A THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL XLIV 2002 Published by the Protestant ...

A THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Eine gemeinsame Hoffnung von Juden
und Christen?
The Formation of Rabbinic Judaism:
From the Mishnahís Philosophy to the
Talmudsí Religion
Eine j¸disch-deutsche Handschrift des
Buchdruckers und Konvertiten Johannes
Helicz, Breslau 1537
The Crisis of the Union of Czech
Brethren in the Years Prior to the Thirty
Years War or On the Usefulness
of Persecution
Access to the Dead Sea Scrolls ñ V
1
XLIV 2002
Published
by the Protestant Theological Faculty
of Charles University Prague
137

A THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Eine gemeinsame Hoffnung von Juden
und Christen?
The Formation of Rabbinic Judaism:
From the Mishnahís Philosophy to the
Talmudsí Religion
Eine j¸disch-deutsche Handschrift des
Buchdruckers und Konvertiten Johannes
Helicz, Breslau 1537
The Crisis of the Union of Czech
Brethren in the Years Prior to the Thirty
Years War or On the Usefulness of
Persecution
Access to the Dead Sea Scrolls ñ V
1
XLIV 2002
Published
by the Protestant Theological Faculty
of Charles University Prague
142

CONTENTS (XLIV, 2002) Nr. 1
1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PETR SL¡MA
Aufzeichnungen aus den bˆhmischen Dˆrfern
5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . GERHARD SAUTER
Eine gemeinsame Hoffnung von Juden und Christen?
19 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . JACOB NEUSNER
The Formation of Rabbinic Judaism: From the Mishnahís
Philosophy to the Talmudsí Religion
44 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MARTIN ROTHKEGEL
Eine j¸disch-deutsche Handschrift des Buchdruckers und
Konvertiten Johannes Helicz, Breslau 1537
51 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . JINDÿICH HALAMA
The Crisis of the Union of Czech Brethren in the Years Prior
to the Thirty Years War or On the Usefulness of Persecution
69 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . STANISLAV SEGERT
Access to the Dead Sea Scrolls ñ V
Book Review
126 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PAVEL HOäEK
The Trinity and the Interfaith
S. Mark Heim, The Depth of the Riches: A Trinitarian Theology
of Religious Ends
132 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . FILIP »APEK
The Old Testament as Inspiration in Culture
138

a theological journal
Published by the Protestant Theological Faculty of Charles University,
»ern· 9, 115 55 Praha 1, Czech Republic.
Associate editors: Ivana Noble, Tom·ö HanËil and Petr Sl·ma
Typography: Petr Kadlec
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139

EDITORIAL
Aufzeichnungen aus den bˆhmischen Dˆrfern
Der blutige Fr¸hling 2002 im Heiligen Land†ñ kein nur frommes
Wort, sondern die wahrscheinlich politisch korrekteste Bezeichnung
des Territoriums, in dem sich die chronischen Auseinandersetzungen
zwischen Israelis und Pal‰stinensern mit derzeit erneuter Heftigkeit
abspielen, hat die Frage nach den Perspektiven des vor fast zehn
Jahren begonnenen Friedensprozesses in Israel / Pal‰stina wieder laut
werden lassen. Die Gewalt ist zu tragischen Dimensionen eskaliert.
Will man die Ursachen dieses Konfliktes diskutieren, muss man sich
jeweils mit der Perspektive beider Seiten auseinandersetzen. Das sich
daraus entwickelnde Bild wird infolgedessen immer ein ambivalentes
sein m¸ssen. Die Folgen der neuen Welle der Gewalt lassen sich heute
noch kaum absch‰tzen. Gerade diese Komplexit‰t verbietet es aber,
simple Konfliktlˆsungen zu finden. Als bestes Beispiel einer schlechten
Lˆsung seien hier die ÑRezepteì des Ministerpr‰sidenten Miloö
Zeman erw‰hnt, die er w‰hrend seines Besuches in Israel im Februar
2002 zum Besten gab, indem er Arafat mit Hitler verglich und die
Aussiedlung der Pal‰stinenser bef¸rwortete.
Wir kˆnnen die Augen vor dem israelisch-pal‰stinensischen Konflikt
nicht verschlieflen. Zum einen, weil es um menschliches Leid
geht, das uns angeht, genauso wie etwa das Leid der Nordkoreaner,
der Tschetschenen oder Somalier, das uns zu konkreten Formen unserer
Hilfe auffordert. Dar¸ber hinaus birgt die Situation in Israel/
Pal‰stina f¸r europ‰ische Christen und Christinnen eine doppelte
Relevanz: Die Entstehung des modernen Staates Israel steht, neben
allen innerj¸dischen wie auch allgemein abendl‰ndischen Peripetien,
in direktem Zusammenhang mit der Tragˆdie des Vˆlkermordes,
an dem sich viele Europ‰er unter dem nationalsozialistischen
Regime in Deutschland beteiligt haben. Aber mehr noch: Die Geschichte
des auserw‰hlten Volkes und des verlobten Landes, wie sie
im Alten Testament geschildert wird, bestimmt die Landschaft unseres
Glaubens. Die Juden, die mit dem biblischen Volk in einem direkten
Kontinuum stehen, die aber unsere Trennung der Konfessionalit‰t
und Nationalit‰t nie vˆllig akzeptieren konnten und die
selbst†ñ zitiert nach der Unabh‰ngigkeitserkl‰rung des ersten israe-
1

EDITORIAL
lischen Ministerpr‰sidenten David Ben Gurion†ñ den Aufbau eines
israelischen Staates Ñim Lichte der Weissagungen der Prophetenì
sehen, gehˆren in den Horizont unseres Glaubens. Umso vorsichtiger
m¸ssen wir mit Formulierungen bez¸glich der heutigen Lage in
Israel/Pal‰stina sein.
Zur Relevanz des heutigen Judentums haben sich die in der
Leuenberger Gemeinschaft verbundenen reformatorischen Kirchen,
darunter auch die Ev. Kirche der Bˆhmischen Br¸der, bekannt, indem
sie sich im Juni 2001 in Belfast das Lehrgespr‰chsergebnis der
beauftragten Gruppe ÑKirche und Israelì zu eigen gemacht haben.
In diesem Dokument heiflt es:
ÑAus der Perspektive des christlichen Glaubens gilt, dass der
bleibende Platz, der Israel zukommt, aus dem gˆttlichen Erw‰hlungshandeln
resultiert. Israel selber definiert sich auch
als Zusammenhang eines Volkslebens. Christen wissen, dass
die Gemeinschaft des Volkes Israel durch ein Erw‰hlungshandeln
Gottes begr¸ndet ist, welches sich auf einen Lebenszusammenhang
bezieht, der sowohl sozial wie religiˆs bestimmt
ist.ì (II 3.1.1.)
Inwieweit sich daraus allerdings eine religiˆse Relevanz des Staates
Israel ableiten l‰sst und was unter dieser Relevanz genau zu verstehen
ist, bleibt unbeantwortet. Der israelische Historiker Mosche
Zimmermann beobachtet die wachsende Rolle religiˆser Motive und
Argumentationen in der heutigen israelischen Gesellschaft mit grofler
Besorgnis, denn die Expansion der Religion sei, so Zimmermann,
die Ursache der heutigen Unruhen. Zimmermann verbirgt nicht, dass
seine Zuneigung dem Ñalten guten linkenì†ñ und aufgrund der Rereligionisation
des Judentums schnell verschwundenen†ñ s‰kularen
Zionismus gehˆrt. Jacob Neusner, der amerikanische j¸dische Theologe
und Forscher im Bereich des rabbinischen†ñ oder wie er es nennt,
des Ñformativenì Judentums, weist wiederum das nationale Element
im Judentum zur¸ck, wenn er in einer in der Zeitschrift Commentary
verˆffentlichten Diskussion einen Artikel mit dem charakteristischen
Titel schreibt: ÑWhy Iím Not an Ethnic Jew†ñ Why Iím a†Religious
Jewì. Hier jedoch, im Communio Viatorum, bringt Neusner seine
2

EDITORIAL
These vor, in der er die im 3. Jh. verfertigte Mischna als ein utopisch-philosophisches
Dokument bezeichnet, das sich mit dem Fall
des Jerusalemer Tempels auseinandersetzt†ñ im Unterschied zu dem
im 5. Jh. entstandenen Jerusalemer Talmud, der auf Grund der Erfahrung
mit dem Aufstieg des Christentums seine eigene Version des
Heils, also eine Religion, vorlegt. Symbolisiert die Frage nach der
Gestalt des Heils die Trennung zwischen Synagoge und Kirche, dann
ist im Gegensatz dazu das Erwarten der Erlˆsung inmitten einer
unerlˆsten Welt, nach dem in Prag gehaltenen Vortrag des Bonner
systematischen Theologen Gerhard Sauter, zugleich das Element, das
beide ÑVˆlkerì verbindet. Am Ende seiner Vorlesung bekennt Sauter:
ÑAls Versˆhner steht Jesus zwischen Christen und Juden†ñ aber nicht,
um sie voneinander zu trennen.ì
Was ergibt sich daraus f¸r den christlichen Auftrag, der am Ende
des Matth‰usevangeliums lautet: ÑDarum gehet hin und machet zu
J¸ngern alle Vˆlker?ì Diese Frage ist vielerorts in Kirchengemeinden
Tschechiens diskutiert worden. Im Synodalbeschluss der
Ev. Kirche der Bˆhmischen Br¸der zur Beziehung zwischen Christen
und Juden vom Mai 2002 heiflt es:
Paulus bezeichnet den Weg Gottes mit Israel als ein Geheimnis,
durch das die ÑF¸lle der Heiden zum Heilì gelingen kann.
Eben dann, wenn die Juden in ihrer Beziehung zu Gott die
christliche Auffassung Christi ablehnen, sehen wir in dieser
Ablehnung einen Ausdruck dieses Geheimnisses, das f¸r uns
schwierig und beunruhigend ist. Zugleich aber sehen wir in
dieser Haltung eine Treue mit dem Bund, den Gott mit Israel
geschlossen hat. Mission gehˆrt zum Wesen der Kirche. Die
Kirche ist durch eine erweiterte Einladung zum Erwarten des
Gottesreiches entstanden und als solche soll diese Einladung
Ñallen Vˆlkernì vermittelt werden. Ganz deutlich ist diese Aufgabe
in der s‰kularisierten tschechischen Gesellschaft zu erkennen†ñ
und ebenso deutlich auch, wie wenig wir dieser Aufgabe
gerecht werden. Als Christen bleiben wir jedoch immer
diejenigen, die selbst in den ÷lbaum Israels eingepfropft worden
sind. Darum meinen wir, dass die Kirche der Synagoge
gegen¸ber in einer br¸derlichen Beziehung steht.
3

EDITORIAL
Sicherlich gab es zwischen Christentum und Judentum immer
‹bertritte und zwar in beide Richtungen†ñ und nicht selten mit betr‰chtlichen
Folgen. In seiner Studie erforscht Martin Rothkegel die
Umst‰nde und Folgen der in den 30er Jahren des 16. Jh. vollzogenen
Konversion der Krakauer j¸dischen Druckerfamilie Helicz. Im Zusammenhang
mit der von der Br¸derunit‰t geleisteten tschechischen
Kralitzer Bibel¸bersetzung wird ein Nachkomme dieser Familie
Lucas Helicz, erw‰hnt. Jind¯ich Halama Jr. beobachtet die Wege der
Br¸derunit‰t zu Beginn des 17. Jh. Er zeigt den Zusammenhang auf
zwischen dem Verlust des Ñprophetischen Grundtonsì innerhalb der
Unit‰t, der das hussitische Erbe charakterisierte, und dem allm‰hlichen
Prozess eines Ñsich der Welt ÷ffnensì, das zur Anpassung an
die politischen Gegebenheiten f¸hren muflte. ÑVon Qumran nach
Kunvaldì, so deutete vor mehr als dreiflig Jahren Stanislav Segert
eine gewisse Gedankenverwandtschaft an, die zwischen j¸dischen
Essenern und der urspr¸nglichen bˆhmischen Br¸derunit‰t zweifelsohne
besteht. In diesem Heft legt Segert einen weiteren Teil seiner
umfangreichen rezensierenden Reihe der essenischen Bibliothek vor.
Petr Sl·ma
4

EINE GEMEINSAME HOFFNUNG VON JUDEN
UND CHRISTEN?
Gerhard Sauter, Bonn
Was f¸r eine Frage!
Sind Juden und Christen durch eine gemeinsame Hoffnung miteinander
verbunden ñ vielleicht eher als durch einen gemeinsamen Glauben?
Diese Frage wird heute oft spontan mit ÑJaì beantwortet. Das
scheint auch nahezuliegen, wenn man traditionsgeschichtlich denkt:
Die fr¸hen Schriften des Christentums berufen sich h‰ufig auf Erwartungen
aus prophetischen und apokalyptischen Texten und halten
viele dieser Erwartungen aufrecht, andere Erwartungen sehen sie hingegen
als ¸berholt an, denn sie seien durch die Christusgeschichte
Ñerf¸lltì: ein hˆchst interpretationsbed¸rftiges Wort! 1 Jesus Christus,
der von Gott Gekommene, wird als Ñder Kommendeì 2 erwartet, als
der Weltenrichter am J¸ngsten Tage ñ doch darin stimmen Juden und
Christen gerade nicht ¸berein. Also doch keine gemeinsame Hoffnung
von Juden und Christen? Oder vielleicht eine aufgespaltene
Hoffnung, von der ein Teil, etwa die Erwartung des Weltendes, Juden
und Christen gemeinsam w‰re, w‰hrend Christus trennend zwischen
Juden und Christen st¸nde? Dies g‰lte zumindest bis zum Ende der
Welt, und das w‰re dann lange genug! Christen hoffen darauf, dafl
Jesus Christus wiederkommt und vollendet, wozu er einst gekommen
ist ñ f¸r Juden dagegen stehen Erlˆser und Erlˆsung noch aus.
Ungef‰hr so lautet die Gegen¸berstellung, wie sie die wechselseitige
Wahrnehmung von Judentum und Christentum lange Zeit bestimmt
hat. Es ist eine etwas subtilere Sicht, als wir sie aus manchen
bildlichen Darstellungen vor allem aus dem Mittelalter und der fr¸-
1 Berechtigte Einw‰nde nennt Gerhard Safl, Leben aus den Verheiflungen
(FRLANT 164), Gˆttingen 1995, 261 f.
2 Zu diesem Pr‰dikat s. Gerhard Sauter, Einf¸hrung in die Eschatologie, Darmstadt
1995, 45ñ54.
5

GERHARD SAUTER
hen Neuzeit kennen. Hatten die Juden die Sorge vor einem falschen
Messias 3 parat, um fremde Hoffnungsvorstellungen zu personalisieren,
zu demaskieren und damit auszuschlieflen, so wurde auf christlicher
Seite der Antichrist oft mit j¸dischen Z¸gen versehen 4 . Soweit
ich sehe, sind es Christen h‰ufiger als Juden gewesen, die die andere
Seite als einen Gegenpol betrachteten und den Kontrast schilderten,
um dadurch die eigene Position abzugrenzen und auch sch‰rfer zu
zeichnen. Diese polemische Darstellung konnte zus‰tzlich durch die
Selbstwahrnehmung diktiert werden, durch eine Selbsteinsch‰tzung,
die alles, was man f¸r sich selber als eigent¸mlich und wesentlich
beanspruchte, herausstellte. Auf christlicher Seite wurden schon fr¸h
das ÑGeistlich/Spirituelleì im Gegensatz zum ÑFleischlich/Materiellenì
5 , sp‰ter das Jenseits als ‹berbietung des Diesseits und das Individuelle
im Gegen¸ber zum Sozialen hervorgehoben.
1 Das Kontrastschema ÑSchon jetzt/Noch nichtì
Handelt es sich bei der Zeitvorstellung und dem Geschichtsbild, das
ich eingangs skizzierte, auch um ein solches Wahrnehmungsmuster?
In ihm stellt sich das Verh‰ltnis von Judentum und Christentum etwa
3 Eine Schl¸sselrolle spielte Sabbatai Zwi (1626ñ1676); vgl. die Darstellung seiner
messianischen Krˆnung (in diesem Falle eine positive Zeichnung): Judentum in
Kunst und Literatur, hg. von Sharon R. Keller, Kˆln 1995, 137.
4 Beispiele: Der Antichrist und Die f¸nfzehn Zeichen vor dem J¸ngsten Gericht.
Faksimile der ersten typographischen Ausgabe [Straflburg 1480]. Inkunabel der
Stadt- und Universit‰tsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main Inc. fol. 116 I/n, mit Beitr‰gen
von Karin Boveland, Christoph Peter Burger und Ruth Steffen, Hamburg/Amsterdam
1989.
5 Der Kirchenvater Hieronymus statuiert: ÑEin weiser christlicher Leser sollte bei
den prophetischen Verheiflungen dieser Regel folgen: Wir lehren, dafl das, was die
Juden und die j¸disch denken bei den Unsrigen ñ vielmehr bei denen, die nicht zu
uns gehˆren ñ, in fleischlicher Weise als zuk¸nftig beanspruchen, in geistlicher
Weise schon eingetroffen ist, damit wir nicht angesichts derartiger Erz‰hlungen oder
schier unbeantwortbarer apostolischer Fragestellungen gezwungen sind, j¸disch zu
denken.ì ñ ÑPrudens et christianus lector hanc habeat repromissionum prophetalium
regulam, ut quaea ludaei et nostri, immo non nostri ludaizantes, carnaliter futura
contendunt, nos spiritaliter iam transacta doceamus, ne per occasionem istiusmodi
fabularum et inextricabilium iuxta apostolorum quaestionum iudaizare cogamur.ì
Commentarius in Esaiam IV [407/408], zu Jes ll,15ff.: CChr.SL 73, Turnhout 1963,
157, 43ñ48.
6

EINE GEMEINSAME HOFFNUNG VON JUDEN UND CHRISTEN?
so dar: Juden sind aufs intensivste der Hoffnung verschworen, w‰hrend
f¸r Christen die Hoffnung ein Ausblick ihres Glaubens ist, nicht
weniger, aber auch nicht mehr. Ihr Blick ist haupts‰chlich auf die
Geschichte Jesu Christi gerichtet und damit in erster Linie auf etwas,
das ein f¸r allemal geschehen ist: ÑEs ist vollbracht!ì, ruft Jesus am
Kreuz aus (Joh 19,30). 6
Dieses Kontrastschema wurde popul‰r, und es geistert durch
Selbst- und Fremdbilder in Judentum und Christentum, durch Bilder
von sich selber und vom Anderen, auch durch Bilder, die differenzierter
ausfallen. Mit diesem Schema mˆchte ich mich in einem ersten
Durchgang auseinandersetzen.
1.1 Zuteil gewordene Erlˆsung ñ ein Trennungszeichen?
Drei repr‰sentative Zitaten mˆgen das Schema erl‰utern. Die ersten
beiden stammen aus dem denkw¸rdigen Zwiegespr‰ch Martin Bubers
mit dem Bonner Neutestamentler Karl Ludwig Schmidt im J¸dischen
Lehrhaus in Stuttgart am 14. Januar 1933. Buber zeichnet sein Bild
von der christlichen Kirche so:
ÑDie Kirche steht auf dem Glauben an das Gekommensein Christi,
als an die der Menschheit durch Gott zuteil gewordene Erlˆsung. Wir
Israel vermˆgen das nicht zu glauben. [Ö] Wir sp¸ren die Unerlˆstheit
der Welt. Eben dieses unser Sp¸ren kann oder mufl die Kirche als
das Bewufltsein unserer Unerlˆstheit verstehen. Aber wir wissen es
anders.
Erlˆsung der Welt ist unverbr¸chlich eins mit der Vollendung der
Schˆpfung, mit der Aufrichtung einer durch nichts mehr behinderten,
keinen Widerspruch mehr erleidenden, in all der Vielf‰ltigkeit der
Welt verwirklichten Einheit, eins mit dem erf¸llten Kˆnigtum Gottes.
Eine Vorwegnahme der vollzogenen Welterlˆsung zu irgend einem
6 Karl Barth versteht das Eschaton und damit ÑErlˆsungì und ÑHoffnungì von
Joh 19,30 her, so in einem Brief an Helmut Gollwitzer vom 7. November 1967:
Karl Barth, Briefe 1961ñ1968, hg. von J¸rgen Fangmeier und Hinrich Stoevesandt,
Z¸rich 1975, 445. In seiner ÑKirchlichen Dogmatikì hebt Barth hervor, dafl die
Versˆhnung Gottes Ñein f¸r allemalì (Rom 6,10; Hebr 7,27; 9,12) f¸r alle Menschen
aller Zeiten geschehen sei. Vgl. Gotthard Oblau, Gotteszeit und Menschenzeit.
Eschatologie in der Kirchlichen Dogmatik von Karl Barth (NBST 6), Neukirchen-
Vluyn 1988, bes. 178ñ195, Zitat: 178.
7

GERHARD SAUTER
Teil, etwa ein Schonerlˆstsein der Seele, vermˆgen wir nicht zu fassen,
wiewohl sich auch uns, in unsern sterblichen Stunden Erlˆsen
und Erlˆstwerden kundtut. Eine Z‰sur nehmen wir in der Geschichte
nicht wahr. Wir kennen [in] ihr keine Mitte, sondern nur ein Ziel, das
Ziel des Weges Gottes, der nicht inneh‰lt auf seinem Weg.ì 7
Buber r¸ckt diese Unterscheidung in den Mittelpunkt, obwohl dies
mit den Kennworten Thema des Dialogs ÑKirche, Staat, Volk, Judentumì
so nicht vorgesehen war.
Schmidt antwortete: Auch wir Christen sehen Ñwie die Juden auf
das Ende. Aber wir wagen das nur auf Grund der Tatsache, dafl Gott
in Jesus Christus das Ende schon heraufgefuhrt hat. Von der Ankunft
Jesu Christi am Ende der Tage sprechen wir nur als von einer zweiten
Ankunft, seiner Wiederkunft.ì 8
Leider beschr‰nkt Schmidt sich hier auf ein Geschichtsbild: Jesus
Christus als Ende oder Wende der Geschichte; dies ist eine Redeweise,
die in neuzeitlicher christlicher Theologie gel‰ufig geworden ist. 9
Hier tritt die Erwartung Jesu Christi als des ÑKommendenì merkw¸rdig
zur¸ck. Ist diese Hoffnung in Kirche und Theologie ¸berhaupt
noch lebendig?
Unvergefllich bleibt mir ein Gespr‰ch mit dem Philosophen Ernst
Bloch, der mich 1963 fragte, warum j¸ngere Theologen (er erw‰hnte
J¸rgen Moltmann und Wolfhart Pannenberg) sich so sehr mit der
Auferstehung Jesu besch‰ftigten und sich darum k¸mmerten, wie das
7 Kirche, Staat, Volk, Judentum: Karl Ludwig Schmidt, Neues Testament ñ Judentum-Kirche.
Kleine Schriften, hg. von Gerhard Sauter (TB 69), M¸nchen 1981,
149ñ165, Zitate: 158f.
8 A.a.O. 164.
9 Zum Beispiel: Rudolf Bultmann, Geschichte und Eschatologie, T¸bingen 1958,
49: ÑÖdie Geschichte hat ihr Ende erreicht, weil Christus das Ende des Gesetzes ist
(Rom 10,4).ì ñ Friedrich Gogarten, Jesus Christus Wende der Welt. Grundfragen zur
Christologie, T¸bingen 1966.
Die Auffassung, Jesus Christus sei das Ende der Geschichte, bezieht sich dagegen
in der Heilsgeschichtlichen Theologie des 19. Jahrhunderts (J. C. K. von Hofmann,
C.E. Luthardt, J.T. Beck, C. A. Auberlen u. a.) grunds‰tzlich auf die erwartete Parusie
Christi; faktisch herrscht allerdings auch dort die Anschauung vor, die gesamte
Zeitspanne seit dem Kommen Christi in die Welt und vor seiner Wiederkunft sei als
ÑZeit der Kircheì die Endzeit. Mit diesem Zeit- und Geschichtsverst‰ndnis wenden
sich eine Generation sp‰ter namhafte Dogmatiker verschiedener theologischer Richtungen
(z. B. I. A. Dorner, J. Kaftan) ausdr¸cklich gegen das (alttestamentliche)
Judentum.
8

