who either travelled to the Deccan with Guru
Gobind Singh or gradually made their way to Nander during the eighteenth
century. These Sikhs ultimately formed Chandu Lal’s bodyguard which was
transmogrified under the British into the Jawan Sikh Force (pp. 248-9). Many of
these Sikhs also arrived in the early eighteenth century, sent to Nander by
Maharaja Ranjit Singh who both sought the advice of Chandu Lal in his dealings
with the Farangis and also patronised the shrine at Nander. The exchange
presented here between these two men is, as far as I know, its first ever
appearance and sheds light on certain aspects of the maharaja’s backdoor
dealings with the British, challenging long-held interpretations of Ranjit Singh’s
attitude towards both the British and the Nihangs, long considered the
maharaja’s best troops.
The episodes with the Lion of the Punjab seem to suggest that it was
inevitable that the concerns of Punjabi Sikhs would eventually reach far-off
Nander. As we see today, Punjabi Sikhs steeped in the values of the normative
Singh Sabha-Tat Khalsa understanding of Sikhism have often presented strong

JPS 16.1 136
critiques of certain practices at Nander, particularly rituals involving staining
sacred weapons with blood (usually the blood of goats). Such critiques of
prevailing customs always seems disingenuous and force one to question the
agenda of apparently aggrieved parties. The same appears to have held true in
the nineteenth century when events in the Punjab were utilised in an attempt to
resolve local disputes over what ultimately amounted to gurdwara control (pp.
220-28).
This is truly an excellent text. There are elements which are, however,
problematic. One finds, for example, the occasional Orientalist description of
Muslims, the same tired understandings of the emperor Aurangzeb and too
uncritical interpretations of the Anglo-Sikh wars rooted within Sikh tradition
itself. The last chapter, moreover, is out of place, indeed it is the least academic
of all as it very emotionally documents how the 300 th anniversary celebrations of
both the Guru’s death, and those of the nomination of the scripture as the Guru
by the last human Master, led to the modernisation (read destruction) of
significant portions of the Hazur Sahib complex. But these are very minor issues
indeed and notwithstanding these In the Master’s Presence is a book that
belongs on the shelf of everyone in the world interested in Sikh Studies and the
regional histories of northern and southern India.
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2YotRSiLNgg.
Louis E. Fenech
University of Northern Iowa
M.Y. Effendi, Punjab Cavalry: Evolution, Role, Organisation and Tactical
Doctrine, 11 th Cavalry (Frontier Force), (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
2007) 324pp. ISBN 9-780195-472035 (hb) $55.
In an age when admiration and respect appear to be reserved for malefactors of
great wealth (as President Teddy Roosevelt had it), or for inane dummies who
kick footballs, it is stimulating to read a tale of honour and courage on the part of
so many officers and soldiers who served their regiment and their country without
fanfare and sometimes without public recognition of their loyalty and selfsacrifice.
The stories of most regiments are marked by the dedication of those who
served in them, but throughout its existence 11 Cavalry seems to have been
blessed with an eclectic blend of all ranks whose exploits deserve this detailed
and well-presented history. The author has brought objectivity to what obviously
has been a labour of love, and some of his observations on people and events are
refreshingly candid. Colonel M.Y. Effendi held many appointments (although
his command appointment, unfortunately for him, was that of 12 Cavalry (Sam
Browne’s) rather than the unit in which he served for so long, and he has

137 Book Reviews
recorded a stirring tale of a thoroughly professional military family.
He takes us from foundation in 1849 through the rest of the nineteenth
century at a canter, which is probably appropriate for a cavalryman, and the
descriptions of fighting in Afghanistan are intriguingly, even eerily, comparable
with contemporary events. The actions of 1 and 3 Punjab Cavalry (for 11 Cavalry
is descended from both, and from 21 and 23 Cavalry) are recorded with modest
pride. The cavalry, indeed, were the most effective weapons of their day, and
when in 1880 1 st Punjab and the 19 th Bengal Lancers charged a superior force
some 200 Afghans were killed in what was described as “the most brilliant
cavalry action of the war,” which it certainly was – and in terms of tactics it was a
classic example of concentration of force against an enemy rendered incapable of
countering it.
1 Punjab “marched home in triumph” but its brother unit joined in avenging
the disaster at Maiwand, and 3 Punjab was in the brigade that relieved the
garrison in Kandahar, marked thereafter by the regimental crest, the Kandahar
Star. After the Second Afghan war and minor engagements in the Frontier the
regiment’s lineal predecessors fought in Mesopotamia in the First World War
and on return to the sub-continent took part in the Third Afghan War of 1919 and
were again involved in the frontier region where “Afridi outlaw gangs” (among
others) were perennial threats to the settled areas. But then came what the author
accurately refers to as “a period of transition” during which the regiment was
constituted in 1922 as 11 Prince Albert Victor’s Own Cavalry (Frontier Force),
with squadrons of Sikhs, Dogras and “Punjabi Mussulmans”, the last having a
section of Pushtuns, Khattaks from Kohat.
In the Second World War 11 Cavalry distinguished itself in North Africa and
Burma (and the author makes use of many compelling eyewitness accounts), then
fought in Kashmir and in the 1965 and 1971 wars when the unit was fortunate
enough to be commanded by outstanding officers. And it is here I must declare
an interest, because three of the officers whom I most admire commanded 11
Cavalry: Sahabzada Yaqub Khan, General KM Arif, and Major General Wajahat
Husain, the last being one of my oldest Pakistani friends. There were many other
outstanding commandants, of course, not least Khurshid Ali Khan in 1971, whose
account of the war is acute and penetrating (as is the author’s first-hand
description of the Phillaurah battle), but most people have favourites, and the
Sahabzada, K.M. Arif and Wajahat are mine. It was Wajahat’s arrival in
September 1965 to command, stimulate and grip a hard-hit and motley group of
units that was decisive in assisting to counter the Indian army’s major assault at
Chawinda.
One of the many absorbing vignettes is Colonel Effendi’s description of
Bengalis, who were 5 per cent of the strength in armoured units before 1971.
They were treated “as inferior beings” by many of the junior ranks – just as
“natives” in the old Indian Army had been so regarded by some vulgar and
insensitive British officers – but the author staunchly defends them, recording
that none of them deserted even when their loyalty must have been stretched