EINE GEMEINSAME HOFFNUNG VON JUDEN UND CHRISTEN?
Ostergeschehen wirkungsgeschichtlich nachgewiesen werden kˆnne.
Zu seiner Studienzeit h‰tten die f¸hrenden Theologen (Bloch dachte
vor allem an Adolf von Harnack und Ernst Troeltsch) viel eher die
Frage nach dem historischen Jesus im Visier gehabt. Beides aber, so
fuhr Bloch fort, ¸berzeuge ihn ¸berhaupt nicht. Viel entscheidender
sei doch, ob Jesus von Nazareth als der Kommende erwartet w¸rde
und wie sich diese Hoffnung zeige.
Seit zwei, drei Jahrzehnten hat sich in dieser Hinsicht manches
ver‰ndert, allerdings nicht f¸r die Erwartung Jesu Christi, aber in
einer Ann‰herung von Christologie und Messianismus, der Hoffnung
auf eine k¸nftige Erlˆsung. 10 Dem Kreuzesruf Jesu entgegen heiflt es
auf dem Kreuzweg von Menschen: ÑEs ist noch nicht vollbracht.ì 11
Darauf m¸ssen wir zur¸ckkommen.
Lassen wir uns von Martin Buber daran erinnern, dafl sich an dem
Kennwort ÑErlˆsungì Juden und Christen scheiden, und zwar nicht
nur in ihrer Sicht der Geschichte, sondern in ihrer Hoffnung auf die
Vollendung der Schˆpfung. 12
1.2 Eine Rekonstruktion der Ñmessianischen Idee im Judentumì
Ein Vierteljahrhundert sp‰ter r¸ckt der j¸dische Religionssoziologe
Gershom Scholem das Verst‰ndnis von ÑErlˆsungì als Trennungselement
in den Vordergrund:
ÑDas Judentum hat, in allen seinen Formen und Gestaltungen, stets
an einem Begriff von Erlˆsung festgehalten, der sie als einen Vorgang
auffaflte, welcher sich in der ÷ffentlichkeit vollzieht, auf dem Schauplatz
der Geschichte und im Medium der Gemeinschaft, kurz, der
sich entscheidend in der Welt des Sichtbaren vollzieht und ohne solche
Erscheinung im Sichtbaren nicht gedacht werden kann. Demgegen¸ber
steht im Christentum eine Auffassung, welche die Erlˆsung
10 Bei J¸rgen Moltmann, Der Weg Jesu Christi. Christologie in messianischen
Dimensionen, M¸nchen 1989, fehlt jeder Hinweis auf Joh 19,30. ñ Moltmann mˆchte
von der ÑWiedergeburt des messianischen Denkens im Judentumì ausgehen:
Ders., Das Kommen Gottes. Christliche Eschatologie, G¸tersloh 1995,47ñ64.
11 Zum Beispiel: Es ist noch nicht vollbracht. Werkbuch zum Jugendkreuzweg, hg.
von Peter Bleeser, Uwe Seidel und Hans-Georg Ziebertz, D¸sseldorf 1987.
12 Kirche, Staat, Volk, Judentum: a.a.O. 158.
9

GERHARD SAUTER
als einen Vorgang im geistigen 13 Bereich und im Unsichtbaren ergreift,
der sich in der Seele, in der Welt jedes einzelnen, abspielt, und
der eine geheime Verwandlung bewirkt, der nichts ƒufleres in der
Welt entsprechen mufl.ì 14
Dies d¸rfte ein typisches Beispiel f¸r Selbstbild und Bild des Fremden
sein, das eine als Gegenbild des Anderen. Auf welche Ph‰nomene
bezieht sich dieses Bild des Anderen? Inwiefern wird aus der
Selbstwahrnehmung das, was in ihr verneint und aus ihr ausgegrenzt
werden soll, auf den Anderen projiziert? Oder umgekehrt: Was am
Anderen gesehen wird, kann derart anziehend erscheinen, dafl es zu
einer neuen Selbstbestimmung herangezogen wird. So wird heute die
messianische Auffassung der ÑErlˆsung auf dem Schauplatz der Geschichte
und im Medium der Gemeinschaftì von vielen Theologen
und Theologinnen im christlich-j¸dischen Gespr‰ch der eigenen
Eschatologie einverleibt, um sich auf eine gemeinsame Basis zu st¸tzen.
Zugleich soll dies von dem Vorwurf befreien, gegen die Hoffnung
auf Welterlˆsung geglaubt und dadurch der Unterdr¸ckung und
sogar der Vernichtung von Juden Vorschub geleistet zu haben.
Scholem sieht den wesenhaften Unterschied zwischen Juden und
Christen im Verh‰ltnis von Individuum und Gemeinschaft. Der Christ
brauche sich letztlich um nichts mehr zu k¸mmern, was in der sozialen
Welt vor sich geht, jedenfalls betreffe dies nichts, was seine Erlˆsung
angeht ñ die j¸dische Erwartung kenne dagegen keine individuelle
Rettung bei Fortbestand einer verkehrten Welt, und das bedeutet:
solange das j¸dische Volk noch leiden mufl, noch kein endg¸ltiges
Heimatrecht gefunden hat, noch immer nicht sein soziales Leben
ungestˆrt, allein von Gott her ordnen kann. Das Schema lautet jetzt:
÷ffentlich-Volk-Sichtbar versus Geistig(geistlich)-Individuum (Seele)-Unsichtbar.
Zwischen den ersten beiden ƒuflerungen aus dem Zwiegespr‰ch
zwischen Martin Buber und Karl Ludwig Schmidt und dem Diktum
13 In einem Wiederabdruck des in Anm. 14 zitierten Aufsatzes (Ders., ‹ber einige
Grundbegriffe des Judentums [edition suhrkamp 414], Frankfurt a. M. 1970, 121)
‰ndert Scholem Ñgeistigì in Ñgeistlichì, versteht dies allerdings als Phrase.
14 Zum Verst‰ndnis der messianischen Idee im Judentum: Ders., Judaica I, Frankfurt
a.M. 1963, 7ñ74, Zitat: 7f.
10

EINE GEMEINSAME HOFFNUNG VON JUDEN UND CHRISTEN?
Gershom Scholems sind nur 26 Jahre vergangen, doch der Tonfall hat
sich entscheidend ver‰ndert. 15
Sch¸lern blickt auf die Gr¸ndung des Staates Israel zur¸ck, die
von vielen Juden und J¸dinnen als Erlˆsung erlebt und auch so zur
Sprache gebracht wurde: Die Zeit der Zerstreuung des j¸dischen Volkes,
der Diaspora, ist zu Ende. Arnold Schˆnberg hat in seiner Vertonung
von PS 130 (De Profundis, op. 50b) den Schluflvers: ÑJa, er wird
Israel erlˆsen von allen seinen S¸ndenì (V. 8) nicht mehr als Verheiflung
verstanden (eine Verheiflung, die auch in der Ank¸ndigung der
Geburt Jesu bei Mt 1,21 aufgenommen wird). Bei Schˆnberg lautet
der Vers: ÑEr erlˆst Israelì, denn die Verheiflung erscheint in der
Gr¸ndung des Staates Israel als erf¸llt. Erlˆsung ist geschehen und
kann nun geradezu triumphal erklingen. Damit wird evident, wie ÑErlˆsungì
aufgefaflt werden soll: gehˆrt mit einem Jubelton dar¸ber,
dafl ein jahrhundertelanges Leben in der Hoffnung zum Ziel gekommen
und damit ein neuer Anfang geschafft worden ist. Scholem deu-
15 Auf weitere Differenzen zwischen Buber und Scholem kann hier nur anmerkungsweise
hingewiesen werden. Vgl. dazu Klaus Samuel Davidowicz, Gershom
Scholem und Martin Buber. Die Geschichte eines MiflVerst‰ndnisses (NTDH 5),
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1993. Gemeinsam ist Buber und Scholem ein zionistischer Hintergrund
(22ñ69) sowie ihr ausgepr‰gtes Interesse an mystischen Strˆmungen im
Judentum (Kabbala) (70ñ103), mehr noch der ÑKampf gegen das Dogma eines klar
definierten ÇWesensë des Judentumsì (1), also die Bem¸hung, das Judentum aus
schematischen Wahrnehmungen gerade zu befreien, auch wenn sich Spuren dieser
Schemata gerade noch bei Buber und Scholem selbst finden. Das illustriert nicht
zuletzt, wie tief solche Schemata festsitzen und wie schwierig ihre ‹berwindung
ist. Differenzen zwischen Buber und Scholem bestehen in verschiedener Hinsicht.
(1.) Methodisch: W‰hrend Buber sein eigenes Denken oft mit den Stoffen der Bearbeitung
verwob, schuf Scholem durch die Anwendung philologischer Methoden
eine Distanz zu den Gegenst‰nden, die er untersuchte. ÑAn die Stelle des traditionellen
Kommentators tritt nun der Historiker.ì (148) (2.) Zeitgeschichtlich: Scholem
analysiert die gegen¸ber der Vorkriegszeit ver‰nderte zeitgeschichtliche Situation,
indem er 1961 anl‰fllich des Abschlusses der Buberschen ÑBibel-Verdeutschungì
dieser eine geringe Wirkung im Judentum vorhersagt: ÑDie Juden, f¸r die Sie ¸bersetzt
haben, gibt es nicht mehr. Die Kinder derer, die diesem Grauen entronnen sind,
werden nicht mehr Deutsch lesen.ì (Scholem, An einem denkw¸rdigen Tage, 215;
zitiert nach Davidowicz, 151) Und nach dem Tod Bubers erkl‰rt Scholem 1966 die
tats‰chlich fast ausgebliebene Wirkung auf das Judentum so: ÑDenn der Apostel
Israels sprach eine Sprache, die allen verst‰ndlicher war als den Juden selber.ì
(Scholem, Martin Bubers Auffassung, 136; zititiert nach Davidowicz, 150) (3.)
Theologisch: Scholem kritisierte Bubers von Chassidismus und Existentialismus
gepr‰gte Auffassung von Schˆpfung und Erlˆsung, die er mit dessen Abneigung
gegen die Apokalyptik in Verbindung bringt (156f.).
11

GERHARD SAUTER
tet allerdings auch an, Ñdafl die aus Grauen und Untergang geborene
Bereitschaft, die die j¸dische Geschichte erst in unserer Generation
gefunden hatì 16 , ein gef‰hrliches Risiko auf sich nehmen muflte: Nun
gilt es, nicht mehr nur in der Hoffnung zu leben, sondern den Anspruch
auf das eigene Land, den eigenen Staat als realisierte Erwartung
einzulˆsen.
Was wird dies fortan f¸r den Charakter j¸discher Hoffnung bedeuten:
mehr und anderes als das Beharren auf einem staatspolitischen
Status quol Dies ist ein Problem, welches die christlichen Kirchen im
Verh‰ltnis zur politischen Verfassung ihrer Umwelt immer wieder
bedr‰ngt hat. Ich erinnere nur an die Idee des christlichen Staates im
19. Jahrhundert 17 und an Hegels Staats- und Religionsphilosophie.
Es d¸rfte kein Zufall sein, wie Hegel hier das Judentum verzeichnete:
ÑDas j¸dische Volk ist es, das sich Gott als den alten Schmerz der
Welt aufbewahrt hatì 18 , Hegel hielt dem Judentum vor, in einem
unversˆhnten Status der Welt verblieben zu sein, indem es annahm,
dafl Gott in Distanz zur Welt verharre. Dagegen verstehe sich das
Christentum aus der Versˆhnung Gottes mit der Welt in Jesus Christus.
Den Ñalten Schmerz der Weltì habe die Versˆhnung ein f¸r allemal
¸berwunden, und dieser ¸berwundene Schmerz konnte in der
christlich gepr‰gten Geistesgeschichte zum Zuge kommen. Diese
Geschichte sei ein Kampf um die Erhaltung der Versˆhnung in allen
Lebensbereichen. 19 Hegel leitet daraus in seiner Religions-, Rechtsund
Staatsphilosophie die Aufgaben ab, die geistig, ethisch und politisch
zu erf¸llen seien. In seinen Fr¸hschriften hatte Hegel als Gegenbild
die j¸dische Religion als Typus eines falschen, weil unversˆhnten
Bewufltseins geschildert, das auf die verkehrte Welt starrt. 20 Dies ist
16 A. a. O. 74.
17 Vertreten vor allem von Friedrich Julius Stahl, Philosophie des Rechts, 3 Bde.,
Heidelberg 1830 ñ1837, 3 1878 = Darmstadt 1963.
18 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Vorlesungen ¸ber die Philosophie der Religion
II: Ders., Werke, hg. von Eva Moldenhauer und Karl Markus Michel, Bd. 17, Frankfurt
am Main 1969, 184.
19 Weiteres dazu bei Peter Cornehl, Die Zukunft der Versˆhnung. Eschatologie und
Emanzipation in der Aufkl‰rung, bei Hegel und in der Hegeischen Schule, Gˆttingen
1971. ñ J¸rgen Gebhardt, Politik und Eschatologie, 1963.
20 Vgl. H. J. Zeller, Religionsphilosophische Studien zur Kontinuit‰t des Problems
der Negativit‰t als geschichtliche Erfahrung, philosophische Dissertation Kˆln
1975.
12

EINE GEMEINSAME HOFFNUNG VON JUDEN UND CHRISTEN?
ein weiteres Wahrnehmungsmuster, das wir kritisch durchleuchten
m¸ssen. Es hat dazu beigetragen, das Judentum zur Vorstufe zum
Christentum herabzusetzen.
Was ist seither geschehen! Das christliche Selbstbewufltsein, wie
es sich bei Hegel und Gleichgesinnten aussprach, ist weithin einer
Resignation oder zumindest der Skepsis gewichen. Was im letzten
Jahrhundert Juden angetan wurde, himmelschreiend in Auschwitz
und an anderen Orten, erscheint als un¸berhˆrbarer Widerspruch gegen
eine bereits geschehene Versˆhnung, und Christen haben diesen
Widerspruch zumindest nicht verhindert, wenn sie ihn nicht gar befˆrderten.
Die Fronten erscheinen nun vertauscht: Das Judentum blickt auf
eine Wende zur¸ck, auf das Ende einer unheilvollen Epoche seiner
Volksgeschichte. Nunmehr kann ÑIsraelì zum eschato-logischen
Licht f¸r die Vˆlker werden, weil sein Staatswesen die Erfahrungen
vieler, vieler leidgepr¸fter Generationen in Solidarit‰t, Toleranz und
kulturelle Vielfalt umzupr‰gen vermag. Der Christenheit wird vorgehalten,
ein politisches mangelhaftes oder zumindest wirkungsloses
Erlˆsungsverst‰ndnis zu pflegen, sich womˆglich in eine Innerlichkeit
zu verkriechen, die sich mit Hafl auf alles Andersartige verb¸nden
kann oder die Ausgrenzung Anderer in mitschuldigem Verschweigen
hinnimmt. Der Anspruch, bereits erlˆst zu sein, habe sich mit
dem geschichtlichen Versagen des Christentums von selber erledigt.
Darauf haben viele Christinnen und Christen mit wachsender
Empfindlichkeit f¸r die Schw‰chen einer verinnerlichten Erlˆsung
reagiert. Die Einsicht in eigene Mitschuld an menschheitsgeschichtlichen
Katastrophen lˆste ein Umdenken aus, das weiteres Fehlverhalten
vermeiden sollte. Beispielsweise trat Helmut Gollwitzer unerm¸dlich
daf¸r ein, die vielberufene und vielgescholtene Ñchristliche
Innerlichkeitì zugunsten der t‰tigen Hoffnung auf Welterlˆsung abzusch¸tteln.
Und weil er diese Umorientierung auf dem Vormarsch in
evangelischer Kirche und Theologie sah, nannte er Scholems Zeichnung
christlicher Theologie ein Zerrbild, das jedenfalls heute nicht
mehr zutreffe. Scholem erwidert ihm, das Schon-Erlˆstsein der Seele
sei jahrhundertelang den Juden von Christen als Trennungszeichen
vorgehalten worden. Diese Auffassung habe nachweislich christliches
Denken gepr‰gt, zumal das anmaflende Verhalten gegen¸ber Ju-
13

GERHARD SAUTER
den, wie es gerade auch in der Theologie verbreitet gewesen sei.
Wenn christliche Theologen dies nun nicht mehr so sehen wollten
und sogar die j¸dische Auffassung von Erlˆsung ¸bern‰hmen, sei
dies ñ so fahrt Scholem fort ñ zwar schˆn und gut. Seien sich christliche
Theologen aber ¸ber die Konsequenzen wirklich im klaren? Die
ÑFormeln und Sentenzen, mit denen man den Juden so lange auf den
Leib ger¸ckt istì, w¸rden Ñan ihrer eigenen Dialektik zerplatzenì 21 . ñ
Wie dies zu verstehen ist, f¸hrt Scholem nicht weiter aus. Aus seiner
Bewertung l‰flt sich schlieflen, dafl die Selbstbehauptung einer Ñwesentlich
innerlichen Çgeistlichenë Natur der Erlˆsungì 22 an der historischen
Realit‰t scheitert. Auch eine dialektische Theologie, die jeden
Stolz auf menschliches Erlˆstsein radikal ablehnt, werde unter
ihren eigenen Widerspr¸chen zusammenbrechen, weil sie der Erlˆsungsbed¸rftigkeit
der Welt nicht Rechnung trage. 23 Denn sie verzichte
darauf, sich auf Gedeih und Verderb f¸r die Erlˆsung einzusetzen,
die nur gemeinschaftlich und geschichtlich erreicht werden
kˆnne.
21 G. Scholem, Nachbemerkung. Aus einem Brief an einen protestantischen Theologen:
‹ber einige Grundbegriffe des Judentums, 169ñ170, Zitat: 170. H. Gollwitzer
wird zwar nicht genannt, meine Vermutung, dafl er gemeint gewesen sei, ist
mir aber von Gollwitzer best‰tigt worden. ñ Vgl. dazu auch Friedrich-Wilhelm
Marquardt, Hermeneutik des christlichj¸dischen Verst‰ndnisses. ‹ber Helmut Gollwitzers
Arbeit an der ÑJudenfrageì: Richte unsere F¸fle auf den Weg des Friedens
(FS Helmut Gollwitzer), hg. von Andreas Baudis, Dieter Clausert, Volkhard Schliski
und Bernhard Wegener unter Mitarbeit von Klaus Geyer und Friedrich-Wilhelm
Marquardt, M¸nchen 1979, 138ñ154, Zitat: 143 mit Anm. 15.
22 A. a. O. 169.
23 Als ein Beleg kˆnnte genannt werden: Rudolf Bultmann, Geschichte und
Eschatologie, 180f.: ÑEs ist die Paradoxie der christlichen Verk¸ndigung bzw. des
christlichen Glaubens, dafl das eschatologische Geschehen nicht echt in seinem
eigentlichen Sinne verstanden ist [Ö], wenn es als ein Geschehen aufgefaflt wird,
das der sichtbaren Welt ihr Ende setzt in einer kosmischen Katastrophe, sondern dafl
es ein Geschehen innerhalb der Geschichte ist, anhebend mit dem Auftreten Jesu
von Nazareth, sich weiter vollziehend im Laufe der Geschichte,†ñ aber nicht als eine
historisch festzustellende Entwicklung, sondern jeweils Ereignis werdend in Verk¸ndigung
und Glaube.ì Bultmanns doppelbˆdiger Geschichtsbegriff d¸rfte ein
Musterbeispiel f¸r eine Selbstwahrnehmung sein, die durch das Fremdbild der Auffassung
eines Eschaton, das historisch festzustellen w‰re, mitgepr‰gt ist.
14

EINE GEMEINSAME HOFFNUNG VON JUDEN UND CHRISTEN?
2 Wandlungen in der Auffassung von ÇErlˆsungë
In einem zweiten Durchgang mˆchte ich zeigen, wie tiefgreifend
die Auffassung von ÑErlˆsungì sich auf christlicher Seite zu wandeln
beginnt. Die Hoffnung auf Erlˆsung soll uns bewegen, sich nicht
mehr mit der unerlˆsten Welt abzufinden, sondern sie umzugestalten,
indem Frieden und Gerechtigkeit verwirklicht und die Schˆpfung
bewahrt wird.
2.1 Hoffnung auf Weltvollendung
In diesem Sinne erweitert die Landessynode der Evangelischen Kirche
im Rheinland am 10. Januar 1996 ihre Kirchenordnung um die
S‰tze:
ÑSie [die Evangelische Kirche im Rheinland] bezeugt die Treue
Gottes, der an der Erw‰hlung seines Volkes Israel festh‰lt. Mit Israel
hofft sie auf einen neuen Himmel und eine neue Erde.ì 24
ÑMit Israel hoffenì bedeutet: zusammen gehen im Blick auf die
Weltvollendung. Sie bildet das Ziel gemeinsamer Hoffnung.
2.2 Die Unerlˆstheit der Welt
Beherrschend geworden hat sich der Eindruck der Unerlˆstheit der
Welt. Dazu haben sich k¸rzlich vier prominente j¸dische Historiker
und Theologen aus den USA und Kanada ge‰uflert. In ihrem ÑStatement
on Christians and Christianityì Dabru Emet (Redet Wahrheit),
verˆffentlicht im August 2000, lautet der letzte Gesichtspunkt 25 :
24 Verhandlungen der 45. ordentlichen rheinischen Landessynode, Tagung vom
7. bis 11. Januar 1996 in Bad Neuenahr, statt Handschrift gedruckt, o. O. o. J. [B¸ro
der Landessynode, 1996], 88ñ94. ñ Wieder abgedruckt: Katja Kriener/Johann Michael
Schmidt (Hg.), Gottes Treue ñ Hoffnung von Christen und Juden. Die Auseinandersetzung
um die Erg‰nzung des Grundartikels der Kirchenordnung der Evangelischen
Kirche im Rheinland, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1998, 81.
25 ÑJews and Christians must work together for justice andpeace. Jews and
Christians, each in their own way, recognize the unredeemed state of the world ‰s
reflected in the persistence of persecution, poverty, and human degradation and
misery. Although justice and peace are fmally Godís, our joint efforts, together
with those of other faith communities, will help bring the kingdom of God for
which we hope and long. Separately and together, we must work to bring justice
15

GERHARD SAUTER
ÑJuden und Christen m¸ssen f¸r Gerechtigkeit und Frieden zusammenarbeiten.
Juden und Christen erkennen, jede auf ihre Weise,
die Unerlˆstheit der Welt, wie sie sich in fortdauernder Verfolgung,
Armut, Erniedrigung und Verelendung von Menschen zeigt. Obwohl
Gerechtigkeit und Frieden letzten Endes Gottes Sache sind, werden
unsere gemeinsamen Anstrengungen, zusammen mit denen anderer
Glaubensgemeinschaften, dazu verhelfen, das Reich Gottes herbeizuf¸hren,
das wir erhoffen und ersehnen. Jeder f¸r sich und gemeinsam
m¸ssen wir daran arbeiten, Gerechtigkeit und Frieden in unsere
Welt zu bringen. In dieser Aufgabe werden wir durch die Vision der
israelischen Propheten geleitet:
ÇEs wird geschehen in den letzten Tagen, da wird der Berg mit
dem Hause des Herrn festgegr¸ndet stehen an der Spitze der Berge
und die H¸gel ¸berragen; und alle Vˆlker werden zu ihm hinstrˆmen,
und viele Nationen werden sich aufmachen und sprechen: Kommt,
laflt uns hinaufziehen zum Berge des Herrn, zu dem Hause des Gottes
Jakobs, dafl er uns seine Wege lehre und wir wandeln auf seinen
Pfaden.ë (Jes 2,2ñ3).ì 26
Die Zionsverheiflung begr¸ndet also die gemeinsame Hoffnung
and peace to our world. In this enterprise, we are guided by the vision of the
prophets of Israel:
It shall come to pass in the end of days that the mountain of the Lordís house shall
be established at the top of the mountains and be exalted above the h¸ls, and the
nations shall flow unto itÖ and many peoples shall go and say, ëCome ye and let us
go up to the mountain of the Lord to the house of the God of Jacob and He will teach
us of His ways and we will walk in his paths.í (Isaiah 2:2ñ3)î
26 Die Zeitschrift Zeitzeichen hat im Heft 7/2001 unter der Rubrik ÇDokumentationë
eine die Erkl‰rung Dabru Emet deutlich k¸rzende ‹bersetzung von Christoph M¸nz
abgedruckt. Der letzte Vergleichspunkt liest sich dort so:
ÑJuden und Christen m¸ssen sich gemeinsam f¸r Gerechtigkeit und Frieden einsetzen.
Getrennt und vereint m¸ssen wir daran arbeiten, unserer Welt Gerechtigkeit
und Frieden zu bringen. In dieser Bem¸hung leitet uns die Vision der Propheten
Israelsì [folgt Jes 2,2f.].ì (Eine j¸dische Stellungnahme zu Christen und Christentum:
Zeitzeichen 2 [7/2001] 43)
Obwohl andere Auslassungen in der ‹bersetzung an sechs Stellen gekennzeichnet
sind, wird die Auslassung des zweiten und dritten Satzes des letzten Punktes der
Erkl‰rung nicht gekennzeichnet.
Selbst wenn man editorische Zw‰nge veranschlagt (der Text sollte offensichtlich die
L‰nge einer Druckseite nicht ¸berschreiten), ist diese unausgewiesene K¸rzung doch
Anlafl, nicht nur ein Versehen zu vermuten, das allerdings signifikant genug w‰re,
sondern auch eine inhaltliche R¸ckfrage zu stellen: Ist die Notwendigkeit zur
ethischen Zusammenarbeit so evident, dafl der Hinweis auf die je eigene Wahrnehmung
der Unerlˆstheit der Welt bzw. auf die cooperatio Gottes und der Menschen
16

EINE GEMEINSAME HOFFNUNG VON JUDEN UND CHRISTEN?
von Juden und Christen, bezogen darauf, dafl beide Religionsgemeinschaften,
Ñjede auf ihre Weiseì, die Unerlˆstheit der Welt erkennen
und sich ihr stellen.
Die Unerlˆstheit der Welt in Unterdr¸ckung von Menschlichkeit,
in Ausgrenzung von Anderen, in Miflachtung elementarer Lebensbed¸rfnisse
und in mannigfachen Formen von Unversˆhnlichkeit: dies
ist heutzutage eine weitverbreitete Sicht, nicht nur f¸r Juden und Christen.
Dafl diese Verfehlungen mit allen Kr‰ften ¸berwunden werden
m¸ssen, sollte keine Frage mehr sein. Und diese moralische Verpflichtung
sollte auch hinreichen, um gemeinsam f¸r dieses Ziel zu wirken.
Wieviel wiegen dann noch die Motivationen, die auf j¸discher und
christlicher Seite verschieden lauten und notfalls auch unterschiedlich
gepr‰gt sind, wenn die Handlungen auf ein und dasselbe Hoffnungsziel
hinauslaufen?
Dies sind jedoch nicht die Fragen, die ñ wenn ich recht sehe ñ zum
Gespr‰ch von Juden und Christen anstehen: Was heiflt ÑErlˆsungì?
Was bedeutet, ihrer gew‰rtig zu sein? Vor allem: Wer kann erlˆsen?
Ich kann hier nur versuchen, einige Gesichtspunkte zu nennen, die
f¸r christliche Theologie maflgebend sind und maflgebend bleiben
sollten.
Von ÑErlˆsungì kann sie nicht sprechen, ohne auf Jesus Christus
als den Erlˆser zu blicken: In seiner Gestalt werden wir ÑErlˆsungì
gewahr: sie zeigt sein Gesicht. Wir kennen keine ÑGestaltenì, keine
Konfigurationen, der Erlˆsung abgesehen von seiner Gestalt: anders
als im Gedenken an das, was er vollbracht hat, und in der Erwartung
dessen, was er zu vollbringen verheiflen hat. Insofern d¸rfen wir ñ
jedenfalls als Christen ñ nicht ÑErlˆsungì vom ÑErlˆserì trennen.
Denn dies w¸rde bedeuten, das Handeln Jesu Christi von ihm als
Person abzulˆsen.
Wenn Jesus ausruft: ÑEs ist vollbrachtì, dann ist dies sein letzter
Ruf auf dem Weg seines Gehorsams. Damit zieht er nicht die Summe
seines Lebenswerkes. Was hat Jesus Ñgeschafftì? Er hat ÑGehorsam
vollbrachtì. Der Weg des Gehorsam war es, Gottes Willen geschehen
zu lassen, ihm Raum zu lassen, und zwar entgegen menschlichem
¸berfl¸ssig erscheint, ja vielleicht sogar stˆren kˆnnte? Welche Funktion erh‰lt der
biblische Text in diesem neu geschaffenen Zusammenhang, in dem von Erlˆsung,
von Gott und Gottes Handeln ¸berhaupt nicht mehr gesprochen wird?
17

GERHARD SAUTER
Eigensinn, und sei dieser noch so fromm und seiner religiˆsen Ziele
gewifl. Solch menschlicher Eigenwille, der zu wissen meint, was Gott
im Sinn hat und was demzufolge auszuf¸hren ist, hat Jesus von Nazareth
ans Kreuz gebracht. Jesus Christus hat die Unterscheidung (nicht
die Trennung!) von Gottes Willen und menschlichem Wollen vollbracht.
Sein Gehorsam hat keinen gˆttlich gegebenen Handlungsplan
ausgef¸hrt. Erlˆsung am Kreuz auf Golgatha heiflt: sich Gottes Handeln
gefallen lassen.
Die Geschichte der Kirche ist ein unaufhˆrliches ñ und oft gescheitertes
ñ Bem¸hen darum, sich an Jesus Christus als Erlˆser in
allen Lebenssituationen zu halten, sich von der Erlˆsung, die er vollbracht
hat, umfangen zu lassen und ihm auf dem Weg seines Gehorsams
zu folgen. Das Leben in der Kraft des Erlˆsers und mit ihm
bleibt aber Hoffnung auf die ÑErlˆsung des Leibesì, wie Paulus sagt
(Rom 8,23): nicht die Erlˆsung vom Leibe, von den kˆrperlichen
Daseinsbedingungen, sondern die Verwandlung der Leiblichkeit in
Gottes Doxa, die Strahlkraft seines himmlischen Glanzes. F¸r dieses
Leben Ñzwischen den Zeitenì (oder, wie Paulus formuliert: Ñim Geistì
Gottes, dem Unterpfand der erhofften Erlˆsung) hat sich in der
christlichen Theologie die Bezeichnung ÑVersˆhnungì eingeb¸rgert.
Auch ÑVersˆhnungì ist kein innerer oder ‰uflerer Zustand, sondern
Gottes Werk in Jesus Christus (2. Kor 5,19). Mit ihm hat Gott ein
durch Menschen heillos zerstˆrtes Verh‰ltnis wieder aufgerichtet: und
zwar so, dafl Menschen im Namen Christi gebeten werden, sich mit
Gott versˆhnen zu lassen (2. Kor 5,20) und daraufhin auch miteinander
versˆhnt werden. Versˆhnung ist auf die eschatolo-gische Erlˆsung
ausgerichtet. Als Versˆhner steht Jesus Christus zwischen Christen
und Juden ñ aber nicht, um sie voneinander zu trennen.
Wie werden Juden der Erlˆsung gewahr, wie sie sich ñ so deutete
Martin Buber an ñ sich ihnen kundtut? Aus seiner Skizze ist zu ersehen,
dafl das Kˆnigtum Gottes, sein Reich, sich bereits Bahn bricht,
zwar nicht, um eine Entwicklung zu einer besseren Willen anzubahnen,
sondern indem Menschen einwilligen in Gottes Gerechtigkeit
und den Frieden, der Gottes Sache ist und bleibt. In Gottes Willen
einzuwilligen: dies ist es doch, was Juden und Christen zusammenfuhren
kˆnnte. Denn ihre gemeinsame Hoffnung h‰ngt an Gottes
Barmherzigkeit und an seiner Treue zu seinen Verheiflungen.
18

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM:
FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY
TO THE TALMUDSí RELIGION
Jacob Neusner, New York
I. Rabbinic Judaism
From late antiquity, literary evidence, in the form of well-crafted,
systematic and coherent documents, presents us with a Judaism called
ìRabbinic,î by reason of the title of honor accorded many of its
principal authorities, or ìclassicalî or ìnormative,î by reason of its
later standing, or ìTalmudic,î because of its final and definitive statement,
in the Talmud of Babylonia. Its governing myth, the story of
how at Sinai God revealed the Torah to Moses in two media, written
and oral, with the oral part finally given written articulation in the
Mishnah (ca. 200 C. E.) through the Talmud of Babylonia
(ca. 600 C. E.) and associated writings of rabbis themselves, contributes
the title, ìJudaism of the dual Torah.î
The history of that particular Judaism as it took over and defined
the life of the Jews in the first six centuries of the Common Era
cannot be recovered. We have no evidence about the state of affairs
for the Jews in general, such as would tell us how that Judaic system
came to dictate the character of the Jewsí social world and culture.
One may argue that the evidence driving from synagogues, not that
reaching us from the limited circles of learned sages, tells us about
the common practices of the time. But what sort of religious system
emerges out of the material evidence remains to be determined.
How the Judaic system set forth in the Rabbinic writings related to
the religious life of Jews beyond the circles of sages, the ways in
which the particular way of life and world view set forth by that
system came to define the actual character of the ìIsraelî to which
that Judaism spoke ñ these are historical questions we cannot answer.
19

JACOB NEUSNER
The books tell us what their writers and compilers thought, but not
about the world beyond their circle and its view of matters. And what
we learn about ìJudaismî from other than Judaic sources, for instance,
pagan and Christian and Zoroastrian writers about Judaism,
tells us no more than we know about Judaism from the written Torah.
Christian writers about Judaism, for example, utilize the Hebrew
Scriptures for their picture of the Judaism that they criticize.
II. From Philosophy to Religion
But a different sort of history of Judaism in late antiquity emerges
from the Rabbinic documents. It is the documentary history of the
ideas that inform the religious system of Rabbinic Judaism. For if we
follow the unfolding of the documents of that Judaism, Stated in
documentary terms, the formative history of Judaism tells a story in
these sentences.
[1] It shows, first, how the Judaic system emerged in the Mishnah,
ca. 200 C. E., and its associated Midrash-compilations, ca. 200ñ300
C. E., as [1] a philosophical structure comprising a politics, philosophy,
economics. These categories were defined as philosophers in
general understood them: a theory of legitimate violence, an account
of knowledge gained through the methods of natural history, and
a theory of the rational disposition (and increase) of scarce resources.
[2] This philosophical system then was turned by the Talmud of
the Land of Israel and related Midrash-compilations, ca. 400ñ500
C. E., into [2] a religious system. The system was effected through
the formation of counterpart categories: an anti-politics of weakness,
an anti-economics of the rational utilization of an infinitely renewable
resource, a philosophy of truth revealed rather than rules discovered.
The first stage in the documentary history takes up the urgent questions
precipitated by the political calamities of the first and second
centuries, the destruction of the Temple, the paganization of Jerusalem,
and the chaos following the Bar Kokhba disaster. The second
stage responds to the issues made urgent by the political triumph of
Christianity and the consequent challenge to the situation of Israel as
20

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
Jews read Scriptureís account of their particular Israel. To the extent
that the documentary history corresponds to the major turnings in
political history, we may reconstruct not only the unfolding of ideas,
but the relationship between ideas and the social world of the people
that held those ideas, that the history of a religion proposes to narrate.
III. The Crisis of 70 and the Mishnaic Stage in the Formation of
Rabbinic Judaism
The temple in Jerusalem, where sacrifices were offered to God, constituted
the focus of Pentateuchal Judaism. Indeed, the cycle of holy
time was marked by sacrifice. Thus the lives of the patriarchs repeatedly
drew them into relationship with the sacrificial cult in various
holy places, but especially in Jerusalem, and the laws of the Torah
dealt in detail with the sacrifices, the priests, the maintenance of the
priestly caste, and other cultic matters. So the power of the Torah
composed in this time lay in its focus on the Temple. This central
Temple cult, with its total exclusion of the non-Israelite raised high
those walls of separation we have talked about between Jew and
ìother.î They underlined such distinctiveness as already existed. What
made Israel Israel was the center, the altar; the life of Israel flowed
from the altar. But in 70 C. E., in the course of a war fought by Jews
against Roman rule in the Land of Israel, Jerusalem fell and the Temple,
except for the Western wall of the platform on which it stood,
was destroyed.
How then, are we to define the urgent question and self-evident
Answer of the Judaic System of the Dual Torah, Oral and Written that
emerged in the Mishnah? The principal question formulated by the
sages who produced writings beyond 70 ñ writings that ultimately
were portrayed as the oral part of the one whole Torah of Moses, ìour
lordî our rabbenu ñ centered upon the sanctification of Israel now
that the Temple, the locus of holiness, lay in ruins and the cult was no
more. The Judaism of the dual Torah set forth a twin-ideal: [1] sanctification
of the everyday life in the here and now, which when fully
realized would lead to [2] salvation of all Israel in the age to come.
But what remained to be sanctified, as the Temple had been sanctified
21

JACOB NEUSNER
through its cult, now that the Temple was gone? One locus of sanctification
endured beyond 70: the holy people itself. That peopleís life
would be made holy ñ in the holy land at first, but later, as this
Judaism spread across the world through exile in the Diaspora, everywhere
the people lived. Holy of course meant separate and distinct
from the ordinary, and the chronic question of who is a Jew and what
is Israel would find its self-evident response in the same categories as
the Pentateuchal system had defined for itself.
The stress of the Judaism of the dual Torah, of the post-Temple
sages or rabbis who constructed it, on the sanctification of the home
and the paradigmatic power of the Temple for the home points to
a more extreme position within the priestly paradigm than that of the
priests who wrote parts of Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers. What the
priests wanted for the Temple, the dual Torahís sages wanted for the
community, Israel, at large. The premise of the written Torah, we
recall, rested on a simple allegation: if Israel observes the terms of the
covenant, leading a sanctified life, Israel will enjoy prosperity in
a serene land, a national life outside of history. The traumatic event of
annihilation and rebirth, of death and resurrection of the nation (as
manifested in the reworking of ancient Israelite writings into the Pentateuch)
brought about yearning for one thing above all: no more.
The picture of what had happened presented solace ñ that is why
people wanted to accept the portrait of their world. The restoration
gave Israel a second chance at life, but Israel also could rely on its
knowledge of the rules that governed its national life, those of the
Torah and its repeated allegations of an agreement, or covenant, between
Israel and God, to make certain there would be no more experiences
of exile and alienation (whether or not followed by reconciliation
and restoration). This same paradigm governed in the framing
of the Judaism of the dual Torah. What shifted was the redefinition of
salvation from the here and now to the end of time. And that change,
of course, was not only plausible, it also was necessary in light of the
destruction of the Temple in 70.
The reason for the transfer of the hope for salvation from now to
the end of time derives from a political event in some ways bearing
greater weight than the destruction of the Temple in 70. This event is
the failure to recover the city and rebuild the Temple through war
22

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
three generations later. Had the war been successful, it could have
replicated the events that began in 586 and ended in 450. That is, it
could have restored the people to the land and the government and
temple to Jerusalem. Indeed, when the war broke out in 132, the Jews
evidently expected that after three generations, God would call an
end to the punishment as God had done by restoring the Temple some
ìseventy yearsî after its first destruction (586). But that did not happen.
Israel again suffered defeat ñ a defeat worse than before. The
Temple now lay in permanent ruins; Jerusalem became a forbidden
city for Jews. So Israel, the Jewish people, necessarily set out to
assimilate enduring defeat.
IV. The Mishnahís Judaism of Sanctification without the Temple
The Mishnah manifests the Judaism that took shape in the aftermath
of the Jewsí defeat in this Second War against Rome, fought from
132 through 135. Although later considered the written manifestation
of the oral tradition that formed part of the Torah received by
Moses at Sinai, and accorded proportionate status, the Mishnah was
in fact a philosophical system in the form of a law code that responded
to problems arising from the destruction of the Temple and
Bar Kokhbaís subsequent defeat. When in the aftermath of the destruction
in C. E. 70 and the still more disheartening defeat of 135 the
Mishnahís sages worked out a Judaism without a Temple and a cult,
they produced in the Mishnah a system of sanctification focused on
the holiness of the priesthood, the cultic festivals, the Temple and its
sacrifices, and on the rules for protecting that holiness from Levitical
uncleanness. Four of the six divisions of the Mishnah expound on
this single theme.
In an act of supererogatory imagination, defying the facts of the
circumstance of a defeated nation, the Mishnahís system-builders
composed a world at rest, perfect and complete, made holy because it
is complete and perfect. In mythic terms, the Mishnah reaches back
to creation to interpret the world of destruction round about. The
system of the Mishnah confronts the fall from Eden with Eden, the
world in time beyond the closure of Jerusalem to Israel with the
23

JACOB NEUSNER
timeless world on the eve of the Sabbath of Creation: ìThus the heavens
and the earth were finished and all the host of them. And on the
seventh day God finished his work which he had done, and he rested
on the seventh day from all his work which he had done. So God
blessed the seventh day and hallowed it, because on it God rested
from all his work which he had done in creationî (Gen. 2:1ñ3).
The Mishnahís framers posited an economy embedded in a social
system awaiting the seventh day, and that dayís divine act of sanctification
which, as at the creation of the world, would set the seal of
holy rest upon an again-complete creation. That would be a creation
that was well ordered, with all things called by their rightful names,
in their proper classification, from the least to the greatest, and from
the many to the One. There is no place for action and actors when
what is besought is no action whatsoever, but only unchanging perfection.
There is room only for a description of how things are, for
the present tense, for a sequence of completed statements and static
problems. All the action lies within, in how these statements are made.
Once they stand fully expressed, when nothing remains to be said,
nothing remains to be done. There is no need for actors, whether
political entities such as king, scribes, priests, or economic entities,
householders.
That is why the Mishnahís framers invented a utopia, one that
exists nowhere in particular, a fantasy related to whom it may concern.
The politics of Judaism began in the imagination of a generation
of intellectuals who, in the aftermath of the Jerusalem governmentís
and Templeís destruction (70) and the military defeat Jews
suffered three generations later (132ñ135), had witnessed the end of
the political system and structure that the Jews had known for the
preceding millennium. The political theory of Judaism laid out political
institutions and described how they should work. In that way
these intellectuals, who enjoyed no documented access to power of
any kind and who certainly were unable to coerce many people to do
very much, sorted out issues of power. They took account, in mind at
least, of the issues of legitimate coercion within Israel, the holy people,
which they considered more than a voluntary association, more
than a community formed around a cult.
The Mishnahís principal message, which makes the Judaism of
24

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
this document and of its social components distinctive and cogent, is
that man is at the center of creation, the head of all creatures upon
earth, corresponding to God in heaven, in whose image man is made.
The way in which the Mishnah makes this simple and fundamental
statement is to impute power to man to inaugurate and initiate those
corresponding processes, sanctification and uncleanness, which play
so critical a role in the Mishnahís account of reality. The will of man,
expressed through the deed of man, is the active power in the world.
Will and deed constitute those actors of creation which work upon
neutral realms, subject to either sanctification or uncleanness: the
Temple and table, the field and family, the altar and hearth, woman,
time, space, transactions in the material world and in the world above
as well. An object, a substance, a transaction, even a phrase or a
sentence is inert but may be made holy, when the interplay of the will
and deed of man arouses or generates its potential to be sanctified.
Each may be treated as ordinary or (where relevant) made unclean by
the neglect of the will and inattentive act of man. Just as the entire
system of uncleanness and holiness awaits the intervention of man,
which imparts the capacity to become unclean upon what was formerly
inert, or which removes the capacity to impart cleanness from
what was formerly in its natural and puissant condition, so in the
other ranges of reality, man is at the center on earth, just as is God in
heaven. Man is counterpart and partner and creation, in that, like God
he has power over the status and condition of creation, through his
intentionality putting everything in its proper place, through the exercise
of his will calling everything by its rightful name. The goal then
was the restoration of creation to its original perfection. Then it was
that God ceased from labor, blessed creation, and sanctified it.
V. The Talmudsí Judaism of Sanctification and Salvation
The Mishnah enjoyed two centuries of study and amplification. Indeed,
a massive system deriving from and connecting with the
Mishnahís but essentially distinct from it emerged in the Talmud of
the Land of Israel (closed ca. 400). The urgent question that predominates
in that enormous document, and that takes the form of an ex-
25

JACOB NEUSNER
tended elaboration of the Mishnah, is salvation: when and why will it
come, and, above all, how long must it be postponed? The urgency of
the issue derived from two events that we have already touched upon.
First of all, in 312 Constantine legalized Christianity, and in the course
of the next three generations, the state became officially Christian. In
the course of suppressing paganism, the Christian state adopted rules
that for the first time since the Maccabees, in the second century
B. C., denied the licit practice of Judaism. That trauma was intensified
by a brief moment of relief, when one of the heirs of Constantine,
Julian, left Christianity, reaffirmed paganism and, in 361 proposed to
discredit Christianity by permitting the Jews to rebuild the Temple in
Jerusalem. Unfortunately, he died soon afterward and nothing came
of the project.
The urgency with which the Jews pursued the question of salvation
is hardly a surprising. Consider that from their own political
triumph and the Jewsí deep disappointment by Julianís failed scheme,
the Christians claimed that the political shifts in the standing of Christianity
and Judaism confirmed the truth of Christianity and underlined
the falsity of Judaism. In particular, Christianity stressed the
falsity of the Jewsí hope for a coming messiah. It argued that the Jews
had been saved in the time of the return to Zion (450 B. C. E.). That
return, Christians claimed, fulfilled the Old Testament prophecies of
Israelís salvation. But from that moment, by rejecting the messiahship
of Jesus, Jews had lost all further standing in the divine scheme for
saving humanity. So the question of salvation turned from a chronic
concern to an acute crisis for the Jews ñ in positive and negative
ways. And predictably, it was addressed by the sages who revised the
Mishnah by setting forth the Talmud of the Land of Israel.
Two hundred years after that Talmud took shape, (ca. 400), a second
one, the Talmud of Babylonia, recast matters in a permanent
and authoritative form (ca. 600). From then to the present, ìthe Talmud,î
meaning the Talmud of Babylonia, together with its commentaries,
codes of laws deriving from it, and institutions of autonomous
administration resting on it, has defined the life of most Jews and the
Judaic system that prevailed as normative. Its successful definition of
the essentials of Judaism for Jews living in Christian and the Muslim
worlds depends on the compelling power of its account of who is
26