JPS 16.1 138
almost unbearably. But my favourite anecdotes are those dealing with the many
‘characters’ who graced (and some disgraced, but in the nicest possible way) the
regiment’s rolls. Of course soldiering is a serious business, but there should
always be room for the eccentric officer whose style and zest can compensate for
driving his seniors to fury about his off-duty conduct. 11 Cavalry certainly had its
share, as it did of outstanding high-grade officers and soldiers of all ranks, and
perhaps the most appropriate encomium noted is that of Lord Ismay who, as a
subaltern of 11 Cavalry, asked his Colonel what made his unit so remarkable.
The astute veteran of many campaigns replied that “To get the best out of any
group you’ve got to make them feel like a family. That is what we are and always
have been in this regiment.”
Colonel Effendi’s book describes the story of 11 Cavalry (FF) exceptionally
well and is of considerable value to students of Punjab’s history. And there is no
doubt his Regiment, that exceptional military family, will continue to make its
mark in the story of Pakistan.
Brian Cloughley
University of Bradford
Michael H. Fisher, Shompa Lahiri and Shinder Thandi, A South-Asian History of
Britain (Oxford/Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood World Publishing, 2007),
259 pp. ISBN 10: 184645008X ISBN-13: 978-1846450082 (hb) £19.95.
Most histories of South-Asians in Britain tell us about the post-war migration of
Indians and Pakistanis in search of opportunities in the booming economy of
Britain. Few have attempted to tell us about the 400 year long relationship
between the people of Britain and the Indian subcontinent. A South-Asian
History of Britain attempts to cover that vast history and the ways in which that
relationship evolved. What we have is three scholars bringing their expertise that
cover the 400 years. Fisher is an expert in the early encounters between Indians
and the colonial power; Lahiri focuses on Anglo-Indian encounters during the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; and Thandi has written about the
Punjabi migration and brings his knowledge of the contemporary South Asian
diaspora to this volume.
Early migrations to Britain started with the establishment of the East India
Company in India. In 1600 the Company was given the royal charter to trade and
thus began this long relationship, although Fisher does mention the presence of
some ‘Asians’ beforehand who may well have found their way to Britain via the
Portuguese connection. The largest groups were working class men and women:
lascars constituted a large segment and others included ayahs and students. One
of the first encounters took place between Hawkins, an ambassador for the
Company and King James, and Mariam, an orphaned Armenian Christian.
Hawkins married Mariam and brought her back to England but he died enroute;

139 Book Reviews
Mariam then met Towerson, an English merchant, and married him. They
reached London in 1614 and led a colourful life which ultimately ended in
divorce. However, what is fascinating about this early period is that though these
were ‘inter-racial’ marriages, Fisher could not identify any adverse comment
from the people at the time. This sentiment is also prevalent in the early
encounters of the Company officials who remained in Bengal. It is fascinating to
discover that contrary to what may be the perception, these early encounters were
rather more fruitful and amicable leading to marriage in some cases. Of course
there is a reversal of such cordial relations, especially with the onset of the
Victorian age.
Lahiri explores the period from 1857 to 1947 which is also when the Crown
assumes direct control of India. Furthermore, the events of 1857 radically
changed the relationship between the colonial power and its subjects and created
an atmosphere of suspicion and fear. This inevitably had an impact on the
Indians living in Britain at the time. It is through these encounters that we see the
formation of early nationalism developing in the minds of the Indians. Those
who were fortunate enough to afford an education in England were exposed to
powerful ideas of nationalism, freedom and liberty. Dadabhai Naoroji and W. C.
Bonnerjee, who were both elected as Members of Parliament, often entertained
and had gatherings for expatriate Indians. One can imagine these gatherings were
sowing the seeds of early nationalist activity in India.
By 1901 there was a greater diversity in the people who had taken residency
in Britain. In general South-Asian women who travelled to Britain consisted of
wives, domestic servants (ayahs), female royalty, students, and teachers among
others. The most unconventional occupations at the time were flying instructors,
auctioneers, animal caretakers, sculptors and authors and even around ten people
came to work in the British film industry. It is stories like these which bring life
to the history of South-Asians in Britain (p. 148). Though comparatively their
numbers were still small, they were nonetheless a visible community, from
begging in the streets to serving and meeting the queen and addressing
Parliament. “The lives of these ‘brown’ Victorians, both ‘heathen’ and Christian,
straddled both poverty and affluence, and were played out in both public and
private spheres” (p. 125).
In some ways we can see parallels with the changing relationship between the
British and Indians in both India and Britain. The move towards a more
aggressive and interventionist approach in India did lead to greater tension
between the colonial power and its subjects. At the same time we can see that
South Asians living in Britain at the time were not free from racial prejudices
and this becomes more prominent with the radicalisation of nationalism in India
and the two world wars. There is a wonderful example of that superior colonial
mind-set when the hospital officials were concerned about deploying white
female nurses to treat Indian soldiers. There was a fear of inter-racial sexual
encounters and, even though they were in hospital, the Indian soldiers were still
seen as potential sexual predators. The social segregation which was so prevalent

JPS 16.1 140
in colonial India was also present here in Britain.
The final two chapters are by Thandi and focus on 1947 onwards. It is of
course this period which has seen a complete transformation in the relationship
between South Asians and Britain. The post-war migration to Britain was
necessary to meet the labour shortages of the 1950s and 1960s; and the
Commonwealth countries were easily able to fill that demand for cheap labour.
What started as predominantly young single men, working as labourers,
transformed into small communities in the late 1960s. The expulsion of the
Ugandan Asians in 1972 added to that growing community. Thandi explores the
relationship between decolonisation and migration to the ‘mother country’. This
period also represents a shift in power between the two, from being colonial
subjects to being free subjects. However, the achievement of that in reality has
been much more problematic and the post-war period is characterised by
demands by ethnic minorities for equal rights and acceptance as legitimate
citizens of Britain. In the final chapter, Thandi explores the dilemmas of a South-
Asian community which is much more confident of its own identity but at the
same time the challenges of dealing with more fragmented identities are much
more prevalent.
Pippa Virdee
De Montfort University
Autar S. Dhesi and Gurmail Singh (eds), Rural Development in Punjab: A
Success Story Going Astray, (London, New York, New Delhi: Routledge, 2008)
533 pp. ISBN 978-0-415-45681-4 (hb) Rs. 795.
The choice of papers by the editors testifies to their scholarship and deep
understanding of the Punjab model of development. The book, organized into six
sections (rural development, agriculture, water resources, ago-industry, human
resources and the overseas Punjabis) contains 27 articles besides an appropriate
introduction by the editors. The success story of rural development in Punjab
seems to have gone astray. Hence, the title of the book is most appropriate.
In his paper on Rural Development, Autar S. Dhesi has very aptly
demonstrated that non-translation of gains in agricultural development into
developing a modern industrial economy has been one of the most serious
limitations of the Punjab model of development. The lack of suitable institutional
back-up and neglect of social sectors have been the most significant reasons
behind it.
The three papers by G.S. Kalkat; Ramesh Chand; and Sidhu, Joshi and
Bhullar put a serious question mark on the economic and ecological
sustainability of the wheat-paddy cropping pattern in Punjab. The solution lies in
crop-diversification, conservation of natural resources and development of allied
agricultural activities. Ramesh Chand suggests bold policy initiatives for