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
a Jew, what it means to be Israel, and how the holy people must work
out its life in the here and now so as to attain salvation at the end of
time. This was, then, a Judaism intersecting with the Mishnahís but
essentially asymmetrical with. It was a system for salvation focused
on the salvific power of the sanctification of the holy people.
What the Judaism of the dual Torah as portrayed in the two Talmuds
did was shift the focus from the Temple and its supernatural
history to the people Israel and its natural, this-worldly history. Once
Israel, holy Israel, had come to form the counterpart to the Temple
and its supernatural life, that other history ñ Israelís ñ would stand at
the center of things. Accordingly, a new sort of memorable event
came to the fore in the Talmud of the Land of Israel. It was the story
of Israelís suffering ñ remembrance of that suffering on the one side,
and an effort to explain events of such tragedy on the other. And that
story enjoyed the standing of self-evident, indeed self-validating truth
because Jews found that it corresponded to and satisfactorily explained
the powerless political situation they found themselves in.
VI. Characterizing Documents [1]: The Mishnah: Judaism as
a Philosophy in the First and Second Centuries
From this brief account of the unfolding, in response to historical
crises, of the Judaism of the dual Torah, let us turn to the intellectual
characterization of each of its stages, with stress on the shift from
philosophy to religion. The Mishnah presents a philosophical theory
of the social order, a system of thought that, in the context of the
same time and place, people generally deemed philosophers will have
recognized as philosophical. The Mishnahís method of hierarchical
classification in important ways is like that of the natural history of
Aristotle, and the central component of its message proves congruent
to that of neo-Platonism.
Specifically, the Mishnahís Judaic system sets forth in stupefying
detail a version of one critical proposition of neo-Platonism, demonstrated
through a standard Aristotelian method. The repeated proof
through the Aristotelian method of hierarchical classification demonstrates
in detail that many things really form a single thing, many
27

JACOB NEUSNER
species, a single genus, many genera, an encompassing and well-
-crafted, cogent whole. Every time we speciate, ñ and the Mishnah is
a mass of speciated lists ñ we affirm that position; each successful
labor of forming relationships among species, e.g., making them into
a genus, or identifying the hierarchy of the species, proves it again.
Not only so, but when we can show that many things are really one,
or that one thing yields many (the reverse and confirmation of the
former), we say in a fresh way a single immutable truth, the one of
this philosophy concerning the unity of all being in an orderly composition
of all things within a single taxon. Accordingly, this Judaismís
initial system, the Mishnahís, finds its natural place within
philosophy because it appeals to the Aristotelian methods and medium
of natural philosophy ñ classification, comparison and contrast,
expressed in the forms of Listenwissenschaft ñ to register its position,
which is an important one in Middle Platonism and later (close to
a century after the closure of the Mishnah) would come to profound
expression in Plotinus.
The philosophical Judaism moreover utilized economics ñ the rational
disposition of scarce resources ñ in order to set forth a systemic
statement of fundamental importance. Entirely congruent with the
philosophical economics of Aristotle, the Mishnahís economics answered
the same questions concerning the definition of wealth, property,
production and the means of production, ownership and control
of the means of production, the determination of price and value and
the like. And that fact signifies that the Judaic system to which the
Mishnah attests is philosophical not only in method and message but
in its very systemic composition. The principal components of its
theory of the social order, its account of the way of life of its Israel
and its picture of the conduct of the public policy of its social entity, ñ
all of these in detail correspond in their basic definitions and indicative
traits with the economics and the politics of Greco-Roman philosophy
in the Aristotelian tradition. Specifically, the Mishnahís economics,
in general in the theory of the rational disposition of scarce
resources and of the management and increase thereof, and specifically
in its definitions of wealth and ownership, production and consumption,
point by point, corresponds to that of Aristotle.
The power of economics as framed by Aristotle, the only eco-
28

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
nomic theorist of antiquity worthy of the name, was to develop the
relationship between the economy to society as a whole. And the
framers of the Mishnah did the same when they incorporated issues
of economics at a profound theoretical level into the system of society
as a whole that they proposed to construct. That is why the authorship
of the Mishnah will be seen as attacking the problem of
manís livelihood within a system of sanctification of a holy people
with a radicalism of which no later religious thinkers about utopias
were capable. None has ever penetrated deeper into the material organization
of manís life under the aspect of Godís rule. In effect, they
posed, in all its breadth, the question of the critical, indeed definitive
place occupied by the economy in society under Godís rule. The
points in common between Aristotleís and the Mishnahís economics
in detail prove no less indicative. Both Aristotle and the Mishnah
presented an anachronistic system of economics. The theory of both
falls into the same classification of economic theory, that of distributive
economics, familiar in the Near and Middle East from Sumerian
times down to, but not including, the age of Aristotle (let alone that of
the Mishnah five centuries later). But market-economics had been
well-established prior to Aristotleís time. Aristotleís economics is
distributive for systemic reasons, the Mishnahís replicates the received
principles of the economics planned by the Temple priests and
set forth in the Priestly Code of the Pentateuch, Leviticus in particular.
The result ñ fabricated or replicated principles ñ was the same.
Both systems ñ the Mishnahís and Aristotleís ñ in vast detail expressed
the ancient distributive economics, in their theories of fixed
value and conception of the distribution of scarce resources by appeal
to other than the rationality of the market. The theory of money characteristic
of Aristotle (but not of Plato) and of the Mishnah for instance
conforms to that required by distributive economics; exchange
takes place through barter, not through the abstract price-setting mechanism
represented by money. Consequently, the representation of
the Mishnah as a philosophical Judaism derives from not only general
characteristics but very specific and indicative traits held in common
with the principal figure of the Greco-Roman philosophical tradition
in economics.
There was a common social foundation for the economic theory of
29

JACOB NEUSNER
both systems. Both Aristotle and the Mishnahís framers deemed the
fundamental unit of production to be the household, and the larger
social unit, the village, composed of households, marked the limits of
the social entity. The Mishnahís economic tractates, such as the tractates
on civil law, invariably refer to the householder, making him the
subject of most predicates; where issues other than economics are in
play, e.g., in the political tractates such as Sanhedrin, the householder
scarcely appears as a social actor. Not only so, but both Aristotle and
the authorship of the Mishnah formed the conception of ìtrue value,î
which maintained that something ñ an object, a piece of land ñ possessed
a value extrinsic to the market and intrinsic to itself, such that,
if a transaction varied from that imputed true value by (in the case of
the Mishnah) 18%, the exchange was null. Not only so, but the sole
definition of wealth for both Aristotleís and the Mishnahís economics
was real estate, only land however small. Since land does not
contract or expand, of course, the conception of an increase in value
through other than a steady-state exchange of real value, ìtrue value,î
between parties to a transaction lay outside of the theory of economics.
Therefore all profit, classified as usury, was illegitimate and must
be prevented.
The Mishnahís politics ñ its theory of the legitimate use of violence
and the disposition of power in society, ñ describes matters in
a manner that is fundamentally philosophical in the Aristotelian context.
Israel forms a political entity, fully empowered in an entirely
secular sense, just as Scripture had described matters. To political
institutions of the social order, king, priest, and court or civil administration,
each in its jurisdiction, is assigned the right legitimately to
exercise violence here on earth, corresponding to, and shared with,
the same empowerment accorded to institutions of Heaven. These
institutions moreover are conceived permanently to ration and rationalize
the uses of that power. The picture, of course, is this-worldly,
but, not distinguishing crime from sin, it is not secular, since the same
system that legitimates king, high priest, and court posits in Heaven
a corresponding politics, with God and the court on high exercising
jurisdiction for some crimes or sins, the king, priesthood, or court
down below for others. Three specific traits, direct our attention toward
the philosophical classification for the Mishnahís politics in
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THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
framing a systemic composition, even though, to be sure, the parallels
prove structural and general, rather than detailed and doctrinal as
was the case with economics.
First, like the politics of Plato and Aristotle, the Mishnahís politics
describes only a utopian politics, a structure and system of a fictive
and a fabricated kind: intellectualsí conception of a politics. Serving
the larger purpose of system-construction, politics of necessity emerges
as invention, e.g., by Heaven or in the model of Heaven, not as
a secular revision and reform of an existing system. While in the
middle second-century Rome incorporated their country, which they
called the Land of Israel and the Romans called Palestine, into its
imperial system, denying Jews access to their capital, Jerusalem, permanently
closing their cult-center, its Temple, the authorship of the
Mishnah described a government of a king and a high priest and an
administration fully empowered to carry out the law through legitimate
violence. So the two politics ñ the Mishnahís, the Greco-Roman
tradition represented by Platoís and Aristotleís ñ share in common
their origins in intellectualsí theoretical and imaginative life and form
an instance, within that life, of the concrete realization of a larger
theory of matters. In strange and odd forms, the Mishnahís politics
falls into the class of the Staatsroman, the classification that encompasses,
also, Platoís Republic and Aristotleís Politics. But, admittedly,
the same may be said for the strange politics of the Pentateuch.
Second and more to the point, the Mishnahís sages stand well
within the philosophical mode of political thought that begins with
Aristotle, who sees politics as a fundamental component of his system
when he says, ìpolitical scienceÖlegislates as to what we are to
do and what we are to abstain from;î and, as to the institutionalization
of power, one cannot imagine a more ample definition of the
Mishnahís systemís utilization of politics than that. While that statement,
also, applies to the Pentateuchal politics, the systemic message
borne by politics within the Pentateuchal system and that carried by
politics in the Mishnahís system do not correspond in any important
ways. Aristotle and the philosophers of the Mishnah utilize politics to
make systemic statements that correspond to one another, in that both
comparison and contrast prove apt and pointed. Both spoke of an
empowered social entity; both took for granted that on-going institu-
31

JACOB NEUSNER
tions legitimately exercise governance in accord with a rationality
discerned by distinguishing among those empowered to inflict sanctions.
Both see politics as a medium for accomplishing systemic
goals, and the goals derive from the larger purpose of the social order,
to which politics is subordinated and merely instrumental.
But, third, the comparison also yields a contrast of importance.
Specifically, since political analysis comes only after economic analysis
and depends upon the results of that prior inquiry into a social
systemís disposition of scarce resources and theory of control of
means of production, we have no choice but to follow up the results
of the preceding chapter and compare the politics of Aristotle and the
politics of the Mishnah, just as we did the economics of each system.
For when we know who commands the means of production, we turn
to inquire about who tells whom what to do and why: who legitimately
coerces others even through violence. And here the Mishnahís
system decisively parts company with that of the Pentateuch and also
with that of Aristotle. As to the former, the distributive economics of
the Pentateuch, in the Priestly stratum at the foundations, assigns
both economic and political privilege to the same class of persons,
the priesthood, effecting distributive economics and distributive politics.
But that is not the way things are in the Mishnahís politics,
which distinguishes the one in control of the means of production
from the one control of the right legitimately to commit violence. The
former, the householder, is not a political entity at all, and, dominant
as the subject of most sentences in the economic tractates, he never
appears in the political ones at all.
The point of difference from Aristotle is to be seen only within the
context of the similarity that permits comparison and contrast. While
the economics of Aristotle and the economics of Judaism commence
with the consideration of the place and power of the person (ìclass,î
ìcaste,î economic interest) in control of the means of production, the
social metaphors that animate the politics of the two systems part
company. Aristotle in his Politics is consistent in starting with that
very same person (ìclassî) when he considers issues of power, producing
a distributive politics to match his distributive economics. But
the Mishnahís philosophers build their politics on with an altogether
different set of building blocks. The simple fact is that the house-
32

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
holder, fundamental to their economics, does not form a subject of
political discourse at all and in no way constitutes a political class or
caste. When the Mishnahís writers speak of economics, the subject of
most active verbs is the householder; when they speak of politics, the
householder never takes an active role or even appears as a differentiated
political class. In this sense, the economics of the Mishnah
is disembedded from its politics, and the politics from its economics.
By contrast the economics and politics of Aristotleís system are deeply
embedded within a larger and nurturing, wholly cogent theory of
political economy.
VII. Characterizing Documents [2]: The Yerushalmiís
Transformation of Philosophy into Religion
The successor-system, represented by the Talmud of the Land of Israel
and related writings, ca. 400ñ450, presented a theory of the social
order lacking any theory politics, philosophy, and economics of
a conventional order. Now that we have seen the philosophical character
of the initial systemís world-view, way of life, and theory of the
social entity, that is, its philosophy, economics, and politics, we ask
how these same categories fared in the successor-systemís documentary
evidence. As a matter of simple fact, while sharing the goal of
presenting a theory of the social order, as to their categorical formations
and structures, the initial, philosophical Judaic system and the
successor system differ in a fundamental way. Stated very simply,
what happened is that the successor-system held up a mirror to the
received categories and so redefined matters that everything was reversed.
Left became right, down, up, and, as we shall see, in a very
explicit transvaluation of values, power is turned into weakness,
things of real value is transformed into intangibles. This transvaluation,
yielding the transformation of the prior system altogether, is
articulated and not left implicit; it is a specific judgment made concrete
through mythic and symbolic revision by the later authorships
themselves. A free-standing document, received with reverence, served
to precipitate the transvaluation of all of the values of that documentís
initial statement.
33

JACOB NEUSNER
What the philosophical Judaism kept apart, the religious Judaism
portrayed by the Talmud of the Land of Israel and related writings
now joined together, and it is just there, at that critical joining, that
we identify the key to the system: its reversal of a received point of
differentiation, its introduction of new points of differentiation altogether.
The source of generative problems for the Mishnahís politics
is simply not the same as the source that served the successor-systemís
politics, and, systemic analysis being what it is, it is the
union of what was formerly asunder that identifies for us in quite
objective terms the critical point of tension, the sources of problems,
the centerpiece of systemic concern throughout. Let me show how
this process of reintegration was worked out in the categorical reformation
underway in the Yerushalmi and related writings.
We begin with the shift from philosophy to Torah-study, that is
from abstract reflection to concrete text-exegesis and digression out
of sacred scripture; philosophy yields accurate and rational understanding
of things; knowledge of the Torah, by contrast, yields power
over this world and the next, capacity to coerce to the sageís will the
natural and supernatural worlds alike, on that account. The Torah is
thus transformed from a philosophical enterprise of the sifting and
classification of the facts of this world into a Gnostic process of
changing persons through knowledge. It is on that basis that in the
Yerushalmi and related writings we find in the Torah the counterpart-category
to philosophy in the Mishnah. Now we deal with a new
intellectual category: Torah, meaning, religious learning in place of
philosophical learning. What is the difference between the one and
the other? First comes appeal to revealed truth as against perceived
facts of nature and their regularities, second, the conception of an
other-worldly source of explanation and the development of a propositional
program focused upon not nature but Scripture, not the
nations in general but Israel in particular, and third, the Gnosticization
of knowledge in the conception that knowing works salvation.
What was to change, therefore, was not the mode of thought. What
was new, rather, was the propositions to be demonstrated philosophically,
and what made these propositions new was the focus of interest,
on the one side, and data assembled by way of demonstrating
them, on the other. From a philosophical proposition within the
34

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
framework of free-standing philosophy of religion and metaphysics
that the Mishnahís system aimed to establish, we move to religious
and even theological propositions within the setting of contingent
exegesis of Scripture. Then how do we know that what was changing
was not merely topical and propositional but categorical in character?
The answer lies in the symbolic vocabulary that would be commonly
used in the late fourth and fifth century writings but not at all,
or not in the same way, in the late second century ones. When people
select data not formerly taken into account and represent the data by
appeal to symbols not formerly found evocative or expressive, or not
utilized in the way in which they later on were used, then we are
justified in raising questions about category-formation and the development
of new categories alongside, or instead, of the received ones.
In the case at hand, the character of the transformation we witness is
shown by the formation of a symbol serving to represent a category.
To signal what is to come, we shall find the quite bald statement
that, in the weighing of the comparative value of capital, which in
this time and place meant land or real property, and Torah, Torah was
worthwhile, and land was not ñ a symbolic syllogism that is explicit,
concrete, repeated, and utterly fresh for the documents we consider.
On the basis of that quite explicit symbolic comparison we speak of
transformation ñ symbolic and therefore categorical transformation,
not merely thematic shifts in emphasis or even propositional change.
Here we witness in the successor-writings the formation of a system
connected with, but asymmetrical to, the initial, philosophical one.
Then for the world-view of the transformed Judaism, the counterpart-category
to philosophy is formulated by appeal to the symbolic
medium for the theological message, and it is the category, the Torah,
expressed, as a matter of fact, by the symbol of Torah.
Philosophy sought the generalizations that cases might yield. So
too did religion (and, in due course, theology would too). But the
range of generalization vastly differed. Philosophy spoke of the nature
of things, while theology represented the special nature of Israel
in particular. Philosophy then appealed to the traits of things, while
theology to the special indicative qualities of Israel. What of the
propositional program that the document sets forth? The philosophical
proposition of the Mishnah demonstrated from the facts and traits
35

JACOB NEUSNER
of things the hierarchical order of all being, with the obvious if merely
implicit proposition that God stands at the head of the social order.
The religious propositions of the successor-documents speak in other
words of other things, having simply nothing in common with the
propositional program of the Mishnahís philosophy.
The shift in economics is no less striking. Consideration of the
transvaluation of value brings us to the successor-systemís counterpart
category, that is, the one that in context forms the counterpart to
the Mishnahís concrete, this-worldly, material and tangible definition
of value in conformity with the familiar, philosophical economics.
We have now to ask, what, in place of the received definition of value
and the economics thereof, did the new system set forth? The transformation
of economics involved the redefinition of scarce and valued
resources in so radical a manner that the concept of value, while
remaining material in consequence and character, nonetheless took
on a quite different sense altogether. The counterpart category of the
successor-system concerned themselves with the same questions as
did the conventional economics, presenting an economics in function
and structure, but one that concerned things of value other than those
identified by the initial system. So indeed we deal with an economics,
an economics of something other than real estate.
But it was an economics just as profoundly embedded in the social
order, just as deeply a political economics, just as pervasively a systemic
economics, as the economics of the Mishnah and of Aristotle.
Why so? Because issues such as the definition of wealth, the means
of production and the meaning of control thereof, the disposition of
wealth through distributive or other media, theory of money, reward
for labor, and the like ñ all these issues found their answers in the
counterpart-category of economics, as much as in the received and
conventional philosophical economics. The new ìscarce resourceî
accomplished what the old did, but it was a different resource, a new
currency. At stake in the category meant to address the issues of the
way of life of the social entity, therefore, were precisely the same
considerations as confront economics in its (to us) conventional and
commonplace, philosophical sense. But since the definition of wealth
changes, as we have already seen, from land to Torah, much else
would be transformed on that account.
36

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
Land produced a living; so did Torah. Land formed the foundation
of the social entity, so did Torah. The transvaluation of value was
such that an economics concerning the rational management and increase
of scarce resources worked itself out in such a way as to answer,
for quite different things of value from real property or from
capital such as we know as value, precisely the same questions that
the received economics addressed in connection with wealth of a real
character: land and its produce. Systemic transformation comes to
the surface in articulated symbolic change. The utter transvaluation
of value finds expression in a jarring juxtaposition, an utter shift of
rationality, specifically, the substitution of Torah for real estate. We
recall how in a successor-document (but in none prior to the fifth
century compilations) Tarfon thought wealth took the form of land,
while Aqiba explained to him that wealth takes the form of
Torah-learning. That the sense is material and concrete is explicit:
land for Torah, Torah for land. Thus, to repeat the matter of how
Torah serves as an explicit symbol to convey the systemic worldview,
let us note the main point of this passage:
Leviticus Rabbah XXXIV:XVI
1. B. R. Tarfon gave to R. Aqiba six silver centenarii, saying
to him, ìGo, buy us a piece of land, so we can get a living
from it and labor in the study of Torah together.î
C. He took the money and handed it over to scribes,
Mishnah-teachers, and those who study Torah.
D. After some time R. Tarfon met him and said to him, ìDid
you buy the land that I mentioned to you?î
E. He said to him, ìYes.î
F. He said to him, ìIs it any good?î
G. He said to him, ìYes.î
H. He said to him, ìAnd do you not want to show it to me?î
I. He took him and showed him the scribes, Mishnah teachers,
and people who were studying Torah, and the Torah
that they had acquired.
J. He said to him, ìIs there anyone who works for nothing?
Where is the deed covering the field?î
K. He said to him, ìIt is with King David, concerning whom
37

JACOB NEUSNER
it is written, ëHe has scattered, he has given to the poor,
his righteousness endures foreverí (Ps. 112:9).î
The successor-system has its own definitions not only for learning,
symbolized by the word Torah but also for wealth, expressed in
the same symbol. Accordingly, the category-formation for
worldview, Torah in place of philosophy, dictates, as a matter of fact,
a still more striking category-reformation, in which the entire matter
of scarce resources is reconsidered, and a counterpart-category set
forth.
Philosophical politics tells who may legitimately do what to whom.
When a politics wants to know who ought not to be doing what to
whom, we find in hand the counterpart-category to the received politics
ñ anti-politics, a theory of the illegitimacy of power, the legitimacy
of being victim. The received category set forth politics as the
theory of legitimate violence, the counterpart-category, politics as the
theory of illegitimate violence. The received politics had been one of
isolation and interiority, portraying Israel as sui generis and autocephalic
in all ways. The portrait in the successor-documents is
a politics of integration among the nations; a perspective of exteriority
replaces the inner-facing one of the Mishnah, which recognized no
government of Israel but Godís ñ and then essentially ab initio. The
issues of power had found definition in questions concerning who
legitimately inflicts sanctions upon whom within Israel. They now
shift to give an account of who illegitimately inflicts sanctions upon
(ìpersecutesî) Israel. So the points of systemic differentiation are
radically revised, and the politics of the successor-system becomes
not a revision of the received category but a formation that in many
ways mirrors the received one: once more a counterpart-category.
Just as, in the definition of scarce resources, Torah-study has replaced
land, so now weakness forms the focus in place of strength, illegitimacy
in place of legitimacy. Once more the mirror-image of the received
category presents the perspective of the counterpart-category.
Now we find the answers to these questions: to whom is violence
illegitimately done, and also, who may not legitimately inflict violence?
With the move from the politics of legitimate to that of illegitimate
power, the systemic interest now lies in defining not the who
38

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
legitimately does what, but rather, the to whom, against whom, is
power illegitimately exercised. And this movement represents not the
revision of the received category, but its inversion. For thought on
legitimate violence is turned on its head. A new category of empowerment
is worked out alongside the old. The entity that is victim of
power is at the center, rather than the entity that legitimately exercises
power. That entity is now Israel en masse, rather than the institutions
and agencies of Israel on earth, Heaven above ñ a very considerable
shift in thought on the systemic social entity. Israel as disempowered,
rather than king, high priest, and sage as Israelís media of empowerment,
defines the new systemís politics. The upshot is that the successor-system
has reconsidered not merely the contents of the received
structure, but the composition of the structure itself. In place of its
philosophy, we have now a new medium for the formulation of
a world-view; in place of a way of life formulated as an economics,
a new valuation of value, in place of an account of the social entity
framed as a politics, a new conception of legitimate violence. So
much for the formation of counterpart categories.
VIII. From Philosophy to Religion. Systemic Integration
What holds the system together identifies the critical question that
the system as a whole means to answer, its aspect of self-evidence.
Seeing the whole all at once, we may then undertake that work of
comparison and contrast that produces connections from system to
system. How then may we characterize the shift from a philosophical
to a religious system? The answer derives from our choice of the
systemic center, e.g., a symbol that captures the whole, that holds the
whole together. Certainly, the integration of the philosophical system
is readily stated in a phrase: the philosophical Judaism set forth
a system of hierarchical classification. Having emphasized the succession
ñ philosophy out, Torah in ñ one may ask whether for the
religious system of Judaism, the systemic center is captured by the
symbol of the Torah ñ focused on the holy man sanctified through
mastery of revelation. The answer is negative, because, as a matter of
fact, knowledge of the Torah forms a way-station on a path to a more
39

JACOB NEUSNER
distant, more central goal, it is a dependent variable, contingent and
stipulative. Then wherein lies the systemic center? It is the quest for
zekhut, properly translated as ìthe heritage of virtue and its consequent
entitlements.î It is the simple fact that Torah-study is one means
of attaining access to that heritage, of gaining zekhut ñ and there are
other equally suitable means. The zekhut gained by Torah-study is no
different from the merit gained by acts of supererogatory grace. So
we must take seriously the contingent status, the standing of a dependent
variable, accorded to Torah-study in such stories as the following:
Y. Taanit 3:11. IV
C. There was a house that was about to collapse over there
[in Babylonia], and Rab set one of his disciples in the
house, until they had cleared out everything from the
house. When the disciple left the house, the house collapsed.
D. And there are those who say that it was R. Adda bar
Ahwah.
E. Sages sent and said to him, ìWhat sort of good deeds are
to your credit [that you have that much merit]?î
F. He said to them, ìIn my whole life no man ever got to
the synagogue in the morning before I did. I never left
anybody there when I went out. I never walked four cubits
without speaking words of Torah. Nor did I ever
mention teachings of Torah in an inappropriate setting.
I never laid out a bed and slept for a regular period of
time. I never took great strides among the associates.
I never called my fellow by a nickname. I never rejoiced
in the embarrassment of my fellow. I never cursed my
fellow when I was lying by myself in bed. I never walked
over in the marketplace to someone who owed me
money.
G. ìIn my entire life I never lost my temper in my household.î
H. This was meant to carry out that which is stated as follows:
ìI will give heed to the way that is blameless. Oh
40

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
when wilt thou come to me? I will walk with integrity of
heart within my houseî (Ps. 101:2).
What is striking in this story is that mastery of the Torah is only
one means of attaining the zekhut that had enabled the sage to keep
the house from collapsing. And Torah-study is not the primary means
of attaining zekhut. The question at E provides the key, together with
its answer at F. For what the sage did to gain such remarkable zekhut
is not to master such-and-so many tractates of the Mishnah. It was
rather acts of courtesy, consideration, gentility, restraint. These produced
zekhut, all of them acts of self-abnegation or the avoidance of
power over others and the submission to the will and the requirement
of self-esteem of others. Torah-study is simply an item on a list of
actions or attitudes that generate zekhut.
Here, in a moral setting, we find the politics replicated: the form of
power that the system promises derives from the rejection of power
that the world recognizes ñ legitimate violence replaced by legitimation
of the absence of the power to commit violence or of the failure
to commit violence. And, when we ask, whence that sort of power?
the answer lies in the gaining of zekhut in a variety of ways, not in the
acquisition of zekhut through the study of the Torah solely or even
primarily. But, we note, the story at hand speaks of a sage in particular.
He has gained zekhut by not acting the way sages are commonly
assumed to behave but in a humble way.
Ordinary folk, not disciples of sages, have access to zekhut entirely
outside of study of the Torah. In stories not told about rabbis,
a single remarkable deed, exemplary for its deep humanity, sufficed
to win for an ordinary person the zekhut ñ ìthe heritage of virtue and
its consequent entitlementsî ñ that elicits the same marks of supernatural
favor enjoyed by some rabbis on account of their Torah-study.
Accordingly, the systemic centrality of zekhut in the structure, the
critical importance of the heritage of virtue together with its supernatural
entitlements ñ these emerge in a striking claim. It is framed in
extreme form ñ another mark of the unique place of zekhut within the
system. Even though a man was degraded, one action sufficed to win
for him that heavenly glory to which rabbis in lives of Torah-study
aspired.
41

JACOB NEUSNER
The mark of the systemís integration around zekhut lies in its insistence
that all Israelites, not only sages, could gain zekhut for themselves
(and their descendants). A single remarkable deed, exemplary
for its deep humanity, sufficed to win for an ordinary person the
zekhut that elicits supernatural favor enjoyed by some rabbis on account
of their Torah-study. The centrality of zekhut in the systemic
structure, the critical importance of the heritage of virtue together
with its supernatural entitlements therefore emerge in a striking claim.
Even though a man was degraded, one action sufficed to win for him
that heavenly glory to which rabbis in general aspired. The rabbinical
storyteller whose writing we shall consider assuredly identifies with
this lesson, since it is the point of his story and its climax.
Zekhut serves, in particular, that counterpart category that speaks
of not legitimate but illegitimate violence, not power but weakness.
In context, time and again, we observe that zekhut is the power of the
weak. People who through their own merit and capacity can accomplish
nothing, can accomplish miracles through what others do for
them in leaving a heritage of zekhut.. And, not to miss the stunning
message of the triplet of stories cited above, zekhut also is what the
weak and excluded and despised can do that outweighs in power
what the great masters of the Torah have accomplished. In the context
of a system that represents Torah as supernatural, that claim of priority
for zekhut represents a considerable transvaluation of power, as
much as of value. And, by the way, zekhut also forms the inheritance
of the disinherited: what you receive as a heritage when you have
nothing in the present and have gotten nothing in the past, that scarce
resource that is free and unearned but much valued. So let us dwell
upon the definitive character of the transferability of zekhut in its
formulation, zekhut abot, the zekhut handed on by the ancestors, the
transitive character of the concept and its standing as a heritage of
entitlements.
So zekhut forms the political economy of the religious system of
the social order put forward by the Talmud of the Land of Israel and
related writings. Here we find the power that brought about the transvaluation
of value, the reversal of the meaning of power and its legitimacy.
Zekhut expresses and accounts for the economic valuation of
the scarce resource of what we should call moral authority. Zekhut
42

THE FORMATION OF RABBINIC JUDAISM: FROM THE MISHNAHíS PHILOSOPHY Ö
stands for the political valorization of weakness, that which endows
the weak with a power that is not only their own but their ancestorsí.
It enables the weak to accomplish goals through not their own power,
but their very incapacity to accomplish acts of violence ñ a transvaluation
as radical as that effected in economics. And zekhut holds
together both the economics and the politics of this Judaism: it makes
the same statement twice. Zekhut as the power of the powerless, the
riches of the disinherited, the valuation and valorization of the will of
those who have no right to will. In that conception the politics, social
order, and theology of Rabbinic Judaism came together. For the millennium
and a half that would follow, this is the Judaism that governed.
43

EINE J‹DISCH-DEUTSCHE HANDSCHRIFT
DES BUCHDRUCKERS UND KONVERTITEN
JOHANNES HELICZ, BRESLAU 1537
Martin Rothkegel, Praha
Der (vom Namen der ostgalizischen Stadt Halicz abgeleitete) Familienname
Helicz ist indirekt mit der Kralitzer Bibel, der ber¸hmten
Bibel¸bersetzung der Bˆhmischen Br¸der, verbunden. Die Kralitzer
Bibel entstand in den Jahren 1579ñ1594 als kollektive Arbeit einer
Kommission von br¸derischen Gelehrten an der Br¸derschule Eibenschitz
(IvanËice) in M‰hren. Zu den ‹bersetzern gehˆrte zeitweilig
Lukas Helicz, ein Hebraist j¸discher Herkunft, der 1564 der polnischen
Unit‰t beigetreten war, 1575 in Posen (PoznaÒ) br¸derischer
Diakon wurde und 1581 in Eibenschitz zum Br¸derpriester geweiht
wurde. Er war 1589 Rektor der deutschen Br¸derschule und deutscher
Prediger in Fulnek, bis er sich, offenbar im Unfrieden mit der
m‰hrischen Unit‰t, wieder nach Polen wandte. 1
Lukas Helicz stammte aus der ersten j¸dischen Druckerfamilie
Polens. Die drei Br¸der Samuel, Asser und Eljakim ben Chajim
Helicz hatten um 1534 in Krakau die erste hebr‰ische Buchdruckerei
des Kˆnigreiches begr¸ndet. Ihre Erzeugnisse, die heute zu den typographischen
Seltenheiten gehˆren, waren durchweg gelehrten und
religiˆsen Inhalts. Einer der drei Br¸der, Samuel Helicz, druckte
aufler in Krakau auch im schlesischen Oels (nachweisbar ist ein Siddur
von 1536), jedoch wurde die Oelser Werkstadt 1536 von einem
1 Vgl. J. Th. M¸ller, Geschichte der Bˆhmischen Br¸der, Bd. 3: Die polnische
Unit‰t 1548ñ1793. Die bˆhmisch-m‰hrische Unit‰t 1575ñ1781, S. 291f.; J. Fiedler
(Hg.), Todtenbuch der Geistlichkeit der Bˆhmischen Br¸der, Wien 1863 (Fontes
rerum Austriacarum I/5, S. 213ñ310), S. 281; Fr. Hrejsa, SborovÈ Jednoty bratrskÈ,
VIII.: Zpr·vy o sborech bratrsk˝ch a o brat¯Ìch v PrusÌch, Polsku, na Slovensku
a†v†cizinÏ, in: RefomaËnÌ sbornÌk 7 (1939), S. 10ñ114, dort S. 50; J. VolfÇ N·boûenskÈ
h·d·nÌ Luk·öe Helice ve Fulneku r. 1589, in: »asopis vlasteneckÈho spolku
musejnÌho v Olomouci 36 (1925), S. 75ñ82.
44

EINE J‹DISCH-DEUTSGHE HANDSCHRIFT DES BUCHDRUCKERS UND KONVERTITEN Ö
Unwetter zerstˆrt. 2 Im Februar und M‰rz 1537 traten Samuel, Eljakim,
Asser und noch ein vierter Bruder zusammen mit ihrer Groflmutter,
ihrem Vater Chajim Helicz und ihrer Schwester zum Christentum
¸ber. Die Gr¸nde f¸r die Konversion sind nicht bekannt. Es
f‰llt aber auf, dafl es gerade unter hebr‰ischen Druckern, Setzern und
Korrektoren des 16. Jhs. in mehreren F‰llen zu ‹bertritten zum Christentum
kam.
Samuel nannte sich nach der Taufe Andreas (1), ein weiterer Bruder
ebenso, d. h. Andreas (2), die beiden andern Johannes und Paulus.
Samuel-Andreas (1) und wohl auch Johannes empfingen die Taufe
in Breslau. Die Krakauer Druckerei fuhr zun‰chst mit der
Produktion j¸discher B¸cher in hebr‰ischer Sprache fort (noch 1539
druckte Johannes Helicz religiˆse j¸dische Texte), jedoch verloren
die Gebr¸der Helicz ihre gesamte j¸dische Kundschaft, f¸r die die
Erzeugnisse der von der j¸dischen Religion abtr¸nnigen Buchdrukker
aus religionsgesetzlichen Gr¸nden untauglich geworden war.
Trotz der Anstrengungen des polnischen Kˆnigs, die polnischen
Judengemeinden durch Dekrete vom 28. M‰rz und 16. Juni 1537 zum
Kauf der von der Offizin Helicz gedruckten hebr‰ischen B¸cher zu
zwingen, muflten die Br¸der die Produktion von j¸dischen religiˆsen
Texten in der Folgezeit aufgeben und ihre gemeinsame Firma auflˆsen.
Die durch ein kˆnigliches Dekret vom 31. Dezember 1539 eingesetzten
Konkursverwalter stellten einen unverk‰uflichen Bestand
von 3350 B‰nden fest, den sie auf 1600 fl. sch‰tzten. Die polnische
Judenschaft wurde verpflichtet, diese Summe in mehreren Raten zu
erlegen und das gesamte B¸cherlager zu ¸bernehmen. In den folgenden
drei Jahrzehnten ruhte in Krakau der hebr‰ische Buchdruck. 3
Die Wege der Br¸der trennten sich bereits vor der Liquidierung
der Firma. Andreas (1) blieb nach seiner Taufe am 11. M‰rz 1537 im
evangelischen Breslau, liefl sich dort als Buchbinder nieder und erhielt
am 29. Januar 1538 das B¸rgerrecht. Um 1551 floh er jedoch in
das Osmanische Reich, um wieder zum Judentum zur¸ckzukehren.
2 Zur Offizin Helicz vgl. M. Balaban, Zur Geschichte der hebr‰ischen Druckereien
in Polen, in: Soncino-Bl‰tter 3 (1929/30), S. 1ñ50, dort 1ñ9. Siehe auch Art. Halicz,
in: Encyclopaedia Judaica, Bd. 7, Berlin 1931, Sp. 871f.; Art. Halicz, in:
Encyclopaedia Judaica, Bd. 7, Jerusalem 1971, Sp. 1189ñ1191.
3 Vgl. Balaban, Geschichte, S. 2ñ5 und 36, 41ñ 44, Dok. Nr. IñIII.
45

MARTIN ROTHKEGEL
Der Breslauer Chronist Nikolaus Pol berichtet ¸ber ihn: Ñ1537, am
Sontag Laetare, [Ö] zu St. Elisabeth [Ö] zur vesper ward ein Jude
Andreas getaufft. Hielt sich eine zeitlang ehrlich und from, da ihm
aber die leute viel getrauet und er einen statlichen handel f¸hrete und
man am wenigsten auff ihn gedancken hatte, ist er auffgestanden, hat
die leute betrogen, weib und kinder sitzen lassen.ì 4 Hans Dernschwamm,
Mitglied einer kaiserlichen Gesandtschaft an die Pforte,
traf den aus Breslau geflohenen Andreas 1553 in Konstantinopel an,
wo dieser unter seinem Geburtsnamen Samuel b. Chajim Helic eine
hebr‰ische Druckerei betrieb. Andreas (2) wurde dagegen B¸rger und
Kaufmann in Krakau und starb zwischen 1557 und 1565. 5
Paulus hielt sich nach seiner Taufe vor¸bergehend in Posen auf,
wo der Posener Wojwode Lukasz GÛrka bei der Taufe seines Sohnes,
des sp‰teren Br¸derpriesters Lukas, Pate stand (bei dieser Taufe, die
der katholische Bischof von Posen vollzog, wurden insgesamt 14 j¸dische
Personen getauft). Beseelt von Missionseifer druckte Paulus
Helicz 1540/41 in Krakau das Neue Testament in der deutschen ‹bersetzung
Martin Luthers mit hebr‰ischen Lettern. Das Werk ist in einer
1541 datierten Dedikationsepistel dem Bischof von Krakau und
Erzbischof-Primas von Gnesen, Petrus Gamrat, einem heftigen Gegner
der Reformation, gewidmet. Helicz berichtet in dieser Widmungsvorrede,
dafl die Rabbiner in ihren H‰user zwar sehr wohl das Neue
Testament besitzen und lesen, es aber vor dem Volk verbergen, daher
m¸sse es den Juden zum Zweck ihrer Bekehrung in ihrer Alltagssprache
zug‰nglich gemacht werden. (Dafl Luthers Bibel¸bersetzung in
dieser Gestalt im katholischen Krakau unter bischˆflichem Schutz im
Druck erschien, darf als Kuriosum gelten.) 6 Auch Paulus Helicz liefl
4
Nikolaus Pol, Hemerologion Silesiacum Vratislaviense [Ö] Leiptzig [Ö] Anno
M. DC. XII., S. 97. Eine handschriftliche Breslauer Chronik in der Universit‰tsbibliothek
Breslau, Sign. IV F 121, f¸gt hinzu, dafl Andreas Ñmit dreyen seinen
kindernì die Taufe empfing.
5 Balaban, Geschichte, S. 5, 32, 50.
6 Ebd. S. 7ñ9. Das Titelblatt des seltenen Druckes ist bei Balaban, Geschichte,
S. 38, nach einem Exemplar der Jagiellonischen Bibliothek in Krakau (non vidi)
reproduziert und lautet:
èøòÔ àã ñàã ´ èðòîéèñòè Öåð ñàã
óÕà èùéà ñàã ´ ïåàéìòéðÏáò èðòðéâ
êÖìâ ´ èÏôùèàá éÏëéìàøå ïÖà ùèÖåã
äáåè äøåùÒá ïùòÖøéáò íéà éÔ
Gedrukt zu krokau durch Paul helic im Iar M. D. XXXX.
46

EINE J‹DISCH-DEUTSGHE HANDSCHRIFT DES BUCHDRUCKERS UND KONVERTITEN Ö
sich im evangelischen Breslau nieder. 1543 druckte er im Breslauer
Vorort Hundsfeld ein praktisches Lehrbuch der j¸disch-deutschen
Sprache und Schrift f¸r christliche Leser, insbesondere Kaufleute,
die gesch‰ftlich mit Juden zu tun hatten. 7 In Breslau besafl er bis
1548 auch ein Haus, mit dessen Verkauf sich seine Spur verliert. 8
Der vierte Bruder, Johannes, kehrte nach dreij‰hrigem Aufenthalt
in Breslau nach Krakau zur¸ck und druckte dort 1540 sieben lateinische
christliche Schriften. Auch an einem Krakauer lateinischen
Druck von 1561 war er anscheinend noch beteiligt. 9
Eine interessante Erg‰nzung zu den sp‰rlichen Nachrichten ¸ber
die spektakul‰re Konversion der Familie Helicz ist eine Handschrift
des Johannes Helicz von 1537, die aus der Bibliothek des Franziskanerklosters
in Skalitz an der March (Skalica na Slovensku)
stammt 10 und sich heute in der Slowakischen Nationalbibliothek in
Martin befindet. 11 Der wohlerhaltene Band umfaflt 196 Papierbl‰tter
im Format 210 x 150 mm. Der gesamte enthaltene Text ist von derselben,
gleichm‰fligen und sorgf‰ltigen Hand in schwarzer und roter
Tinte in einer aschkenasischen Halbkursive (Raschi-Schrift) geschrieben.
Daneben ist f¸r ‹berschriften und Initialen, gelegentlich auch
f¸r hervorzuhebende Worte im Text, Quadratschrift verwendet. Die
Handschrift hat einen schˆnen Renaissance-Ledereinband, wohl ein
Werk der Breslauer Buchbinderwerkstatt des Samuel-Andreas Helicz,
mit reicher Blindpr‰gung. Auf der Vorderseite ist mit groflen lateinischen
und hebr‰ischen Drucklettern folgende Aufschrift mit einem
7 Der Titel lautet: Elemental / oder leseb¸chlen / Doraus meniglich / mit gutem
grund vnderwisen wirt : wie man de˘tsche b¸chlen / Missiuen oder Sendbriue /
Schuldbriue / so mit ebreischen / ader J¸dischen buchstaben geschriben werden :
Auch die Zal / Jar / Monad / vnd anders zu gehˆrig: lesen vnd versten sol. Jtzt
ne˘lich an tag geben. Gedruckt zum hundesfeld. d˘rch paul helicz. M. D. XXXX iij.
Exemplar: Universit‰tsbibliothek Breslau, Sign. 4 E 263. Von diesem Druck erschien
ein Faksimile mit einem Vorwort von Max Silberberg, Breslau 1929 (non
vidi). Vgl. M. Brann, Geschichte der Juden in Schlesien, Breslau 1910, S. 167ñ173;
N. Shtif, Paul Helitz: ÑElemental oder Leseb¸chlein:ì (Hundsfeld 1543), in: Studies
in Philology 3 (1929), Sp. 515ñ524; J. Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und
17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet, 2. Aufl., Wiesbaden 1982 (Beitr‰ge
zum Buch- und Bibliothekswesen, 12), S. 199f.
8 Balaban, Geschichte, S. 9.
9 Balaban, Geschichte, S. 5ñ7.
10 Zur Bibliothek der Skalitzer Franziskaner und ihrer Liquidierung im Jahr 1950
vgl. º. KoöÌk, Z duchovnÈho dediËstva Skalice, Skalica 1996, S. 29ff.
11 Martin, Slovensk· n·rodn· kniûnica, ArchÌv literat˙ry a umenia, Sign. J 2870.
47

MARTIN ROTHKEGEL
hebr‰ischen Motto aus Ps. 19,8 eingepreflt: ÑDAS NEVE TESTA-
MENT / ùôð úáéùî äîéîú ´ä úøåú / MDXXXVII.ì Auf dem Buchr¸cken
ist die Aufschrift çéùîä úøåú (Gesetz Christi) zu lesen, ein naheliegendes
hebr‰isches ƒquivalent f¸r ÑEvangeliumì, das sich auch bei
dem zeitgenˆssischen christlichen Hebraisten Sebastian M¸nster findet,
der seiner hebr‰ischen Ausgabe des Matth‰us-Evangeliums (Basel
1537) den Titel çéùîä úøåú gab. 12
Die Handschrift enth‰lt auf Bl. 3 a bis 158 a die vier Evangelien in
der deutschen ‹bersetzung Martin Luthers in hebr‰ischer Schrift.
Der zugrundeliegende Luthertext ist, wie Stichproben ergeben, derjenige
der 1534 in Wittenberg erschienenen Gesamtausgabe der Lutherbibel.
Die Marginalien der Lutherbibel sind in roter Schrift als Erl‰uterungen
neben die entsprechenden Textabschnitte gestellt. Um den
Luthertext der j¸disch-deutschen Mundart n‰herzubringen, sind gewisse
lexikalische ƒnderungen vorgenommen worden. Die vier Evangelien
werden abgeschlossen mit einem auf Jes. 40,29 anspielenden
Lobspruch auf Bl. 158 a : äáøé äîöò íéðåà ïéàìå çë óòéì ïúðä êåøá.
Es folgt, nach mehreren leeren Seiten, auf Bl. 161 a bis 194 b der
bekannte mittelalterliche Missionstraktat ÑSendbrief des Rabbi Samuel
von Marokkoì, transkribiert nach einem Druck der ‹bersetztung
des Lutheraners Wenzeslaus Linck (gedruckt in Zwickau
1524). Dafl Helicz diesen Text in seine persˆnliche Evangelienhandschrift
einf¸gte, ist eine rezeptionsgeschichtlich interessante Tatsache,
zeigt sie doch, dafl dieser in der modernen Forschung wenig
gesch‰tzte Traktat (offenbar eine Mystifikation eines dominikanischen
Verfassers des 14. Jhs.) 13 auch bei Lesern, die, wie die Gebr¸der
Helicz, zur j¸dischen intellektuellen Elite des 16. Jahrhunderts zu
z‰hlen sind, eine positive Aufnahme finden konnte.
Am Ende des Bandes findet sich auf Bl. 194 b ein Kolophon mit
12 çéùîä úøåú Evangelium secundum Matthaeum in lingua Hebraica cum versione
Latina atque succinctis annotationibus Sebastiani Munsteri [Ö] Opus antiquum,
sed iam recens ex officina Henrici Petri typis evulgatum. Basileae Anno restitutae
salutis MDXXXVII Mense Martio. (Exemplar: Wolfenb¸ttel, Herzog August Bibliothek,
Sign. G 209 Helmst. 2∞ [2]).
13 Vgl. O. Limor, The Epistle of Rabbi Samuel of Marocco: A Best-Seller in the
World of Polemics, in: Contra Iudaeos: Ancient and Medieval Polemics between
Christians and Jews, ed. by O. Limor and G. Stroumsa, T¸bingen 1996 (Texts and
Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism, 10), S. 177ñ194.
48