141 Book Reviews
Research and Development (hereafter R&D) and infrastructural support.
Sukhpal Singh highlights the fact that the contracting firms do not share the
incremental profits, coming out of value addition, with the farmers as there is no
participation of farmers in the agro-industrial development. This has been one of
the serious limitations of contract farming in Punjab.
Gurmail Singh reveals that though modernization of agriculture has
transformed the rural economy and society, yet, there remains a wide rural-urban
socio-economic divide. In another paper, he highlights the fact that the
revamping of agricultural R&D and the vertical integration of agricultural
produce with industry are imperative for the success of agro-based
industrialization.
Prasoon Mathur and his co-authors advocate a paradigm shift in publicly
funded R&D by strengthening the public-private partnership. Vikram Chadha, on
the other hand, strongly favours publicly funded R&D.
The papers by G.S. Hira and Lakhwinder Singh reveal, since the advent of
the green revolution, the land use change and cropping pattern have resulted in
depletion of the water table. The solution, according to them, lies in suitable
water management policy.
Rachpal Singh and Kashmir Singh, as also Updendra Nath Roy, found that
the watershed development projects improved the economic conditions of the
direct as well as the indirect beneficiaries, in the Kandi areas. Nevertheless, there
is a need to make the official agencies more sensitised so as to reap the full
benefits.
Piare Lal advocates the integrated development of agro-forestry and wood
based industries in Punjab as there is enormous potential and comparative
advantage for such an integral development. However, he feels that government
must take suitable policy measures. P.K. Gupta and co-authors argue that
production of bio-fuel has great potential in view of the huge quantity of biomass
available in Punjab.
S.S. Johl provides a powerful rationale for equity and access to education and
to the health delivery system for the marginalized rural and urban people. In his
view, it is the only way to inclusive development.
Jaswinder Singh Brar indicates that Punjab ranks 16 among the 17 major
states of India in terms of share of expenditure on education in the state budget.
Sukhwinder Singh and Sucha Singh Gill reveal that the rural public health
infrastructure and delivery mechanism have largely become non-functional.
Sawaran Singh finds that Punjab, with its much higher per capita income, lies
behind Kerala in terms of demographic indicators. According to all the three
papers, the government's withdrawal and poor governance are the main reasons
for this.
Manjit Singh reveals that the targeted sections of population, under various
government sponsored schemes, have been benefited but only to a limited extent.
The inadequacy and misuse of funds, the lack of professional skill and the
unnecessary political interference have been the major reasons for the partial

JPS 16.1 142
success.
Balbir Singh and Janak Raj Gupta show that the government-sponsored self
employment programmes, through self-help groups, have been quite successful
in raising the living standard of the beneficiaries.
Autar S. Dhesi reveals that, though the foreign remittances and the
philanthropic activities by the overseas Punjabis have played a significant role in
the Doaba region of Punjab, yet the potentialities are grossly underutilized.
Darshan Tatla suggests that the Punjabi diaspora has facilitated the impact of
modernization and globalization on Punjabi society.
Shinder S. Thandi raises doubts about the continuation of diaspora
remittances by the second and third generation Punjabis settled abroad. Thandi
strongly feels that impeccable trust, transparency and accountability in diasporahomeland
relations are the sine qua non for remittances and for the involvement
of overseas Punjabis in the future development of Punjab.
The papers by Raghbir S. Bassi and Gurdev S. Gill argue that the provision
of modern amenities – sanitation and hygiene – in the villages can be made
possible by the joint efforts of the government, village community, NGOs and
overseas Punjabis. Bassi has presented the success story of village Kharaudi
(district Hoshiarpur) in support of his argument.
The book offers significant revelations about the success and failure of the
rural development model in Punjab. It provides significant policy
recommendations and makes a rich addition to literature on the Punjab economy.
However, there are certain significant gaps which, if addressed, would have
resulted in additional utility.
The significant gaps are: the obsession of political leaders with competitive
political populism and privatization of the social services; the systematic decline
in development expenditure (both social and economic) and increase in nondevelopment
expenditure in the state budget; blurred political and democratic
vision; lack of political will; the apathetic attitude of the successive governments
towards the development of rural areas; ‘freebies’, in the form of electricity to
the farm and weaker sections, as a solution; and the connivance of civil
bureaucracy and policy makers with the political leadership.
In fact, over time, Punjab has witnessed serious distortions in political and
public life – in the form of corruption, and a myopic view of the development
agenda. This, in turn, has adversely affected the governance and credibility of the
State. As a consequence, the capacity of the State for public policy intervention
got weakened. And that is the main reason behind the success story going astray.
The public education and health delivery system in the rural area suffered
serious neglect, to the peril of the villagers, particularly the marginalized
sections. The share of rural students in the liberal and professional higher
education is only around 4 per cent (recent survey by Punjabi University, Patiala,
Punjab, India). The rural population in general, and marginalized sections in
particular, are beleaguered in the vicious circle of their helplessness and in the
apathetic attitude of the state.

143 Book Reviews
Agricultural diversification alone cannot develop the rural economy. To
address the crisis of rural Punjab, there is an urgent need to go in for
diversification of the entire rural economy. That would be possible only by
making rural education and health delivery system equitable and accessible and
by developing the rural non-agricultural sectors. The overseas Punjabis can only
supplement the efforts.
The state badly needs statesmanship of the highest order if we want the
development agenda, with people at centre-stage, to be put on the rails. The
prerequisite for all this is responsible, transparent and efficient governance.
The fundamental question is how to sensitise the political leadership, civil
bureaucracy and policy makers towards the societal issues. If this question is not
tackled in a given time frame, then the people of Punjab will have to recall the
famous couplet: 'shah muhmada ik sarkar bajhaon, fauzan jit ke ant nu harian
ne' (The army got defeated in the absence of government).
Ranjit S. Ghuman
Punjabi University, Patiala
H. Malik and Y. V. Gankovsky (eds), The Encyclopaedia of Pakistan, (Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 2006), x + 432 pp. ISBN 0-91-597735-1 (hb) Rs.995.
The Encyclopaedia of Pakistan contains more than 1,000 entries concerning
Pakistan’s history, people, places, culture, arts, politics and economy,
supplemented by 15 feature essays and an interesting photographic centrepiece. I
found it a comprehensive and user-friendly volume. In this short review I will try
to give a flavour of some of the complex messages conveyed about Pakistan in
this wide-ranging text.
The Encyclopaedia of Pakistan itself has a fascinating history. The entries in
the present edition were compiled by some seventy Russian, twenty Pakistani
and a handful of British and North American scholars. In the intriguing
introduction, Malik expresses hopes that the Encyclopaedia will contribute to
fostering better relations with Russia, whose relationship with Pakistan has
oscillated from indifference to estrangement and even hostility. The project was
conceived in a park in Moscow in 1981 by the Editor-in-Chief, historian and
political scientist Hafeez Malik, and his colleague historian Yuri Gankovsky,
who was then head of the Pakistan Studies Centre at the Moscow Institute of
Oriental Studies. A Russian edition of the Encyclopaedia was written according
to the requirements of Soviet publishing (i.e. all historical developments
analysed within the framework of Marxist-Leninism) and finally published in
2000. Malik then spent five years between 2000 and 2005 editing the
Encyclopaedia to eliminate the ‘Soviet approach’ and revise it for Oxford
University Press. However, I found no Soviet traces in the entries I consulted,
which were remarkably restrained given the contentious material they had to