EINE J‹DISCH-DEUTSGHE HANDSCHRIFT DES BUCHDRUCKERS UND KONVERTITEN Ö
den Angaben von Ort und Datum der Fertigstellung (Breslau, 25. Juli
1537) in J¸disch-Deutsch und Latein. Der j¸disch-deutsche Wortlaut
sei hier als eine Probe der von Helicz verwandten Sprachform und
Orthographie wiedergegeben:
:èðàðéâ êéà ïéá õéìòä ñéðäé:èðä øéðÖî èÏôéøù àéã èñéà ñàã
:âè ñáå÷àé è÷ðàñ ïéâéìÖä íòã ïà èòãðòìåÏô :àìñòøá èàèù øòã ïéà ïòáéøùéâ àéä
:øàé âéñÖøã ´ðåà ïòáéæ ´ðåà èøãðåä óðéÏô èðòæéåè:ñåèñéøä÷ èøåáéâ øòã êàð èìéö ïî àæ
:ïòÏôåàÔ ÷éöðòÔö ´ðåà àÖÔö èøåá øòãéÔ øéðÖî êàð ´ðåà
:èåä èòðéÏôåàéâ õøòä ´ðåà ïéâéåà ïÖî øéî øòã èåâ øòã ´ðåà
:ïòìòãðÔ åö êàð èøàÔ ïéëéìèåâ íéðÖæ
:óìéä ´ðåà ãàðéâ ïòäÖìøÏô øòèÖÔ ìéÔ èåâ áåà øéî ìåæ øòã
:èñéøä÷ åæòé øòèñåøè ïòøòæðåà ïà ïòáéåìéâ ïòèñòÏô ïÖà ´ðåà
14 :ïîà éäé ïë:ïàî ïéâéáéåìéâ èñéø÷ íòçéìèéà íéðÖà ´ðåà øéî
Es folgt in zierlicher und ge¸bter lateinischer Handschrift ein lateinisches
Kolophon: ÑHic liber scriptus a Iohanne Helicz anno recuperatae
salutis 1537 die divi Iacobi, quo cum ei, tum aviae meae et
sorori eius ac parenti meo, fratribus eius etc., stella et lux verbi Dei
in tenebris (scilicet in Iudaismo) apparuit, qua duce ad Dominum
Christum, regem et salvatorem eius, mera gratia adducti perque baptismum
regenerati, cui cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto gloria in saecula
saeculorum, Amen. 2. Pet. 1d. Johann. 6. Hese. 11.36.ì Gewifl war
der Schreiber dieser Zeilen (trotz gewisser Schwierigkeiten beim Gebrauch
der lateinischen Pronomina) bereits l‰ngst vor seiner? bei der
Niederschrift nur wenige Monate zur¸ckliegenden? Taufe mit der
lateinischen Sprache vertraut, was auch f¸r die Bildungsgeschichte
der Krakauer Juden dieser Zeit von Interesse ist. Leider erfahren wir
nichts ¸ber die n‰heren Umst‰nde, unter denen dem Konvertiten, wie
er sich ausdr¸ckte, Ñder Stern und das Licht des Wortes Gottes in der
Dunkelheit erschienenì und die ihn veranlaflten, mit seinen Verwand-
14 ÑDas ist die schrift meiner hand, Johannes Helicz bin ich genannt. Hie geschrieben
in der stadt Breslau, vollendet an dem heiligen Sankt Jakobs tag, so man z‰hlt
nach der geburt Christus tausendf¸nfhundert und siebenunddreiflig jahr, und nach
meiner wiederburt zweiundzwanzig wochen. Und der Gott, der mir mein augen und
herz geˆffnet hat, seinem gˆttlichen wort nachzuwandelen, der soll mir (ob Gott
will) weiter verleihen genad und hilf und ein festen gelauben an unseren trˆster Jesu
Christ, mir und einem jedlichem christgel‰ubigen mann. Ken j e hi [= so gesche es],
Amen.ì
49

MARTIN ROTHKEGEL
ten die Taufe zu empfangen, in deren Folge die ganze Familie ihre
wirtschaftliche Existenzgrundlage verlieren sollte. Johannes Helicz
besafl die Handschrift mindestens bis zum Jahr 1543. Damals trug er
auf Bl. 1 a folgenden Besitzvermerk mit einem Zitat aus 1. Kor. 1,23
in deutscher Kursivschrift ein: ÑInn dem namen der ungeteylten heyligen
Dreyfeldigkeyth, Amen. 1.5.4.3. Der liebe Paulus schreybth in
seiner epistel: Cristus predigenn ist denn heyden eyn schpˆtth, den
Judenn eyn lachenn, unnd uns eynn ebige seligkeyth. Ü Amen Ü Hanns
Helicz. H Ü H.ì
Von sp‰teren Besitzern des 16. und fr¸hen 17. Jhs. stammen einige
Notizen und Federproben in polnischer und j¸disch-deutscher
Sprache auf den urspr¸nglich leeren Seiten 195 b ñ196 b und auf der
Innenseite des hinteren Buchdeckels. Von Interesse ist die Eintragung
auf Bl. 194 b : ÑEx libris Ladislai de Rewa, anno 1643.ì Die ungewˆhnliche
Handschrift ist demnach durch den magyarischen Baron
RÈvay L·szlÛ (*1600, Ü 1667), 15 der, protestantisch erzogen, 1627
zum Katholizismus ¸bertrat, in das Gebiet der heutigen Slowakei und
sp‰ter in die Skalitzer Franziskanerbibliothek gelangt.
15 Vgl. Art. ÑRÈvai, Ladislavì, in: Slovensk˝ biografick˝ slovnÌk, Bd. 5, Martin
1992, S. 75f.
50

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH
BRETHREN IN THE YEARS PRIOR TO THE
THIRTY YEARS WAR
OR ON THE USEFULNESS OF PERSECUTION
Jind¯ich Halama, Praha
1. In the World but not of the World. The Alternative Nature of
the Union.
The Union of Brethren (Unitas fratrum) came into being at a time
when the echoes of the turbulent period of the Hussite wars were
slowly fading and in a situation in which social structures in the land
had been considerably damaged. The views of the first generation of
the Brethren were clearly influenced by this fact. The way Brethren
saw the social existence of human beings was something they inherited
from the Taborite wing of the Hussites. The Brethren drew upon
Hussite theology from the very beginning, at first in a sharply polemic
way, refusing violence in any form, rejecting the world and
holding moralist positions to a large extent. Their theology was shaped
under the influence of the last echo of the imminent eschatological
expectations of the Hussite revolution. The expectation of
the end of times leads to questioning and even refusing the prevailing
social values and structures. The result was a negative attitude towards
the world. Mainly due to the influence of the thought of Peter
ChelËick˝ the world was regarded as a profoundly sinful place, ruled
by evil and falling into perdition. There was no sense in trying to find
orientation and to distinguish some better or worse possibilities in
this sinful world. 1 To be Christian is to be separate from the world
and follow not human rules but the law of God.
1 A strong eschatological emphasis regularly appears in church history in connection
with social and political crises. The unbridgeable gap between the biblical
ìcommunity of the saintsî and the particular human community becomes very
51

JINDÿICH HALAMA
The Brethren found this law of God in the biblical witness and the
way they interpreted it led them to a firm conviction that the social
aspect forms an inevitable part of the Christian message. The Gospel,
being an inner power transforming human life, is not and cannot be
a private matter. Christians are not situated in the world as isolated
individuals but as a community of new relationships determined by
love and selfless service. The world, governed by evil, cannot accept
such a community. That is why the Brethren strove to form a society
of their own, an alternative society governed exclusively by the word
of God without making concessions to or compromising with the
sinful earthly dominion.
But it soon became apparent that this way, which was supposed to
lead to Christian perfection, did not bring the desired fruit. The separatism
of it led the Brethren communities into isolation, the dogmatism
in interpreting the law made unrealisable demands on people
and it was unable to solve the emerging discrepancies. That was why
a different perspective, more critical towards ChelËick˝ and reclaiming
more of the Taborite theology, came to the fore in the theology of
the Brethren. It seems to have been present in a latent form perhaps
from the very beginnings of the Union but we can hear of it only after
the death of Brother Gregory (1478), especially in the work of Brother
Thomas. 2 At the end of the 15 th century, after a few yearsí struggle,
this new view came to dominate. Brother Luke, in his writings, shaped
this new orientation into a coherent teaching. In this view the world is
no more a space plunged to perdition, a place to be avoided, but
a place where Christian hope, known only to the elect but intended
for all, should be verified and tested. Christians should not escape
from the world to create an alternative society of their own and to
wait for rescue. They are to witness to their hope by an active life in
critical solidarity with other people.
The church is still understood as an alternative community, alternative
to the prevailing way of life and administration in the society.
apparent in times of crisis. It is hardly an accident that the first edition of Barthís
Letter to the Romans (1919) brings a damning critique of politics that is a dirty
struggle for power. ÑEs lohnt sich nicht zu unterscheiden.ì (Barth, K. Gesamtausgabe.
II. Akademische Werke. Der Rˆmerbrief 1919. Z¸rich 1985, p. 503).
2 See e. g. Peschke, E. Kirche und Welt in der Theologie der Bˆhmischen Br¸der.
Berlin 1981. p. 101ñ120.
52

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
However, the mission of the church is not to be an island where
people can find rescue from perdition but to be an example of the
possibility of organising human community and its relationships differently
from the logic of power. Christians, who enter into daily
relations, vocations and functions in society, are to be in these places
a constant reminder of this alternative possibility, shaped by mutual
love, forgiveness and awareness that all people are completely equal
before the authority of the word of God. In the light of the Gospel
every authority or power is an entrusted responsibility enabling us to
serve according to the pattern of Christ, to live not for ourselves but
for others.
This new shape of the Brethren teaching was in a way more socially
subversive than the original separatism. The opinion that the
worldly power need not necessarily be evil by its nature, that it can be
used well, does not blunt the edge of the Brethrenís profound critique
of worldly dominion. On the contrary, while the initial refusal of the
world led to indifference in regard to the differences in the ways
social relations were shaped, now the whole society and its structures
are measured by criteria which qualify ìexceeding righteousnessî
according to the Gospel. The Brethren observe carefully not only
how far the life of the members of the Union, both common and
noble, corresponds with these criteria but they also evaluate in this
light the life of the whole society. The first generation demanded the
transformation of the organisation of society according to the Gospel
but at the same time they considered it as unrealisable in this world.
Now the Brethren tried to apply these claims in their relationship
with society and tried to work for its enforcement by persuasion and
personal example. In this way the existing orders are put under question
more effectively than through the original rejection. As the Brethren
entered public life and the influence of their teaching began to
grow it became more and more apparent that they formed a foreign
body in society, a community that could threaten some of the established
and accepted orders and practices. This was without doubt one
of the reasons why the opposition against the Brethren strengthened
to the point when, on St. Jamesís Day 1508, a royal Mandate was
issued against them, whereby they were outlawed.
The Union lived in the Czech kingdom under the threat of this
53

JINDÿICH HALAMA
mandate for a whole century. During the time the mandate was not
lifted: on the contrary, it was several times reinforced. The reason is
not to be found in the simple fact that the Brethren were the heirs of
the Hussites. So were the Czech Utraquists who, nevertheless, became
a Reformation church during the 16 th century and used the
fragile but recognised protection of the Reformation confession defended
by the members of the nobility. The reason why the Union
was outlawed and was unable to escape this position, in spite of repeated
efforts made especially by its noble members and adherents,
is to be found in the very teaching of the Union, predominantly in its
social dimension.
2. Characteristic Features of the Social Teachings of the Brethren
Throughout the time of its existence the Union of Brethren insisted
on certain principles that inevitably caused problems in relation to
society. Consequent separation of secular and spiritual power was
one those principles, order and discipline in the church was the other.
At the time of Brother Luke they came to the conviction that the
church is not a tool for rescuing people from the world but a community
sent to the world as a witness and example. This community
must share in the effort to shape the worldís structures and relationships
in a more just way. At the same time they declared clearly and
firmly that the church is not and must not be a part of the structures of
the world. It must be neither subject to any power manipulation nor
dependent on human authorities, however favourably inclined to the
church they may be.
The second characteristic feature, emphasis on order and discipline
as an indispensable mark of a Christian community, is understood
as the result of the authority of Godís word in human life and
any responsible ministry of the church is unthinkable without it. The
Brethren expressed their concern for order in the church during the
negotiations with the Czech Protestants concerning the Czech Confession
3 as well as in the negotiations following the Letter of Majesty
3 Hrejsa, F. »esk· konfesse. JejÌ vznik, podstata a dÏjiny. Praha 1912. p. 156n.
54

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
of Rudolf II. And even as late as 1619 we can read in a writing of
some Brethren priests: ìregard is to be paid to order and discipline
which is the foremost treasure of the Unionî. 4 The writing shows at
the same time what the main features of the order and discipline look
like:
ñ that the priests would have the power and duty of chastening and
excommunicating those who sin;
ñ that they would not administer [the Eucharist] commonly to anybody
but only to those whose conscience they know;
ñ that the administration of the priests would belong to the Elders
or Deans or Superintendents rather than to their Collators [owners of
estates] so that those who violate the order could be punished by the
Elders;
ñ that the Elders would have the authority to establish priests in
parishes;
ñ that some godly, honourable persons would be established as
helpers to the priests to help the priests in supervising the Christian
people. The nobility would help by turning their hands to this task. 5
We can see that this document counts on the hand of the secular
authorities but the principles mentioned say that such authority is
bound to ensure that the church would have the freedom to administer
its own affaurs. It means that the authority is to look after itself,
not to intervene into church matters. The Brethren insist until the last
moment both on the autonomy of the church administration (where
the secular power has no right whatever to intervene and act) and on
the authority of the church discipline (which does not care for any
social differences but places all equally before the claim of Godís
word, his judgement and grace). The Brethren kept these central principles
of their understanding of the Gospel even in the last years
when some voices appeared in the Union pointing to the large Protestant
churches and their teaching. That is why A. Moln·r was able to
state that ìthroughout the whole period of its historical existence
from the mid-15 th century to the mid-17 th century the Union of Breth-
4 Spis mlad˝ch knÏûÌ bratrsk˝ch v markrabstvÌ MoravskÈm staröÌm jejich p¯edloûen˝
etc. In M¸ller, J. T. (ed.). Spisy J. A. KomenskÈho, ËÌslo 3. Praha 1898,
pp. 41ñ51. Quotation from p. 50.
5 Op. cit., p. 49.
55

JINDÿICH HALAMA
ren on the whole remained faithful to the narrow path of confessors,
undeterred by the violent persecution from the Catholic rulers or by
the disgrace of the Utraquists and not allured by a desire for peace
guaranteed by some diplomatic concessionsî. 6 The social teaching of
the Brethren from the beginning to the end represents an alternative
model different both from the majority norms of society and from the
attitudes of other Reformation churches. Though they accepted the
responsibility for and participation in the social and political life the
Brethren attitudes show an apparent critical distance that repeatedly
prevents the Brethren from consenting to some solutions or at least
from approving them without reservations.
It is the norm of Godís word, the fundamental agent of the origin
and the continuation of the Brethren community that keeps on challenging
and questioning the efforts (humanly understandable) to find
a less demanding way of existence, to use diplomatic tools and strategies
to attain a safer and more comfortable position in society at the
cost of compromising and making concessions to some principles.
We do not say that nothing of that kind happened in the Union. Some
examples of such compromising can be found and they were slowly
growing in number in the course of time. Moln·r expressed this fact
by an impressive image saying that the Union ìdid not avoid inner
bleedingî in its relationship to the world. 7 Nevertheless, the Brethren
teaching insisted on the attitude that the truth of the Gospel, which is
to be witnessed to by the church, is and will ever be in tension with
the desires for wealth, power and glory that are connected almost
inseparably with worldly rule.
Even in the Union itself a growing tension can be traced. It was
a tension between the settled principles of Brethren social teaching
and the practical problems of everyday life in Brethren congregations.
The life of faith according to the Brethren rules was so demanding
that certain tension between the demands and the reality
continually existed. As soon as 1510, after the St. Jamesís Day Mandate
(1508), the Brethren called for general introspection, pondering
6 Moln·r, A. Eschatologick· nadÏje ËeskÈ reformace. In Od reformace k†zÌt¯ku.
Praha 1956, p. 64.
7 Moln·r, A. K ot·zce bratrskÈ odpovÏdnosti za svÏt. In CÌrkev ve svÏtÏ. Praha
1977, p. 48.
56

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
the mistakes and trespasses and rectification of the ways. 8 The inconsistency
of the practice with the Brethren teachings becomes more
frequent and apparent from about the 1550ís and it developed into
a serious and perennial problem. When asking for the causes of this
situation we come across a paradox, that the growing problems to
keep the Brethren principles and traditions are connected with the
spread of the Reformation. As the Brethren got to know the Reformation
movements, and made contacts with them in Poland and as the
Reformation gained ground among the population of Bohemia and
Moravia, the Brethren had to ask if their way was not too narrow, too
moralistic and excessively exclusive. Compared to Lutheranism and
Calvinism it appeared to be so.
Taking the Union of Brethren as a movement belonging to the
European Reformation, we must ask the question raised by the contemporaries
of the Brethren, the representatives of the European Reformation
movements. Why did they differ in a visible, deliberate and
to a certain extent controversial way? Why did they insist on emphases
taken for unimportant or irrelevant for Christian life by other
Reformation movements? If we use the classification of different Reformation
movements given by A. Moln·r 11? it can help us to find
a possible answer to the question.
Moln·r marked the reform movements of the 14 th and 15 th centuries,
especially the Valdensians and Hussites, as the First Reformation
in opposition to the 16 th century European Reformation that he
calls the Second Reformation. The First Reformation is characterised
by its concentration on the story of Jesus, on the gospels and especially
on the Sermon on the Mount as the source of rules for Christian
life. It is connected with a strong emphasis on Godís law and with
more imminent expectation of the end of the times, i.e., a strong
eschatological perspective. That is why the First Reformation is socially
very sensitive, stressing the almost revolutionary nature of bib-
8 ìFor we have too freely and comfortably settled in the world, made ourselves at
home and peacefully fallen asleep. And many have intermingled into worldly matters
or even defected to themÖî wrote the Elders. List Brat¯Ì StaröÌch 1510. In
ÿÌËan, R. Zpr·vy, nauËenÌ a napomenutÌ Jednoty bratrskÈ. Unpublished manuscript
in the library of UK ETF. p. 114.
57

JINDÿICH HALAMA
lical justice, looking for its coming and striving to materialise it in its
communities as far as possible.
The focus of the Second Reformation is on the message of justification
as expressed in the Pauline letters of the New Testament. Grace
and liberty are stressed more than demands. The interpretation of the
Scriptures is more careful, possibly the whole range of the scriptural
witness is taken into consideration and exaggerated emphases are to
be avoided. It goes hand in hand with a less imminent eschatological
accent and therefore also a less sensitive perception of the social
consequences of the Gospel. The attention is directed more to the
spiritual life of the believer.
The different accents of these two types of Reformation conditioned
their attitudes toward society and, consequently, the place they
took in the social structure. In Moln·rís words: ìThe First Reformation
was popular in the broadest sense of the word. It gathered adherents
mostly from the lowest social levels. It was socially disturbing
and sometimes revolutionary. The Second Reformation found an echo
primarily in the young bourgeois groups at the time of the beginning
of capitalism and the subsequent decline of feudalism. Socially it was
conservative.î 9
The fact that the main stream of the European Reformation looked
for political protection and support from the secular power and found
it and connected itself with the social power structures is regarded by
Moln·r as a problematic feature and mistake of the Reformation
movement. It happened due to the fact ìthat in political issues the
Reformers allowed themselves to be misled by ideas not proceeding
from their understanding of Godís wordî. 10 The result was that the
European Reformation returned to the medieval concept of the Christian
society where church and society merge together.
If it was refusing this alternative that motivated the Brethrenís
insistence on their own way and their difference from other Protestants,
it was more than justified. Undoubtedly, such a motive played
an important part in the Union but it is not quite easy to say how far it
was the decisive one.
9 Ibid.
10 Moln·r, A., Pohyb teologickÈho myölenÌ, p. 406.
58

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
We have said that there was a growing tension between the theory
and practice in the Union. The source of this tension was predominantly
in the growing desire to join the main stream of the European
Christian churches, to get rid of the hundred years old accusation of
ìPicardsî and of the label of a suspicious sect. The tension, which
persisted and even grew until the Letter of Majesty had been issued,
began in the ìdialogue between the two Reformationsî and it had no
easy and satisfactory solution. It was impossible to become a part of
an established church without abandoning some of the important
Brethren principles. There must be a tension between the radically
understood Gospel demand for a new life, worthy of the name Christian,
which is a way both personally and socially demanding and
uncomfortable, and the message of justification by faith and Christian
freedom which, however, for the sake of its enforcement and
expansion accepted the existing orders and confined its social critique
to a level acceptable to those in power.
Such a tension is easiest to overcome by silencing one of the
voices. Concerning the Union in the second half of the 16 th century
there was no question about the impossibility of returning to the initial
radicalism of the first generation. On the contrary, some inclination
toward abandoning old principles and adjusting to the European
Reformation could be observed. However, such a step did not find
acceptance among the theologically educated priests and Elders. That
is why the official documents of the Union and declarations of the
synods and conferences usually confirm the traditional accents of the
Brethren and at the same time lament the ìnaughtiness of the people
in the congregationsî and ìtransgressing the ordersî by some priests.
Living under the protection of the Czech Confession on the estates of
favourably inclined nobility gave the Brethren the opportunity to taste
the pleasant part of existence as an officially recognised church and
at the same time it evoked the impression that the Union could become
a recognised church without abandoning any of its fundamental
doctrinal positions.
At the beginning of the 17 th century the Union stood in the midst
of these tensions and struggles for the future form of its community
and its teaching. The characteristics ìundeterred and not alluredî applied
much more for the first part. The lure of the advantages that
59

JINDÿICH HALAMA
could be used by the Brethren if they became a recognised part of
society had a remarkable influence on the willingness of the Brethren
to take part in political efforts for legalisation of the Czech Protestants
and the Union. The legalisation was accomplished through the
Letter of Majesty.
3. The Legalisation of the Union as the Root of an Identity
Crisis?
One would have thought that the issuing of the Letter of Majesty as
the successful end of the century of the Unityís struggle for recognition
would have marked the beginning of a free development and
building of the Brethren congregations, schools and other institutions.
Contrary to this expectation a crisis appeared. The Union as
a whole experienced stagnation, its congregations were decreasing in
many places and some priests asked publicly if it was worth maintaining
the Union as an independent church, if it were not more reasonable
to merge with the Protestant Utraquists. Instead of enthusiasm,
great plans and new development the Union experienced a crisis
of identity.
We can witness an interesting phenomenon in the history of the
Union: many times the recognition reappears that persecution has
a useful function. The Brethren express their conviction that persecution
helps the church to return to its roots, to remove undesirable
phenomena developed during a peaceful period. Such an expression
in the name of the whole Union appeared first in 1510 when the
Elders spoke about a too comfortable settling in the world (see
note 6). A similar statement can be found under more dramatic circumstances
during the persecution after the Schmalkaldian War. The
Brethren say in N·prava: ìAnd for the sake of rectification, God has
visited us with these temptations to refine us, to prove us and to expel
the world from us.î 11 As an example of many similar statements that
can be found let us recall one more. Senior Brother Bartholomew
NÏmËansk˝ evaluated the persecution following the re-enactment of
11 NapomenutÌ uËinÏnÈ vöechnÏm vÏrn˝m etc.1584. p. 4.
60

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
the Mandate against the Brethren in 1602 in these words: ìWe confess
that this persecution was highly needed for us and for our congregations.
We have already grown torpid and bony.î 12
In other words, the Brethren repeatedly came to the conclusion
that the Union needed persecution if it was to stay watchful in witness
and ministry. Every longer period of a relatively peaceful and
secure life of the congregations brought a decline in discipline and
a growing willingness to adjust to the larger society. The protection
the Czech Confession could provide for the Union was weak and
questionable but still the discipline and order in those communities
that were allowed to enjoy it declined. The legalisation of the Union
through the Letter of Majesty brought the persecutions to an end and
gave the Union equal status with the recognised churches but it
brought destructive consequences for the inner life of the Union.
The above mentioned letter of Brethren priests from Moravia expresses
the feeling that a serious inner crisis afflicted the Union which
would be unable to survive as an independent body: ìThe last and
main cause is the fact that, if we do not merge, our Union truly will
not stand for long but will be stifled and perish.î 13 Comenius later
expresses (1632) the same opinion: ìSo we ourselves were becoming
infertile Ö and others had no reason to come to us having seen nothing
more among us than anywhere else. So that due to this alone,
even if there were no temptations and enemies striving to spoil the
Union, it would have to disappear silently and be extinguished like
a burnt candle.î 14
The situation of the Union in the last years before the Thirty Years
War gave rise to the conviction that the best solution would be to
merge with the Protestant church. Young Brethren priests name three
reasons for such a step. The position of the priests would be improved.
They would reach at last a socially recognised status and be
rid of mockery. The state of the church property would improve;
excessive poverty would be removed by the possibility to gather
church taxes and tithes. Finally, whole parishes would be taken over
12 Quoted by Rejchrtov·, N. V·clav Budovec z Budova.Praha 1984. p. 34.
13 Spis mlad˝ch knÏûÌ bratrsk˝chÖ In Spisy J. A. KomenskÈho, ËÌslo 3, p. 47.
14 Ot·zky nÏkterÈ o JednotÏ Brat¯Ì Ëesk˝ch. In Veöker˝ch spis˘ J. A. KomenskÈho
sv. 17. Brno 1912, p. 276.
61

JINDÿICH HALAMA
by the Union, which would become a church for all parishioners, not
just a minority of those who actively join it. The time for such an
action is favourable for ìthe common people drive the idolaters and
malefactors away and ask for the Gospelî. 15 The idea that the Union
would be able to bring its special contribution, namely discipline and
order, to the Protestant church by way of merger was as unreal as the
impression that the common people desired for a truly Christian life.
The common people always desired to improve their situation no
matter in whose name it would happen. It is true that in those times
Reformation often brought such an improvement. But concerning
discipline and order in the Union, these regularly did worse, the better
the situation was in terms of property and institution.
Hrejsa concluded from the letter that it was ìapparent what the
church development aimed at: a full unionî. 16 This is and will remain
nothing more than a hypothesis. Apparent in the letter is the desire to
become a part of a recognised, socially established and safely accommodated
church.
We can find a similar view expressed by Comenius. In his writing
ìSome questions about the UnionÖî he analyses the reasons why the
Union did not grow sufficiently. Comenius identifies three causes
with a common denominator: the Brethren were not willing or not
able to accept the position of a recognised part of the Christian society.
The first cause is the lack of ìliterary arts and schools Ö what
was the root of the weakness that even in those settlements where
they had patrons they did not enter into all churches, leaving this task
to other priests. They confined themselves to those listeners who
turned to them voluntarily.î The second hindrance in spreading the
Union was in a paradoxical way the Reformation, and its preaching
of the sober teaching to the whole church. Due to this fact the Protestants
ìentered whole communities and churches and found acceptance;
but we, sticking to our particularity, not only stayed in the
corner but the larger herd perpetually grew through those who came
from the smaller herd.î The third problem was the poverty of the
Brethren that prevented them from gaining better workers. But it was
15 Spis mlad˝ch knÏûÌ bratrsk˝chÖ, p. 45.
16 Hrejsa, F. »esk· konfesse. p. 533.
62

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
caused by the very fact ìour fathers did not enter upon the privileged
churches and schools invested with incomesî and they had no means
of collecting the necessary finances. 17
Comenius rightly observed the sociological aspect of the church
life, that need to invest in education, workers and public presentation
which has an important influence on the development of the life of
any community. But he did not consider the theological reasons that
led the Brethren to form their congregations in a way different from
other reformation churches. To put it plainlz, he did not consider why
the Brethren could not take over parishes and taxes if they wanted to
stay who they were. The Union as such could not become a part of
the social system. The view of Comenius is to a large extent shaped
by the perspective of a Christian society of which the church is an
unquestioned part. He notes the ways ìby which other church unions
are edifiedî and comes to the conclusion that it is ìmostly through
these two things: schools and the protection of the authorities. So it is
with the Lutherans, Calvinists, Armenians, Arians, even with the Jesuits.
On the whole, all use this way but the Anabaptists who edify
themselves by their inner order. No other union in the world has its
order as complete as the Anabaptistsî. 18
Obviously, it did not occur to Comenius that the Union could be
on the side of the Anabaptists in this respect, as a community that was
not maintained by the favour of the authorities or by cultural efforts
but by its inner order proceeding from personal faith. He identifies,
however, confessional certainty, moral sincerity, church order and
discipline as primary tasks in the church renewal. Those characteristics
apply for alternative communities. Forming churches with the
help of public authorities and schools is a strategy that shaped the
churches that have been called national or popular in later times. The
church that the first Brethren considered necessary to leave in ìneed
of salvationî was shaped in the very same way. The Union came into
being as an alternative community clearly distinguished from the
majority of the society and it kept its character even after departing
from the initial separatism. One of its particular features was pre-
17 All quotations Ot·zky nÏkterÈ o JednotÏ brat¯Ì Ëesk˝ch, p. 274f.
18 Op. cit., p. 276.
63

JINDÿICH HALAMA
cisely the fact that it gathered exclusively those who consciously
asked for membership. The communities of the Union were deliberately
and logically minority communities.
One of those who observed this was the Lutheran theologian Flacius
Illyricus as early as 1556. In a letter to Anton Bodenstein he
enumerates the reasons why the Brethren cannot be considered a real
church. In addition to doctrinal reasons he notes that ìthe order of
their religion and the form of their worship is not suited for the inclusion
of whole communities and nations, which is necessary if we do
not want to nourish pernicious rupturesî. 19 Regarding the nature of
the 16 th century society Flacius was right. The social climate was not
ready to accept the existence of free minority churches. The political
administration was too narrowly connected with religion. The Union
came into being as a free minority church and kept this character
throughout the whole period of its existence. That was the reason for
trying to suppress it. Herrnhut historian J. Th. M¸ller shares the same
view, saying that the Union could not exist as an established, socially
recognised church while keeping its original form. Its distinguishing
emphasis on the community of believers as the shape of the Christian
church could live only in a free community, independent from the
secular authorities and their protection. 20
The crisis in the Union seems to have been catalysed, if not initiated,
by the official status the church acquired through the Letter of
Majesty. The possibility of existing as an official church and the opportunities
connected with such an existence had a disintegrating influence
on the Union. The younger generation of priests probably
failed to realise the deep discrepancy between the Brethren concept
of order and discipline and the popular, majority model of the church
as accepted both in Lutheranism and Calvinism. Should church discipline
be introduced into a majority church that exercises its supervision
over whole communities in a given place, sooner or later some
use of violence would be necessary. It would be necessary to exact
19 ìÖeorum ratio religionis formaque Ecclesiarum ceremoniarum non satis erit
apta ad complectendas magnas civitates ac integras gentes, quod tamen fieri necesse
est, nisi velimus perniciosa schismata alereî. Illyrici scriptum de receptione fratrum
an M. Antonium Bodenstein. In GINDELY, A. (ed.). Quellen zur Geschichte der
Bˆhmischen Br¸der. Wien 1859, p. 281.
20 M¸ller, J. Th. Geschichte der bˆhmischen Br¸der III, Herrnhut 1931, p. 230.
64

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
obedience from those who would not accept the order voluntarily and
make them fulfil their duties by using power against them. That would
mean abandoning the century-old principle of separation between the
secular and spiritual power and giving up respect for each personís
freedom of conscience and tolerance for other opinions.
In the last years before the war the indications of possible fundamental
change in the development of the Union seem to be the strongest
in the entire course of the Unityís existence. The signs of growing
willingness to accept the model of a majority Reformation church
were apparent. I dare say that it would have meant a definite departure
from the Unityís original roots. But the chain of political events
that had already been in motion at that time finished the ìcrisis of
legalityî of the Brethren by destroying the Union and has left the
puzzle of its possible further development permanently open. We can
state that the Brethren did not abandon the path of socially critical
witness, inherited from the Hussite tradition, but we must add that
they were not given an opportunity to do so. Soon they were outlawed
and they were repeatedly confirmed in their attitude by persecutions
from the majority society. When finally an opportunity for
social integration opened up and the Brethrenís willingness to give
up their particularity and join the broad stream of the European Reformation
was markedly increasing, the White Mountain disaster put
an end to the whole issue.
4. Conclusion
The social teaching of the Union originated in the understanding of
the Gospel as a spiritual power addressing people and changing their
thinking and acting. Justification and justice, the individual and the
social aspect of such a change are inseparably connected in this teaching.
Christian faith is an attitude toward life that is visibly demonstrated
by certain consequences in human relationships. The particular
mode of these consequences is characterised by the claim for
ìexceeding righteousnessî according to Matthewís Sermon on the
Mount. It remained the Brethrenís basic yardstick for measuring
ìwhat should the life of the sons of God be like and what deeds are
65

JINDÿICH HALAMA
commanded by Himî. 21 The social responsibility of Christians, shaped
by these rules, evidently carries on the radical concept of the
First Reformation. It strives to keep a critical distance from the social
structures of power, to question social differences and to stress the
supremacy of Godís commands as the norm that sees all people as
fundamentally equal. The requirement of the freedom of conscience
and the tolerance of diverse opinions are rooted in this conviction.
The Reformation emphasis on Christian liberty as a spiritual value,
granted immediately and unconditionally to each believer through
the grace of God, liberated people from the custody of church institutions
and introduced them into the church as a community of equally
liberated individuals. The theology of the Brethren connected this
emphasis with the renewed community of everyday life. In their view
Christian liberty must manifest itself as liberty to serve in the household,
in the workshop, in the community, in the craft, in the office
and in using all things necessary to everyday life. All this is involved
in the claim of Godís justice that should assert itself in all these
worldly matters, frequently in a way that breaks the limits of the
established social orders in the name of the love of neighbour.
The uniqueness of the Brethrenís social teaching was in its effort
to keep and develop some accents, otherwise limited to a handful of
radicals standing outside of public life, and introduce it into the larger
society. The Brethren sought to keep the prophetic critique of the
secular social structures while remaining open to society, to announce
the claim of the approaching Kingdom of God that questions all other
claims and makes their character provisional and partial. The Reformation
discernment of the limitations of human possibilities, theologically
speaking the discernment of our sinfulness, protected the
Brethren from falling into sectarian fanaticism while the eschatological
perspective of hope helped them to keep a critical distance from
worldly structures. The task of formulating the social claim of the
Gospel in terms that would have to be taken into account by the
social structures was not easy but the Brethren succeeded in it for
a long time. Moln·r speaks at this point about dialogue between the
Reformations:
21 BratrskÈ vyzn·nÌ 1607, VII.2. In »ty¯i vyzn·nÌ, Praha 1951, p. 141.
66

THE CRISIS OF THE UNION OF CZECH BRETHRENÖ
ìThe theology of the Czech Brethren, having its roots in the First
Reformation, refused to part from the Second Reformation. In Brethren
theology both Reformations talk to each other and together consent
to bow to the truth which is Christ. This defines the peculiarity of
the Brethren theology and its importance for church history. And in
this task we can see the stimulating role of Brethren theology for our
time.î 22
We observed that the Brethren lost much of their prophetic emphasis
in the last years of their existence. The eschatological perspective
was overshadowed by the interest for a place in the secular structures.
The last generation before the White Mountain battle shows especially
evident signs of the fading of the prophetically critical element
of the Brethren tradition, caused by the attractive possibility of becoming
an unquestioned and recognised part of society. Certain inclinations
to such an attitude could be found much earlier but there was
no occasion for their developing. Once more, Moln·r points to this in
one of his studies, stating that in the Brethren reflection of the relationship
to society and the world ìafter the time of Luke or maybe of
Augusta a gap appeared in Brethren thought because the Union ceased
to reflect systematically and under the eschatological perspective
on even the possibility of shaping a broader society than the church.
Only Comenius, under completely changed circumstances, took up
again the positive legacy of Christian care for the task of reform in
the world. It is hardly accidental that he did so in the name of the
hope in the coming Christ the King.î 23
And it is hardly accidental, let us add, that Comenius was brought
to the eschatological perspective in a situation of disaster, war and
persecution, in the situation when the Brethren once again stood outside
of all secular structures as outlaws and exiles. For the greater
part of its existence, the Union was drawn away from any idea of
becoming an established part of society. Its critical distance and prophetic
role were at least partly formed by the hostile social environment.
When this pressure ceased to exist, the attractiveness of a peaceful
conformed life proved to be irresistible even for a community
22 Moln·r, A. Pohyb teologickÈho myölenÌ, p. 297.
23 Moln·r, A. Eschatologick· nadÏje ËeskÈ reformace. p. 82.
67

JINDÿICH HALAMA
such as the Union. Adversity benefits the confessing attitude of the
church. Discrimination or even mild persecution has a visibly positive
influence for the witness of the church. It can be demonstrated in
the development of the Unionís teaching. The radicalness of the social
claim of the Gospel is clearer and more acceptable for us under
radical conditions, in a situation when we have nothing to lose, so to
say. A secure and safely living church looks naturally for easier ways
and is unable to resist comprome.
For more than a century the Union was the bearer of the message
about the social claim of the Gospel for Czech society. The Brethren
kept the heritage of the radical wing of the Hussites, the Taborites,
until the beginning of the 17 th century. In the central points of their
social teaching, such as the necessity of separating religion from the
power structures or the freedom of conscience of each individual,
they paved a way that the larger society was able to follow only much
later. Even today many communities painfully struggle to apply these
norms. The crucial idea of their social teaching, life as service to God
in the neighbour, led the Brethren to practical consequences in different
areas of social life. Through exercising these consequences in
various vocations and in different social settings the Brethren created
a number of inspiring examples of the Christian social responsibility.
When it seemed that the lure of social recognition of the Union could
silence this heritage, the Thirty Years War put an end to everything.
The development of the social teaching of the Brethren was
abruptly and violently finished but its legacy may have become
sharper and more urgent for that very reason. The teaching of the
Brethren forms a unique chapter in efforts to find a socially responsible
model of Christian life, determined by the prophetic claim of
Godís word and sensitive to the needs of our neighbours in their
everyday life. It is an exceptional phenomenon not only within the
Czech Christianity but also in the context of the European Reformation.
68

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Stanislav Segert, Los Angeles
5 Publication activity
Since all manuscripts from Qumran caves became accessible in early
1990s, various publications were devoted to these important texts.
Also their official edition, Discoveries in the Judean Desert, exhibited
more activity.
This instalment of this review series is devoted to this series of
editions, presenting texts most carefully and providing them with
relevant comments. In previous instalments publications of various
kind were reviewed, monographs, collections of articles, original approaches,
and also surveys of research.
The substantial publication, Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls,
published in two volumes by Oxford University Press, is reviewed in
this article (v. 7.12). The entry ìPublicationî by Corrado Martone
(Encyclopedia, pp. 721ñ723) gives survey of this activity. Recent
publications and announcements indicate the growing interest in the
Dead Sea Scrolls, both for scholarly research and for providing access
to important discoveries to general public.
3.1.01 Official edition
The series Discoveries of the Judaean Desert (abbreviation DJD) was
connected since 1955 with Jordan Department of Antiquities and with
institutions important for the work on manuscripts. Emanuel Tov, Professor
at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, was appointed in 1990
editor-in-chief of Israel Antiquities Authority. He serves in this function
also for DJD. Its purpose is to publish manuscripts and archaeological
discoveries from the Judaean desert. Most volumes are devoted
to discoveries in the Qumran area, also represented in special
volumes are sites south and north of it.
69

STANISLAV SEGERT
In the foreword to the first volume of DJD G. Lankester Harding
wrote that the work is by necessity slow and that the series can be
completed after few years. He was right concerning the slowness;
the series is not yet completed after nearby half a century since
1955. First volumes were prepared by few editors. They were members
of the official editorial team. Since 1990s the number of editors
is much larger, thus the editorial work is much faster. Scholars
from three continents now are participating. Some individual editions
are based on preliminary transcriptions and comments of previous
editors; some of them died before they could complete their
editorial work.
The slow sequence of sections, 7 volumes in 1966ñ1982, and the
fast progress the 1990s, is visible on the following survey.
Chronological survey of DJD volumes:
1955 ñ I; 1961 ñ II; 1962 ñ III; 1963 ñ IV; 1968 ñ V; 1977 ñ VI;
1982 ñ VII; 1990 ñ VIII; 1992 ñ IX; 1994 ñ X, XII, XIII; 1995 ñ XIV,
XIX; 1996 ñ XVIII; 1997 ñ XV, XX, XXII, XXIV, XXVII; 1998 ñ
XI, XXIII, XXV, XXVI; 1999 ñ XXIX, XXXIV, XXXV; 2000 ñ XVI,
XXXVI, XXXVIII; 2001ñ XXX, XXXI.
Individual volumes contain finds from one site or from sites close to
each other. These sites are listed in the last section of the following
survey of DJD volumes. In the volume XXXVIII finds from 5 sites
are published. Only few sites are in the north: Keter Jericho, in vol.
XXXVIII, Wadi Daliyeh, vol. XXIV. The other sites are in the south
from the Qumran area.
Not all sites in the south are represented in DJD. Finds from
Masada and from the Cave of Letters were published in Jerusalem,
texts from Khirbet Mird in Louvain. Most prolific source of manuscripts
and other finds are Qumran caves. Important finds were found
in caves 1Q and 11Q, minor finds in ìsmall cavesî 2ñ3 and 5ñ10. By
far the richest is Qumran cave 4.
4Q manuscripts are published in some volumes according to their
numbers; as they were assigned with respect to the genre of texts,
these volumes are arranged conveniently. Even more convenient is
the arrangement of volumes according to categories of texts.
In the following survey the criteria mentioned here are applied.
70

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Survey of DJD volumes:
CATEGORIES / DJD KIND YEAR REVIEW
SITES NUMBERS IN CV
Q 1ñ2,5ñ11
1Q I 1995
2ñ3Q, 5ñ10Q III 1962
11Q V Psalms 1965
11Q XXIII II 1998
4Q
Biblical
VII XII Gen ñ Num 1994 7
IX XIV Deu ñ Ki 1995 8
(XII) (XVII) Samuel
X XV Prophets 1997 9
XI XVI Psa-Chr 2000 10
IV IX PaleoñHeb 1992
Parabiblical
VIII XIII 1 1994 11*
XIV XIX 2 1995 12
XVII XXII 3 1997 13
XXI XXX 4 2001 23
Halakhic
XXV XXXV 1999 14
(XVI)
(XXI)
Calendrical
3.1.1ñ24
71

STANISLAV SEGERT
Sapiential
XV XX 1 1997 15
XXIV XXXIV 2 1999 16
Poetic & Lit.
VI XI 1 1998 17
XX XXIX 2 1999 18
Individual texts
XIX XXVI S 1998 19
XIII XVIII DamascusD.1996 4**
V X MMT 1994 3*
I V 158ñ186 1968
II VI 128ñ157 1977
III VII 428ñ520 1982
XVIII XXV 521ñ528 + 576
ñ 579 1998 20
ñ Aramaic
XXII XXXI 329ñ549 2001 24
Miscellaneous
XXVI XXXVI 2000 22
Unidentified
XXIII XXXIII
Other sites
Wadi Murabbaat
II 1961
Nahal Hever ñ Seiyal
72

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
VIII I Greek 1990
XXVII II documentary 1997 3 *
Wadi Daliyeh
XXIV seals 1997 5 **
(XXVIII) legal I
(XXXII) legal II
Jud. Desert XXXVIII miscellaneous 2000 21
Numbers within round brackets: Volumes not yet published
Volumes reviewed in CV ñ * ñ **
* 36/1994: vol. IX. pp. 247ñ254, 3.1.1; X, 255ñ260; 3.1.2
** 41/1999: vol. XVII, pp. 159ñ162, 3.1.4; XXIV, 162ñ165, 3.1.5:
XXVII, 155ñ159, 3.1.3
Prices of volumes are occasionally indicated in the following reviews.
Prices of smaller volumes are about USD 70, of larger volumes
about USD†90. The numbers in brackets of DJD volumes in
this survey point to those being prepared for publication. Many,
mostly shorter texts which were edited previously are reedited in
DJD. 11Q10 TargumJob, published previously in 1971 in Leiden, is
reedited in DJD XXIII (v. infra 3.1.6).
In the DJD survey some important texts from Qumran caves are
not included: Complete text of Isaiah (1950) and incomplete
text†(1955) from 1Q, also peöer Habakkuk (1950), Hodayot 1QH
(1955), Community Rule 1QS (1955), War Scroll 1QM (1955). These
texts from 1Q were edited ñ years in brackets ñ and mostly reedited.
Neither included is the Temple Scroll 11Q19 (1977/1983); the fragments
of this text, 11Q20, are published in DJD XXIII (v. infra 3.1.6),
In the 4Q volumes only 4Q texts are presented. The relations between
them and manuscripts of the same work from other sources are listed
in tables.
The arrangement of DJD volumes is consistent, with respect to the
character of texts. The large size ñ 25 ◊ 31 cm ñ is convenient for
presenting texts and additional materials in well legible forms. The
volumes are provided with forewords in which the development of
73