JPS 16.1 144
work with. Ian Talbot’s feature essay ‘Historical preview pre-1947’ offers a
concise account of the emergence of Muslim separatism from the last decades of
the nineteenth century, following disputes and cooperation between Congress,
the Muslim League, Khalifat movement, Khudai Khidmatgar and Krishak Praja
Party, emphasising the differentiation of ethno-religious identities between the
parties’ respective supporters and their respective relations with British rule.
Akmal Hussain’s ‘Economic policy, growth and poverty in historical
perspective’ strongly condemns the Zia regime as contrary to Pakistan’s inherent
“cultural diversity, democratic aspirations and religious perspective rooted in
tolerance and humanism” (p.348) and pointedly draws out the complex evolution
of Pakistan’s political-fiscal dependence on the USA, but without dogmatically
following any particular line of historical analysis.
For scholars of Punjab, the interesting question raised by an encyclopaedia
on Pakistan is how it will treat the pre-Partition history and legacy.
Contemporary West Punjab is appropriately conspicuous among the entries but
in my assessment pre-Partition Punjab is lacking. There are relatively few entries
bearing witness to the momentous Sikh and Hindu histories that unfolded in the
geographic terrain of modern-day Pakistan. Rather, the entries bolster the idea of
Pakistan as a natural homeland for Indian Muslims, dwelling on its
autochthonous Mughal, Sufi and Islamic reformist histories but without situating
the material within a broader and syncretic multi-communal history of Punjab.
This feels like an omission, as scholarship has encouraged us to see precolonial
Punjab as a crucible in which exchanges between Hinduism, Islam and nascent
Sikhism nurtured distinctly local articulations of the religions through emulation
and deliberate reversals (Uberoi 1999). The relative invisibility of East Pakistan
again suggests an implicit majoritarian nationalism.
The inclusion of popular/folk culture in the Encyclopaedia conveys other
intriguing messages. Malik states that the prominent feature essays on dance,
puppetry, visual arts, jewellery were intended to broaden the compendium to
topics rarely touched upon or researched in Pakistan, that are “indigenous topics
otherwise thought to be alien to Pakistan” (dustcover). Indeed, in prefiguring
decorative and figurative arts the Encyclopaedia might be seen as a pointed
intervention in Pakistan’s multiphrenic public culture in which the Zia regime
created a precedent for state sponsorship of calligraphy and a legacy of official
antipathy towards figurative art; which, as recent scholarship has shown, is
continually resisted through the irrepressible and efflorescent celebration of the
human figure in folk/popular culture (Batool 2004). The photographic
centrepiece portrays regional textiles and jewellery and is reminiscent of the Log
Virsa museum collection in Islamabad. Unfortunately, however, the material
culture of these fascinating and exquisite objects is inaccessible; the social uses
and meanings of the textiles and jewellery, and the identities that are objectified
through them are all left to the reader’s imagination. As in museums, the caption
says it all, and the captions here are sadly lacking. Furthermore, the centrepiece
aims to depict “bright, colourful and detailed photographs of various monuments

145 Book Reviews
and architectures of Pakistan” (dustcover). Early Muslim tombs in Sindh, the
Lahore fort, the shrine of Rukn-i-Alam in Multan, British era public buildings,
Jinnah’s Ziarat Residency, Minar-e-Pakistan and Faisal masjid in Islamabad are
shown in a familiar nationalist historical narrative. The reader is encouraged to
marvel at the Northern Areas and lake Saif-ul-Maluk as beautiful, scenic and
romantic places that are popular with local and international tourists. Selfconsciously
what is on display is “the beauty and magnificence of Pakistan”
(dustcover). In the centrepieces the Encyclopaedia projects a nostalgic and
somewhat folkloric version of the national culture that seems oriented towards
overseas Pakistanis or foreigners, and contradicts somewhat the more complex
historical negotiations contained in the other entries.
Comparing the Encyclopaedia with similar resources to which scholars of
Punjab could turn, I recommend it as a valuable reference work. I was informed
by the scholarly accounts I consulted and liked the prominence of Pakistan’s
popular/folk cultures through entries on the provinces and everyday practices
such as languages, clothing and food genres.
References
Batool, F. (2004) Figure: The Popular and the Political in Pakistan, Lahore:
ASR Publications.
Uberoi, J.P.S. (1999) Religion, Civil Society and the State, Delhi: Oxford India
Paperbacks.
Kaveri Harris
University of Sussex
Gautam Malkani, Londonstani, (London: Harper Perennial, 2007) 342 pp. (pb)
no price given ISBN 0-00-723176-8 and 978-0-00723176-8.
This is not an easy book to get into in that its language, mixing colourful urban
street-talk with text message truncations, presents its own demands: like learning
a new patois. Many unfamiliar words are obviously part of what has been called
‘Hinglish’ (see Baljinder K. J. Maha’s The Queen’s Hinglish: How to speak
pukka, HarperCollins, 2006) – such as Desi (authentically South Asian), Gora
(White British), shaadi (wedding) and thapparh (slap). Other words belong to
urban street-culture - a world of bling, voice-mails and mobile fones (sic) - such
as Beema (a BMW), garms (designer clothes) and yard (house). And, of course,
the ubiquitous ‘innit’.
The narrator is a young man called Jas who is doing his resit A levels at
Hounslow College; Heathrow airport provides a backdrop to the unfolding
drama. A shy, self-effacing person, he nevertheless takes up with a small group

JPS 16.1 146
of Sikh/Hindu Desis led by six-pack bodied Hardjit (note the development from
Harjit). Physical violence, frustration and anger are never far away and take
many forms. The novel opens with a young English boy being beaten up for
make a supposedly racist remark and the first part of the book – there are three in
all: ‘Paki’, ‘Sher’ and ‘Desi’ – features a set-piece fight between Hardjit and a
Muslim youth from a nearby area. And then there are the families which bring
with them both humour and tragedy. Humour in the form of the juxtaposition
between the ‘hard’ image of the group to which Jas belongs and the demands and
courtesies of family life – such as Hardjit, Jas and friends coasting round
Hounslow in a lilac-coloured Beema only to receive a mobile phone call from
one of their mothers requesting shopping from Boots. Tragedy in the build-up to
a marriage on which the neurotic future groom’s mother feels that she is being
shown constant disrespect by her future daughter-in-law’s family, leading to the
apparent suicide through overdose of her son. Tragedy, too, in the way that Jas’s
love of fast cars and the high life draws him ever deeper into a world of real
crime and family disloyalty.
This is a cleverly-written novel that undoubtedly reveals something of the
world-view, tensions and dilemmas of many third or fourth generation British
Asians. There is much that is entertaining but, beneath the shallow posturing and
all-consuming demand for respect from peers, there is something darker and
more worrying: a social group which is at odds with the older generation for
whom – according to this writer, at least – cultural and religious conventions are
equally shallow and all-consuming.
And then, of course, there is the identity of Jas – whose brief liaison with a
Muslim girl forms an important thread in the novel - and his family. But you will
have to read the book yourself in order to enjoy the final, delicious irony that the
author serves up.
Bill Gent
University of Warwick

147 In Remembrance
In Remembrance
W.H. McLeod (1932-2009)
Having battled courageously with cancer for seven years, W.H. McLeod had a
fall and succumbed to his injuries on July 20, 2009. Known to be a caring
family person, a generous teacher, and an outstanding scholar of the Sikh
tradition, McLeod will be missed by family and friends spread around the globe.
New Zealanders by birth, Hew McLeod and his wife Margaret arrived in the
Punjab under the auspices of their church in the late 1950s, underwent a
transformation to turn into self-proclaimed atheists, developed a special
affection for the Sikhs, and McLeod went onto to dedicate the rest of his life
toward studying the Sikh community.
His scholarly career began with Guru Nanak and Sikh Religion (Clarendon
Press, 1968) and the extensive work that followed this can be placed under the
broad categories of Sikh history, translations of early Sikh texts, and critical
discussions of early Sikh literature. His seminal studies in these three areas
include The Evolution of the Sikh Community (Clarendon Press, 1975) and Who
is a Sikh? The Problem of Sikh Identity (Clarendon Press, 1989); The B-40
Janam Sakhi (Guru Nanak Dev University, 1980) and The Chaupa Singh Rahit-
Nama (University of Otago, 1987); Early Sikh Tradition (Clarendon Press,
1980) and Sikhs of the Khalsa Rahit (Oxford University Press, 2003),
respectively. In terms of range, depth, and usefulness for teaching the Sikh
tradition, McLeod’s writings constitute a class by themselves.
McLeod’s contribution to Sikh Studies also includes mentoring students who
now hold positions of prominence within the field. Tony Ballantyne (University
of Otago, New Zealand), Louis Fenech (University of Northern Iowa, U.S.A.),
and Pashaura Singh (University of California, Riverside) worked under his
direct guidance, while many others - myself included - had the benefit of his
advice at crucial junctures of their academic careers. In this role, McLeod was
generous with his time and did whatever he could to help younger scholars find
their own paths.
Furthermore, McLeod took upon himself the responsibility of helping the
Western world become aware of the importance of the Sikh community and its
traditions. At the invitation of the American Council of Learned Societies, he
delivered a series of lectures at North American universities during 1986-1987,
and later appeared as ‘expert witness’ in the Canadian courts on issues ranging
from the nature and importance of the Sikh turban to the understanding of the
Sikh sword (kirpan) as a religious symbol. Until 2002, when his health began to
deteriorate, one cannot think of any major academic event concerning Sikhism
in North America in which he was not present.
McLeod’s career, however, was not without bumps. From the very outset,
controversies dogged his research, and scholarly opinion remained split on the
nature of his work. Some scholars were critical of his argument developed in
Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion and as a result he was not invited to the

JPS: 16.1 148
international conference held at Punjabi University, Patiala, to celebrate the fifth
centennial of Guru Nanak’s birth in 1969. Simultaneously, there were others
who supported the publication of a Punjabi translation of the section on the
Guru’s teachings in the same book by Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, in
1974.
With his subsequent writings, these tensions turned into noisy public
denunciations of McLeod’s scholarship at Sikh forums both in the Punjab and
overseas in the late 1980s. The publication of his provocatively entitled Who is
a Sikh? The Problem of Sikh Identity, in 1989, did not help this situation.
McLeod was, however, fortunate to have the support of Margaret, a very special
human being in her own right, and he stoically made his way forward through
this period of agony and stress. He provides his reflection on this phase of his
life in his book Discovering the Sikhs (Permanent Black, 2004).
The precise nature of McLeod’s scholarly legacy will be sorted out in the
months and years ahead. As I write, there are some scholars who consider his
formulations on various issues of Sikh history as sacrosanct, and there are others
who so profoundly dislike what he has written that they are not able to discuss it
in a calm manner. No matter what shade of opinion one may hold between these
extremes, there is no question about the fact that McLeod’s writings have
remained at the center of Sikh scholarship during the past four decades. His
imprint on the field stands unmatched by any other scholar of his generation.
Professor McLeod at UC Santa Barbara in 2001
It is hard for me to miss this opportunity to publically acknowledge my gratitude
for his role in my own scholarly growth. The fact that I hold different positions
than those of Professor McLeod on a wide variety of issues ranging from the
origin of the Sikh community to the dating of many early Sikh texts did not
affect his support for my work and affection for my family. I salute this
beautiful human being and outstanding scholar for his unquestionable integrity!

149 In Remembrance
For me, the best homage to the memory of Professor McLeod lies in the
continuation of his legacy of asking difficult questions, stating one’s research
results with candor, and defending them to the best of one’s ability, if need be.
While coming to terms with the hard fact of his departure from the scene, I
believe his admirers, critics, and others alike need to begin a more nuanced
discussion about the future of Sikh Studies in the post-McLeod era. Nothing
would please him more than seeing our concerted effort towards encouraging
the growth of responsible scholarship and the coexistence of a wide variety of
ideas in the field he so caringly nurtured for over four decades!
Gurinder Singh Mann
University of California, Santa Barbara,
July 25, 2009
Mohammad Hafeez Khan (1936-2009)
Photo 1 1
Ustad Hafeez Khan. Wajid Ali on Tabla and Ali Hafeez Khan on the Tanpura.
Lahore. October 2008. Photo by Shahid Mirza
Punjab is perhaps a land with the most versatile and eclectic memory. Long
before Punjab became the epicenter of an agricultural revolution, its intense and
alive forestlands and historic social dwellings boasted a massive intangible and
tangible heritage harvests. It has contributed some of the most important
scriptures and classics such as the Ramayana, Geeta, Vedas, Upanishads,
Smritis, Natyashashtra, Sufi texts, love ballads, ballads of various wars and

JPS: 16.1 150
heroic warriors, Gurubani and some of the most important musical traditions in
South Asia. Very few remnants of these important musical traditions have
survived the socio-political and economic upheavals that the Punjab has had to
deal with over the last 150 years including the partition of Punjab in 1947.
Talwandi gharana is one of the ancient schools of dhrupad 2 , which traces its
roots to a small erstwhile principality near Ludhiana, Rai-Ki-Talwandi. Since
the partition of Punjab, the sons of Talwandi’s 131 st exponent Mian Meher Ali
Khan, Mohammad Afzal Khan and Mohammad Hafeez Khan, kept the singing
of dhrupad alive in Pakistan albeit in an environment not so favourable to
music. Afzal Khan, the elder of the two, retired from active singing and teaching
about 6 years ago due to frail health. Hafeez Khan continued to perform in small
house concerts, but more importantly teaching his son Ali and nephew Labrez.
On March 18, 2009 Ustad Mohammad Hafeez Khan Talwandiwale passed away
following a cardiac arrest with a lot left undone and, as it happened with other
Punjabi music doyens Bhai Arjan Singh Tarangar, Bhai Mohinder Singh, Ustad
Bahadur Singh, Ustad Dalip Singh, Maharaj Bir Singh Namdhari, Bhai Tabba,
Bhai Naseera, Bhai Gaam, even Ustad Salamat Ali Khan and many others,
unsung. It is a pity that the unnatural, political and unrealistic divide of the
historic soil and waters of Punjab have led to such relentless and tragic losses of
its storytellers and legacy bearers. Fortunately, the hearts are still united and
only there still exists some hope.
During Partition most musical exponents including the Hoshiarpur rababis,
namely Bhai Malang and his clan who played pakhawaj or mridang, jori and
tabla (all drums of various types), the Rababis from important heritage places
such as Sultanpur Lodhi, Goindwal Sahib, Amritsar, Taran Taaran, Khadur
Sahib, Anandpur Sahib, Panipat, Karnal, Pataudi and Ambala were forced to
migrate to West Punjab. Famous Sham Chaurasi, Delhi gharana and Qawwal
Bachhe exponents also moved to Pakistan while mastersingers like Bhai
Samund Singh and Gyani Gyan Singh Almast had to migrate to the Indian side
of Punjab. Such unprecedented forced migration of people and their gifts, which
was akin to the cutting of a huge tree from its vital roots led to the tragic loss of
many of Punjab’s precious arts, culture and heritage, as a result, within the next
two generations. Nearly all of this intangible wealth has become or is on the
verge of becoming extinct. Both the (Indian and Pakistani) Punjab Governments
are responsible for the sheer neglect of the intangible assets of this once
culturally rich land. Countless musical masterpieces have tragically gone silent
– an irretrievable loss.
Like the pine trees grow at a certain altitude and saguaros, for example,
grow in Arizona, I see patterns in how only certain art forms evolved only in
particular places. One of my teachers used to tell me that the master bearers of
knowledge are as ‘living books’ (zinda kitaben). The places which produced
exponents, generation after generation, are the libraries. One must remember
that in case of living books, the books but not their content can be shifted from
their libraries.
I had heard of the Talwandi Gharana and its legendary singers and once I
came to know about them in the early 90’s I had always wanted to go Lahore

151 In Remembrance
and meet them. Hafeez Khan, during his story telling sessions, would associate
the name khandarvani to Nayak Khanda Rai, his direct ancestor who erformed
the ‘miraculous’ feat of taal-vandi, slicing a single beat in 24 equal khands
(parts). The suffixed Khandehre refers to a person being ‘a descendents’ of
Khanda Rai. The term Khandehre is similar to the one used by the Dagars,
Behramkhani. Although not attached to the names of the Dagars, 'it means ‘the
followers of Baba Behram Khan’, who was the legendary court singer of
Maharaj Ranjit Singh who later settled in Jaipur. Actually khandarvani as a
genre is not a copyright of Hafeez Khan’s family. Talwandi gharana is allegiant
to khandarvani but it is not its sole repository. This possessive notion (of the
term khandarvani) is probably as preposterous as the term dagarvani, usually
associated with the current ‘Dagar family’. Noted Philosophy and Aesthetics
Professor, S. K. Saxena attributed the title ‘Dagur’ to his great friend and
mentor Ustad Allabande Rahimuddin Khan, who claimed to represent this
unique style. Soon after, this title, used to denote the style of singing followed
by Rahimuddin Khan’s family, came to be used as a surname, irrespective of the
actual adherence to this particular singing style. At the moment, no student who
may really be considered a responsible exponent of the dagarvani style would
use this title. Likewise, the direct descendents of Nayak Khanda Rai can only
attach the suffix – ‘Khandehre Talwandivale’, but not a disciple of either this
family tradition or any other exponent of the khandarvani. The family does not
remember that this genre takes its name from the region Kandahar (read
kandahrivani) in the present day Afghanistan. Not so long ago, history
enthusiasts may recall, the entire region, from Afghanisthan to India, was all one
‘nation’.
Actually, there were many exponents and families who represented all four
music traditions or vanis (others being gauharivani or gaudharivani, naharivani
or nauharivani and dagarvani or dagurvani) and at this point in time it would be
impossible to ascertain which family may have been the oldest representative of
each of these vani styles. There is one family in Una, Punjab (now Himachal
Pradesh), which is also a claimant of the Talwandi Gharana. Sadly, its last
dhrupad exponent died in 2001 – I met his grandson at the Kikkar Spa near Sri
Anandpur Sahib where he played tabla with a ghazal singer. He revealed that
nobody in his family remembers the traditional repertoire once sang by his
grandfather. It would be interesting to find out if there are any family linkages
between these two, although Hafeez Khan never mentioned of any long lost
cousins in East Punjab, but, of course, the fact that he wasn’t aware of them
does not negate the linkages’ possibility.
It was a dear friend of mine, Khalid Basra (d. 1998), who did his PhD on the
Ustad at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, who
personally introduced Hafeez Khan to me. Khan Sahib was evidently very keen
to teach me. It did make things easier as I was curious to know about the
grammar (of sound or music), which they adhered to, their improvisational style
and the ambit of their repertoire. My son, Luigi Hari Tehel Singh, of whom
Khan Sahib and his wife were very fond, was just a year old when we went to
Lahore in 1997 and that visit gave me an opportunity to have a first hand

JPS: 16.1 152
experience of his teaching method and singing style. I had taken my Jori to
Lahore and during those days I played a lot with him, occasionally but playfully
testing each other. I have in my collection a few hours of video recording from
that visit.
During my 1997 visit, I had also made nearly 32 hours of audio DAT
recordings, which were sadly stolen at Napoli Centrale railway station in
September 1998. We had just boarded the Eurostar to Roma to catch a flight
back to India. The recordings contained very fond memories of the 1997 visit to
Lahore, when Khalid Basra was still alive, although I had a chance to re-record
Hafeez Khan during my 2000 visit, which was more of a study trip. This time
around, he told me that I was his first ‘vocalist’ disciple, although I would tend
to dispute it as I understand that his nephew, Labrez, may have already been
trained by him.
Ustad Hafeez Khan had the faiz (grace) of his ancestors, which he claimed to
have received when he visited the mazar (tomb) of his father, Ustad Meher Ali.
I do hope that such a blessing continues to flow in his family for it would be
very unfortunate to lose such a precious link to the Talwandi school of music.
He was an extraordinary talent but a talent, who could never flourish simply
because of the cruel fate that he (along with countless others) met in the face of
Partition. A very famous Sikh Zamindar, who shifted to the Indian side of
Punjab in 1947, employed his father, Miyan Mehar Ali. Although, Hafeez
Khan’s family did not need to migrate, as they were already residing in the then
newly carved out Pakistan, their means of livelihood and their privileges were
snatched away from them. Now they had to fend for themselves rather than
being provided for. They had to worry about family sustenance rather than just
minding their musical business and this changed scenario would have meant less
time spent in actually learning from their elders. Not an isolated phenomenon,
which occurred only to this family, Partition ruptured the mode of passing the
traditional knowledge to the next generation in almost all major traditions at that
time. At the time of migrating to India, the Sikh Zamindar told Ustad Hafeez
Khan’s father that the thought of losing out on listening to Mehar Ali’s
bhimpalāsi rendition was unbearable more than leaving the entire ancestral
estate behind.

153 In Remembrance
Photo 2 3
Talwandi Gharana. Lahore. Early 1920s
My own family, for example, lived in East Punjab (although my father was
studying in Lahore at the time) and yet it was not immune to the aftermath of
Punjab’s partition. There was a clear contrast between the generation which was
already established by the 1930s and the ones who were under training in the
40s. Similar is the case for the Dagars, for the family of the legendary pakhawaj
maestro Parbat Singh of Gwalior and for the Rababi Bhai Ghulam Mohammad,
a nephew of Bhai Chand and son of the legendary Bhai Sundar.
Ustad Hafeez Khan mostly sang in chartal (a 12 beat rhythm cycle) and
occasionally sang in sultal and jhaptal (both 10 beat cycles), geet aka dhaiya or
tivra (7 beats), but rarely in dhamar (14 beats). I really enjoyed his kedar, megh,
miyan malhar, adana-bahar, kamod, desi and malkauns. As I am not attempting
to write a musicological note on Hafeez Khan, enthusiasts may refer to the
article “Dhrupad in Pakistan: The Talwandi Gharana” by Khalid Basra and
Richard Widdess, for details I am refraining to delve into.
I have some reservations on the way Richard has handled his dhrupad
related works with Khalid and later 4 with Professor Ritwik Sanyal. For example,
Richard relies on sitar exponent Dharambir Singh and perhaps Pandit Amarnath
for his Sikh music related research quote 5 . While in fact Dharambir is a Sikh but
he is not an exponent of Sikh Kirtan tradition. The quotes 6 attributed to him in
this book are speculative and appalling to say the least. Among many music
exponents including the Talwandi ones who became Gur-Sikhs did composed
newer compositions but their immediate passion was to learn the shabd-reets,
which were compositions composed by the Gurubani authors themselves. It

JPS: 16.1 154
must be noted that the author of this article is an exponent of all three schools in
consideration here; khandarvani, dagarvani and gurubani, and is grateful to all
these three traditions for their respective insights and is obviously privy to their
rich heritage. I also have a rare privilege to be in a position to compare and
comment on the repertoire of these hoary traditions. Many of the remaining
masterpieces (compositions) of the Gurus are simply matchless and have left
some of the finest exponents of classical music including the Dagars and
Talwandi exponents, stunned. Incorrect and inappropriate sources can be
downright misleading. Whereas the people referred to are wonderful musicians
respected in their own right, but one must be careful before substituting the
living doyens of the two ancient musical systems, Gurubani and Dagarvani.
I am a person with big dreams but very limited means. Alas, how I wish
Fahimuddin Dagar and Hafeez Khan had been brought together in a discussion
session. I remember Fahimuddin being absolutely amazed to hear about the four
stages of alaap as referred to by Hafeez Khan namely, sari'at, tariqat, haqiqat
and ma'rifat, which is a very Islamic take on the methodology of alaap.
Fahimuddin’s is a more Indic interpretation of alaap’s methodology.
Unfortunately, geo-political locations and compulsions can sometimes force
even musical exponents to change or convert the music, it grammar, etymology
and history to suit their new patrons.
According to Hafeez Khan, the root of alaap is Allah-ap, which literally
means God Himself. Alaap or vaartalaap literally means to talk, to converse and
in this case, a musical conversation. Alaap (org Sanskrit) can either contain
words as a means of conversation for example, “nit taran taaran, Allah tero
naam” in Hafeez Khan’s case and ‘Om antaram tvam, taran taaran tvam, anant
hari narayan Om” in case of Fahimuddin Dagar, or be merely phonetic or
wordless similar to a communicative attempt by a cat or even a dog. Some
animals such as a cat, dog or even cattle show us a range of emotions, which are
intrinsic to the rendition of alaap such as kalol (playful), laad (to cajole
lovingly), pukaar (calling), which are some of the musical characteristics that
are unique to the Gurubani singing.
Being a 13 th generation exponent and a repository of some fascinating
shabad-reets (compositions) of the Sikh gurus, their modus-alaap fascinated
and inspired me to undertake a major analysis of these priceless compositions. I
could see repeated patterns when the conversation is with one’s mind; various
emotions (happy, sorrowful, lament, distress, wishful, etc); with the guru who is
formless, nameless, and ubiquitous; when the guru gives gyan (knowledge) and
the resulting celebration. Such variety is non-existent to best of my knowledge
in any other Indian musical tradition, although there exists a very evolved sense
of aesthetic – a symbiosis between the four elements that make a composition,
namely, raag (melodic mode), taal (rhythmic pattern or cycle), shabd (word or
verse) and avadhaanu (intent). Perhaps this lack is because of the absence of
Gurubani like poetic content in other tradition.

155 In Remembrance
At this moment I am reminded of a beautiful composition by Nayak Baiju (15 th
Century AD?) in raag multani set to chartaal, which Hafeez Khan sang with
masterly improvisations.
Vidya teyu bhali jaa mein paeyo ram.
(asthai)
Rang mahal mein baithe jo gopal lal, cheen layee mala.
(antara)
Saat pragat teen gupat, rache jo Gopal Lal,
(sanchari)
Baiju de gaye te, saat sur bhul gaye,
(abhog)
Pokhan daroo mala.
The first line, which is also the refrain or asthai of the composition, ends with
the word ‘Ram’. But Hafeez Khan changed it to ‘Allah’ 7 . In another instance,
when he was about to teach me a chartaal composition in raag malkauns (an all
flat note pentatonic raag where the 2 nd and the 3 rd notes are never touched) he
asked me if I wanted to learn the composition with the original text or the newer
one that he had specifically done for the audience in Pakistan.
During my visit in the year 2000, I had interviewed him intently and
intensively both. What I found was that although he had a unique repertoire, it
was not an extensive one. He mentioned about looking into his father’s note
books when I asked him about some rare raag forms.
I had heard from some of the Sikh maestros that over the last few hundred
years, many exponents of the Talwandi gharana had become Sikhs and began
singing gurubani instead of other texts. Some even continued to be non-Sikhs
but sang gurubani while retaining their respective beliefs. During one of our
discussions I mentioned about Raag Khat Gujri to his surprise. According to
Hafeez Khan, this raag and its compositions in chartaal are some of the prized
assets of the Talwandi Gharana and Hafeez Khan was clearly shocked to hear
the same raag sang by me. He was always very courteous with me but I noticed
that he actually became comfortable with me after this particular episode. I
wasn’t counted amongst aliens anymore and I was glad.
The handling of a ten beat rhythmic cycle variant, soolphakta aka sool or
soolphak, in this tradition, particularly amazed me. Unlike most music traditions
where sool is sung in medium or fast tempo, in the Talwandi repertoire there are
quite a few compositions in vilambit laya (slow pace) like chartaal (a 12-beat
cycle) or dhamaar (a 14-beat cycle). A noteworthy example among such
compositions is a masterpiece in a raag kanra version,
“Laalan aaye, bhaye mohe.
Hoon bali gayee sakhi, apne piya ko.
(asthai)
Tan, man, dhan main chaa vari kar hoon,
Jaane na doongi sakhi, apne piya ko”.
(antara)

JPS: 16.1 156
The mukhra (beginning) of this composition, laalan aaye, is particularly
confusing to even a chiseled percussion accompanist (having personally tried
with a few). The percussionists think that the summ of the bandish
(composition) is on the phonetic ‘a’ of aaye, instead the composition is a
mastAnād dhrupad i.e. one that starts form the first beat of the rhythm cycle – in
this case the soolphak.
But there were some other unique aspects to Hafeez Khan’s handling of geet
and sulphak, 7 and 10 beats respectively, this time in ati-drut laya (prestissimo
or fast pace). Having successfully revived Punjab’s art of pakhawaj playing, it
was indeed a pleasure and a satisfying experience for me, to accompany him
and his brother, Mohammad Afzal Khan, on the jori/pakhawaj.
There were a few funny instances too, in our conversation. One evening he
sang a beautiful composition in geet taal and I expressed my desire to learn it.
Hafeez Khan Sahib did not want to reveal the name of the raag and clearly
pretended to have ‘forgotten’ the composition that he had just sang. I responded
by singing 6-7 compositions set to pancham savari, Punjabi tintal and soolphak
and he exclaimed, “Even you know raag mali gaura?”
A couple of days later, I introduced him to Rai Azizullah, the direct
descendent of the Nawabs of Talwandi who were the jajman (patrons) of Hafeez
Khan’s ancestors. Shockingly, they had never met – well, until that fine
evening, when I organised an evening concert at the Rai’s residence in Lahore.
Both the Khandehre brothers sang in unison – a memorable concert. The sooltal
rendition was very dramatic when both the brothers tried to challenge me
unsuccessfully as I played the jori along with them that evening, leaving Ustad
Afzal Khan, the elder brother of Hafeez Khan, utterly pleased. After I asked
them to sing the mali gaura composition, Hafeez Khan complained to me
afterwards that I must not take the names of the raags in front of people, as they
had never revealed the names of these rare ragas in Pakistan.
In another occasion he tried to convert me to his own set of principles. He
started by saying that “Hazrat Mohammad is the Prophet while Guru Nanak Dev
is only a Pir”. The status of a Prophet is higher as the truth has been revealed to
the Prophet whereas Guru Nanak Dev only taught what the Prophet revealed.
This hilarious debate went on until dawn. He never engaged in a religious or
spiritual debate with me afterwards.
He had even passed on to me his ancestral tanpura, which he claimed to be
more than 300 hundred years old, writing a will-like note on a slip in Urdu.
According to him its toomba (gourd) was made from a rhino-skin. But I
returned this precious heirloom to him after doing some extensive restoration
work on it.
He was a great teacher. It was a memorable moment when he taught me
darbari alap. He was very methodical and showed his sincere intent to teach.
He told me I was the first singer student of his and also ‘ordained’ me in the line
of Talwandi exponents. He requested me to take care of his son and family after
him. The list of his well-wishers grew considerably in the years since my last
visit. Rabia and Shahid Mirza organised classes at their art and crafts abode,

157 In Remembrance
Lahore Chitrakar, and recorded his concerts. He had many new students some of
whom I met when I visited Lahore after his passing away.
Many times I had expressed my desire to bring him to India. Especially now
when my plans to set up Anād Conservatory: An Institute of Arts, Aesthetics
and Cultural Traditions at the historic Qila Sarai, Sultanpur Lodhi in Kapurthala
are nearly fructified. His name had already been proposed as a Professor
Emeritus at the Conservatory’s Faculty of Music and Arts. Removing his name
was a very painful act indeed and I hope his elder brother, howsoever frail,
would be able to undertake this responsibility.
Khan Sahib’s demise has indeed left a void and is an irretrievable loss. I was
very pleased to see a lot of him in his son Ali and nephew Labrez – who must
now carry the Talwandi baton in to the future. They will need to work very hard
indeed and, Khan Sahib, I reiterate my pledge to you to be supportive of them
and their cause – hopefully the day may not be far when they would represent
you and the great elders of this unique gharana of Punjab. In gratitude to you
for all that you shared. Rabb Rākha –Farewell…
Bhai Baldeep Singh
Ustad Mohammad Hafeez Khan Talwandiwale, Musician, born January 2, 1936
Faisalabad originally Lyallpur (West Punjab Pakistan) died March 18, 2009
Faisalabad.
About the author: Bhai Baldeep Singh, a 13th-generation exponent of Sikh
Kirtan Maryada (vocalist, percussionist, string player) is also an instrument
maker, lecturer, archivist, and founder of Anād Conservatory – An institute of
Arts, Aesthetics and Cultural Traditions. Chairman and Managing Trustee of the
Anād Foundation, he represents Punjab in the General Council of the National
Academy of Music and Drama, New Delhi.
Notes
1 The decline of dhrupad and related art forms is evident in this image by
Shahid Mirza. In Pakistan, there is no artisan who can make pakhawaj or jori
(drums traditionally used for accompaniment to dhrupad), and neither a
pakhawaj player of any substance, after the tragic demise of Ustad Talib
Hussein in the early 90’s. In this image, Wajid Ali is seen playing tabla with
Hafeez Khan’s dhrupad singing. I have heard some recordings of these concerts,
which were give to me by Shahid Mirza in April 2009 when I visited Lahore
and Faisalabad. The tabla accompaniment in these recordings is piteous.
It is a shame that Hafeez Khan and his brother could not have at least a
couple of their children or relatives trained in the art of pakhawaj playing when
many exponents were still around such as the legendary Bhai Santu, Bhai
Naseera, Mian Kader Baksh, Baba Inayat and Baba Mukhtar.

JPS: 16.1 158
2 Dhrupad is said to be the oldest living musical genres of India after the
chandh, prabandh, dhruva and matha genres went out of vogue. It must be
noted that the Gurubani Kirtan tradition with its oldest Sufi order author Sheikh
Farid (11-12 th Century AD) still employs the chandh and prabandh genres of
singing in its repertoire. The Gurubani aka Guru Granth Sahib is authored by 36
masters who lived in South Asia between the 11-12 th century and 17-18 th
century AD.
3 The performers shown here in this undated photo were not familiar to even
Hafeez Khan who preserved this image. It is interesting to see a tasha or dukkad
like percussion instrument similar to the one used to accompany a shehnai (an
Indian flute) concert.
4 Dhrupad: Tradition and Performance in Indian Music by Ritwik Sanyal and
Richard Widdess. Ashgate Publishing Limited. 2004. Page 395.
5 “A similar situation seems to have existed in the Punjab. Before Partition,
dhrupad was a popular art-form for which members of the Talwandi gharana
were particularly noted. It is said that they were employed by Sikh religious
leaders to compose music in the dhrupad style for ritual use in the temples of
Amritsar and elsewhere; they also taught Sikh and Hindu pupils, sometimes
adopting Sikh or Hindu titles and dress. Thus music of ultimately Hindu origins
was adapted by Muslims for use in Sikh ritual”. Written as quoted attributed to
Dharambir Singh and Pandit Amarnath from, Ibid., Page 33
6
Even some of their remarks in their book Dhrupad: Tradition and
Performance in Indian Music about the un-willingness of Fahimuddin Dagar to
share knowledge are disturbing. But I will refrain from ingressing further into
this issue here in this article but hoping at the same time that at least in
academia tools such as impatience and jumping to easy conclusions are
shunned.
7 Listen to Gharano Ki Gaiki, a 20-tape set produced by Khurshid Anwar for
EMI (Pakistan) Ltd and PNCA. TCEMCP 5060/5079. circa 1980.

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