STANISLAV SEGERT
work on the edition is explained and the editors and their co-operators
presented. Appropriate attention is devoted to the preliminary work
on preparing manuscripts for edition. The contributions of participants
and of institutions are acknowledged.
In some volumes prefaces or introductions inform about character
of texts and about arrangements of their editions. Individual editions
are provided with introductory information about relevant features of
manuscripts. Physical description of the manuscripts, especially of
skin or papyrus, and detailed measurements may be compared with
photographic reproductions on plates.
Sections of palaeography offer characterisations of scripts which
serve as bases for dating of manuscripts. Only in a few instances
dating with help of radiocarbon was applied. Manuscripts are from
the period between the middle of the 3 rd century B. C. E and 68 C. E.
Sections on orthography are in some instances followed by data on
phonology and vocabulary. Information about content and genre of
manuscripts are included. Transcriptions of texts are in standard Hebrew
ñ also for cryptic texts ñ and Greek letters. They are arranged in
lines according to the lines of original scrolls. Some fragments are
combined and presented in reconstructions. A terminological note:
The term ìtransliterationî may be more appropriate, as the printed
letters are representing letters of originals. The term ìtranscriptionî
may be reserved for rendering of other than alphabetic scripts. Transcriptions
are followed by notes on readings; they are helpful especially
for badly damaged manuscripts. Non-biblical texts are translated
ñ into English, in volumes II, III, VI, VII, XXV, XXXI and some
in volume XXII into French. The translations are also arranged according
to the lines of the originals. Biblical manuscripts are not
translated. Comments to editions are often detailed. They interpret
texts and also point to their relations to other texts, biblical and
non-biblical. Some individual editions are closed with conclusions,
summarising results of research. Words of Hebrew and Aramaic texts
are listed in concordances, some separate for individual texts. In plates
all manuscripts are reproduced, mostly in 1:1 scale, some enlarged.
Application of modern technological method made some difficult
fragments better legible.
Close co-operation of competent editors with their colleagues has
74

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
produced reliable editions and relevant interpretations. They were
printed in user-friendly publications with help of effective methods
applied by able assistants and technicians. Grateful users of this magnificent
collection appreciate available editions and express best
wishes for further work providing access to the Dead Sea Scrolls.
3.1.6 Qumran Cave 11ñII
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXIII. ñ Qumran Cave 11ñII.
11Q2ñ18, 11Q20ñ31. By Florentine GarcÌa MartÌnez, Eibert J. C.
Tigchelaar, and Adam S. van der Woude, incorporating earlier editions
by J. P. M. van der Ploeg. ISBN 0-19-826959-5. Oxford:
Clarendon Press 1998, xiv + 487 pp., pl. IñLIV.
All manuscripts from Qumran cave 11 are now published. 11Q1
was edited by D. N. Freedman and K. A. Matthews in 1985, The
Paleo-Hebrew Leviticus Scroll. 11Q19, The Temple Scroll, was published
by Y. Yadin in 1977 and 1983, and by E. Qimron in 1996. The
Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (11QPS a cf. 11Q5) was published
by J. A. Sanders in 1965, DJD IV.
This large volume is called ìDutch volumeî(cf. xv). Dutch institutions
provided funds for acquiring manuscripts found by the Bedouin
in 1956 to the Palestine Archaeological Museum in Jerusalem in 1961
and 1962. All three editors of the volume are at the Qumran Institute
at the University of Groningen, Van der Woude as the first director,
GarcÌa MartÌnez as the present director; Dr. Tigchelaar at the Institute
provided also most of the typesetting. Van der Ploeg is professor at
the University of Nijmegen.
Foreword (xiñxii) by Emanuel Tov informs about the work on the
volume. Preface (xiiiñxv) by Florentino GarcÌa MartÌnez explains the
development of the edition.
In this volume both biblical and non-biblical texts are published.
Texts 11Q2ñ9 are fragments of books of the Hebrew Bible, text
11Q10 is targum of Job. 11Q2 Leviticus (1ñ9, pl. I, 9 frgs) was written
about 50 C. E. in elegant square script, only tetragrammaton
YHVH is in the Palaeo-Hebrew script. Deuteronomy (11ñ14, pl. II, 3
frgs) is also from about 50 C. E. 11Q4 Ezekiel, edited by Edward
D. Herbert (15ñ28, pl. II, LIV, frgs. 1ñ9). This text was purchased by
75

STANISLAV SEGERT
Claremont Graduate School and edited by W. H. Brownlee in 1963.
This scroll written about the beginning of Christian era, found in
badly damaged state, is now reconstructed (cf. 17ñ19). 11Q5 Psalms,
Fragments E, F (29ñ36, pl. IVñV), supplement The Psalms Scroll in
DJD (v. supra) Fragment E contains remains of four psalms. It was
published by Y. Yadin in 1966 and by J. A. Sanders in 1967. Fragment
F is published here (36) for the first time. 11Q6 Psalms b (37ñ47,
pl. Ill, 9 frgs) has in frg. 2 three verses of Ps 119 in stichometric
arrangement. 1Q7 c (49ñ61, pl. VI, 11 frgs). 11Q8 d (63ñ76, pls.
VIIñVIII, 17 frgs). 11Q9 Psalms 6 ? (77ñ78, pl. VIII, 1 frg.). Biblical
texts are compared with the Masoretic texts, and occasionally with
ancient versions, Greek, Latin, Syriac. Extra-biblical texts contained
in these manuscripts are provided with translation. 11Q10 targum
Job (79ñ180, pls. IXñXXI, frgs. 1ñ27, A ñ W). This manuscript was
already published by J. P. M. van der Ploeg and A. S. van der Woude,
Le targum de Job de la grotte XI de Qumran (Leiden: Brill 1971). On
columns IñXXXVIII free Aramaic version of preserved chapters†17ñ42
is partially preserved (86). This manuscript was written in
late formal Herodian type, in the middle of the 1 st century C. E. (87).
The manuscript is carefully described (79ñ89). Transliterations of
fragmentary columns are provided with notes of readings, translations
with detailed comments (90ñ171). Also unidentified fragments
are presented (171ñ189), 11Q11 apocryphal Psalms (181ñ205, pls.
XXIIñXXV, LIII, columns IñVI). Badly damaged scroll was opened
in 1963. The manuscript was written in late formal Herodian script
about 50ñ70 C. E. Remains of three songs against demons and of
Psalm 91 are preserved, 11Q12 Jubilees (207ñ220, pl.†XXVI,
13 frgs.) on fragmentary manuscript from about 50 C. E. could be
partially reconstructed with help of the Ethiopic translation. 11Q13
Melchizedek (221ñ241, pl. XXVII, 11 frgs) written about 50 B. C. E.
describes the end of days, in which Melchizedek, a heavenly figure,
will overthrow Belial and his lot. 11Q14 Sefer ha-Milhamah
(243ñ251, pl. XXVIII, 4 frgs) is related to 4Q285, a version of the
War Scroll (1QM). In 11Q14 the end of the victorious eschatological
war is presented. 11Q15 Hymns a (253 ñ 256, pl. XXIX, 4 frgs).
11Q16 b (257ñ258, pl. XXIX, frgs.añc). 11Q17 Shirot ëOlat ha-
Shabbat (259ñ304, pl. XXXñXXXIV, LIII, 42 frgs). This scroll of
76

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Song of Sabbath Sacrifice was opened by van der Ploeg in 1963.
C. Newsom published a critical edition of Songs in 1985. She also
edited 4Q400 ñ 407 in DJD XI (1998), 173ñ401 (cf. infra 3.1.17.).
11Q17 was reconstructed in columns Iñ X, contains remains of
Songs 7ñ13. The manuscript in small beautiful script was written at
about the beginning of Christian era. 11Q18 New Jerusalem ar
(305ñ355, pls. XXXVñXL, LIII, 37 frgs). This Aramaic work is attested,
also in fragmentary form, in manuscripts from caves 1, 2, 4,
and 5. 11Q18 deals with Temple and offerings. 11Q20 Temple b
(357ñ409, pls. XLIñXLVIII, 43 frgs.). The Temple Scroll 3 11Q19
was published by Y. Yadin in 1977 and 1983, and with other manuscripts
by E. Qimron in 1996. Fragments of 11Q20 form columns
IñXVI (358ñ359), which can be compared to columns of 11Q19
(363). The parallels to 11Q19 are underlined in transliterations.
11Q21 Temple c ? (411ñ414, pl. XLVIII, 3 frgs.) is probably a copy of
Temple Scroll. 11Q22 paleo Unidentified Text (419ñ420, pl. XLVIII,
7 frgs.). 11Q23 cryptA Unidentified Text ar (419ñ420, pl. XLVIII,
3 frgs), Aramaic text in cryptic script. 11Q24 Unidentified Text ar
(421ñ422, pl. XLIX, 1 frg.). 11Q25ñ28 Unidentified Text A (pl.
XLIX, 423ñ426, 8 frgs.); B (427ñ428, 3 frgs.); C (429ñ430, 2 frgs.);
D (pl. L,U3l, 1 frg.). 11Q29 Fragment Related to Serekh ha-Yahad
(433ñ434, pl. L, 1 frg.). 11Q30 Unidentified Fragment (435ñ444,
pls. LñLI, 28 frgs.). 11Q31 Unidentified Wads (445ñ446, pl. LII).
Four scrolls before opening are reproduced on plates LIIIñLIV.
Concordances (447ñ487) prepared by S. and C. Pfann list Hebrew
words with added vowel signs (448ñ466), and Aramaic words
(467ñ487). Manuscripts published in DJD XXIII are mostly fragmentary.
They were found by the Bedouin in 1956, in the cave†11,
distant from the Essene community centre. Some 11Q manuscripts
were written in the 1 st century C. E., in later period of the Essene
community at the Dead Sea. Probably new members of the community
were staying in the 11Q cave; they could use some recently
composed and written works. While previously published 11Q texts
(v. supra) are relatively well preserved, the fragmentary texts edited
in this volume required demanding examination for their publication
and partial reconstruction. The editors completed this task most successfully.
All texts from cave 11 are now available for further re-
77

STANISLAV SEGERT
search. Especially the study of Hebrew can benefit from relevant
sources, made accessible previously and completely now.
3.1.7ñ10 Biblical manuscripts
In this series of 4Q manuscripts biblical texts in standard Jewish
script are included. Manuscripts in Palaeo-Hebrew scriptñand also
Greek manuscriptsñwere published in DJD IX (reviewed in
CV 36/1994: 247ñ254,3.1.1). Biblical manuscripts in this series are
presented according patterns used in other DJD volumes. Manuscripts
are introduced by informationís on physical details, palaeography
and orthography. Transcriptions are printed in lines corresponding
to those in the original scrolls, and are followed by notes
on readings.
Texts are not translated. They are provided with lists of variants,
from Hebrew texts and from ancient versions, Greek, Latin, Syriac
and targums, occasionally also Coptic, Ethiopic, Armenian. Fragments
from 4Q are related to mostly the Masoretic text, mostly in
tables. Textual character of 4Q manuscripts is defined.
The sequence of books is generally that of Hebrew Bible. In the
first volume first four books of the Torah are presented, in the second
Deuteronomy and ìhistoricalî books, in the fourth Prophets and in
the fifth Writings. One exception: For Samuel the third volume, not
yet published, is reserved.
3.1.7 Biblical manuscript [1]
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XII ñ Qumran Cave 4 VII. Genesis
to Numbers. By Eugene Ulrich, Frank Moore Cross, James R. Davila,
Nathan Jastram, Judith E. Sanderson, Emanuel Tov, John Strugnell.
ISBN 0-19-826365-1. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1994. xvi + 272 pp.,
plates IñXLIX.
In the foreword (xiñxii) Eugene Ulrich explains the work on the
volume. He began organising it in 1985, following the invitation of
Frank Moore Cross. Participation of editors is acknowledged as is the
support of co-operators and of institutions. Abbreviations and sigla
are listed (xiiiñxv), with bibliographical data. In the introduction
78

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
(1ñ6) the importance of ancient Hebrew manuscripts is appreciated.
Some from Qumran cave 4 were purchased from the Bedouin. The
dating of the scrolls is stated for the period between about
150 B. C. E. and 68 C. E. The introduction contains also information
about naming and numbering of the Qumran scrolls and about arrangement
of introductions to the individual editions. Most of them
contain fragments of only one book of the Pentateuch. In texts 4Q1,
4Q17 and 4Q23 two books are represented. The numbers of manuscripts
are: Genesis 9 + 1, Exodus 8 + 3, Leviticus 5 + 1, Numbers
1 + 1. Genesis manuscripts were edited by James R. Davila.
4Q1 4QGenñExod a (7ñ30, pls. IñV, 61 frgs.) contains fragments
from the area between Gen 22 and Exod 9. The script points to
125ñ100 B. C. E. 4Q2 Gen b (31ñ38, pls. VIñVIIJ, 4 frgs.). 4Q3 c
(39ñ42, pl. IX, 1 frg.). 4Q4 d (43ñ46, pl. IX, 1 frg.). 4Q5 e (47ñ52, pl.
X, 10 frgs.). 4Q6 f (53ñ55, pl. XI, 1 frg.). 4Q7 g (57ñ60, pl. XII, 3
frgs.). 4Q8 h (61ñ64, pl. XII, 3 frgs. + title BRäJT without íA). 4Q9 j
(65ñ73, pl. XIII, 12 frgs.) 4Q10 k (75ñ78, pl. XII, 5 frgs.).
Manuscripts of Exodus 4Q13 Exod b and 4Q17 ExodñLev f were
edited by Frank Moore Cross, 4Q14ñ16 Exod and 4Q18ñ21 Exod by
Judith E. Sanderson.
4Q13 Exod b (79ñ95, pls. XIVñXV, 6 frgs.). 4Q14 c (97ñ125, pls.
XVIñXX, 45 frgs.). 4Q15 d (127ñ128, pl. XXI, 1 frg.).ñ 4Q16 e
(129ñ131, pl. XXI, 1 frg.) 4Q17 ExodñLev f (133ñ144, pl. XXII,
5 frgs.). ñ 4Q18 Exod 8 (145ñ146, pl. XXI, 1 frg.). 4Q19 h (147,
pl. XXI, 1 frg.). ñ 4Q20 j (149ñ150, pl. XXI, 3 frgs.). ñ 4Q21 k (151,
pl. XXI, 1 frg.).
Manuscripts of Leviticus were edited by Eugen Ulrich (4Q23ñ24)
and by Emanuel Tov (4Q25, 26, 26ab).
4Q23 LevñNum a (153ñ176. pls. XXIIIñXXX, 103 frgs.). 4Q24
Lev b (177ñ187, pls. XXXIñXXXIV, 30 frgs.). 4Q25 c (189ñ192, pl.
XXXV, 9 frgs.).ñ4Q26 d (193ñ195, pl. XXXVI, 4 frgs.).ñ4Q26a e
(197ñ201, pl. XXXVII, 9 frgs.). 4Q26b g (203ñ204, pl. XXXVII,
1frg.).
Manuscript with Numbers only, 4Q27,was edited by Nathan
Jastram. Num is contained also in 4Q23.
4Q27 Num b (295ñ267, pls. XXXVIIIñXLIX, 109 frgs.). In this
relatively well preserved manuscript from the second half of the 1 st
79

STANISLAV SEGERT
century B. C. E. some lines are in red ink (cf. pl. XLIX); they are
rendered in italics in the transcriptions (cf. 210ñ211, 209).
Index of biblical passages (269ñ270) facilitates access to the fragments,
as does index of the contents of the manuscripts (271ñ272).
On plates IñXLVIII fragments are reproduced on black and white
photographs; on plate XLIX the originals colours, brown skin, red
and black ink, are well visible.
Some editions are based on Ph. D. dissertations at Harvard University,
supervised by Professor Cross. James R. Davila ñ who received
his Master of Arts degree at University of California, Los
Angeles†ñ used for 4Q1ñ10 his dissertation of 1988, Nathan Jastram
for 4Q27 his dissertation of 1990. This volume is the result of demanding
editorial activity. Great amount of fragments was competently
combined into coherent manuscript editions. They are very
helpful for thorough study of first four books of Pentateuch. Also the
analyses of texts are significant contribution to biblical studies.
3.1.8 Biblical manuscripts [2]
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XIV. Qumran Cave 4†IX. Deuteronomy,
Joshua, Judges, Kings. By Eugene Ulrich, Frank Moore Cross,
Sidney White Crawford, Julie Ann Duncan, Patrick W. Skehan,
Emanuel Tov, Julio Trebolle Barrera. ISBN 0-19-826366-X. Oxford:
Clarendon Press 1995. xvi + 188, plates IñXXXVI.
In the foreword (xiñxii) Eugene Ulrich explains how the editors
co-operated on production of this volume, and acknowledges the support
of personalities and institutions. The introduction (1ñ6) to this
second volume of the series of biblical manuscripts in Jewish script
informs about the naming and numbering of the scrolls and about the
arrangement of the individual editions: introductions, transcriptions,
notes, and reproductions.
Deuteronomy is represented by 19 manuscripts (7ñ142). They
were edited by Sidney White Crawfordñ4Q26, 30ñ331, 33ñ34,
41ñ 43, Julie Ann Duncan ñ 4Q29, 32, 35, 37 ñ 38, 39ñ40, and Patrick
W. Skehan and Eugene Ulrichñ4Q44.
4Q28 Deut a (7ñ8, pl. I, 1 frg.). 4Q29 b (9ñ14, pl. II, 8 frgs.). 4Q30 c
(15ñ34, pls. IIIñIX, 62 frgs.). 4Q31 d (35ñ38, pl. X, columns IñII.).
80

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
4Q32 e (39ñ44, pl. XI, 8 frgs.). 4Q33 f (45ñ54, pls. XIIñXV, 35 + 6
frgs.). 4Q34 g (55ñ59, pl. XI, 11 frgs.). 4Q35 h (61ñ70, pl. XVñXVIII,
15 frgs.). 4Q36 i (71ñ74, pl. XIX, 6+1 frgs.). 4Q37 j (75ñ91,
p. XXñXXIII, 34 + 13 frgs.). 4Q38 Deut k1 (93ñ98, pl. XXIV, 5 frgs.).
4Q38a k2 (93ñ105, pl. XXV, 10 frgs.), and 4Q38b k3 (107, pl. XXV,
1 frg.) are separate texts; the name of God, YHVH, is written in square
script in Deut k1 , in Palaeo-Hebrew script in Deut k2
4Q39 Deut l (109ñ112, pl. XXVI, 11 frgs.). 4Q40 m (113ñ116, pl.
XXV, 5 frgs.). 4Q41 n (117ñ128, pls. XXVIIñXXIX, columns IñVI.).
4Q42 o (129ñ133, pl. XXX, 15 frgs.). 4Q43 p (135ñ136, pl. XXXI, 2
frgs.). 4Q44 q (137ñ142, pl. XXXI, 5 frgs.).
The editors devoted appropriate attention to relations of Qumran
manuscripts to Masoretic and Samaritan texts. The differences appear
especially in orthography. Deuteronomy is also well represented
in other Qumran caves: 1Q4ñ5, 2Q10ñ12, 5Q1, 6Q3 (?), 11Q3. In
4Q also manuscripts 4Q45ñ46 in Palaeo-Hebrew script were found.
The importance of Deuteronomy for the Qumran community can be
seen in great number of manuscripts and also in use of Deuteronomy
in some non-biblical texts. The ìhistoricalî books are attested only in
few manuscripts, Joshua and Judges in two, Kings in one. Samuel
scrolls 4Q51ñ53 have to be published in DJD XVII.
4Q47 Josh 3 (143ñ152, pls. XXIIñXXIV, 22 frgs.) was edited by
Eugene Ulrich.
4Q48 Josh (153ñ160, pl. XXXV, 6 frgs.) was published ñ with
reconstruction ñ by Emanuel Tov.
Three manuscripts were edited by Julio Trebolla Barrera:
4Q49 Judg a (161ñ164, pl. XXXVI, 1 frg.). 4Q50 b (165ñ169,
pl. XXXVI, 3 frgs.).
4Q54 Kgs (171ñ183, pl. XXXVII, 8 frgs.). 1 Kings 7:19ñ8:19 is
reconstructed (180ñ181). The original reading in 1 Kings 8:16 is
partially preserved (177).
Editions are provided with many references to Hebrew texts,
Masoretic and Samaritan, and to ancient versions, especially Greek
Septuagint and Syriac. Index of biblical passages (185ñ186) can be
used also for comparison with other texts and versions. Index of the
contents of the manuscripts (187ñ188) is a convenient tool for the
study of the texts. Photographs of manuscripts on plates IñXXXVII
81

STANISLAV SEGERT
are mostly well legible. The legibility of some fragments was enhanced
by their enlargement. The careful edition of fragmentary manuscripts
is provided with detailed introductions and copious notes.
They can be effectively used for the study of biblical books, especially
of Deuteronomy.
3.1.9 Biblical manuscripts [4]
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XV. Qumran Cave 4 X. The Prophets.
By Eugene Ulrich, Frank Moore Cross, Russell E, Fuller, Judith
E. Sanderson, Patrick W. Skehan, Emanuel Tov, with the collaboration
of Catherine M. Murphy, Curt Niccum. ISBN 0-19-826937-4.
Oxford: Clarendon Press 1997. xvi + 525 pp., plates IñLXIV.
In the foreword (xiñxii) E. Ulrich explains the work of editors and
their assistants as well as the outside support. The introduction (1ñ6)
provides information about the arrangement of the edition, presented
already previously. Nearly half of the volume is devoted to 18 manuscripts
of Isaiah. Jeremiah is represented by less manuscripts, 5,
Ezekiel by 3, Twelve Prophets by 7. The edition of 4Q Isaiah manuscripts
was drafted by Skehan, after his death in 1980 it was completed
by Ulrich (xi).
4Q55 Isa a (7ñ18, pls. IñII, 18 frgs.) 4Q56 b (19ñ43, pls. IIIñVI, 47
frgs.). 4Q57 c (45ñ73, pls. VIIñXII, 79 frgs.). The name of God,
YHWH, is written in Palaeo-Hebrew script, and also the word for
God, íLWHYM (46). 4Q58 d (75ñ88, pls. XIIIñXV, 16 frgs.). 4Q59 e
(89ñ97, pls. XIIIñXV, 25 frgs.). 4Q60 f (99ñ111, pls. XVIIIñXXI, 34
frgs.). 4Q61 g (113ñ115, pl. XXI, 2 frgs.). 4Q62 h (117ñ119, pl. XXI,
2 frgs.). 4Q62a i (121ñ122, pl. XXI, 2 frgs.). 4Q63 j (123, pl. XXII,
1 frg.). 4Q64 k (125ñ127, pl. XXII, 5 frgs.). 4Q65 l (125ñ130, pl. XXII,
2 frgs.), 4Q66 m (131ñ132, pl. XXII, 3 frgs.). 4Q67 n (133ñ134, pl.
XXIII, 1 frg.). 4Q68 o (135ñ137, pl. XXIII, 1 frg.). 4Q69 papIsa p
(139, pl. XXIII, 2 frgs.). 4Q69a q (141, pl. XXIII, 1 frg.). 4Q69b r
(143, pl. XXIII, 1 frg.).
The Jeremiah manuscripts were edited by Emanuel Tov.
4Q70 Jer a (145ñ170, pls. XXIVñXXIX, frgs. 1ñ36: columns
IñXIV, 37ñ50). This text written about 300 B. C. E. is one of the
earliest Qumran scrolls.
82

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
4Q71 b (171ñ176, pl. XXIX, 1 frg.). 4Q72 C (177ñ201, pls.
XXXñXXXVI, frgs. 1ñ55, 56ñ72). 4Q72a d (203ñ205, pl. XXXVII,
1 frg.). 4Q72b e (207, pl. XXXVII, 1 frg.
Judith E. Sanderson edited the Ezekiel manuscripts.
4Q73 Ezek a (209ñ214, pl. XXXVIII, 4 frgs.). 4Q74 b (215ñ218, pl.
XXXIX, 6 frgs.). 4Q72b C (219ñ220, 1 frg.).
The manuscripts of the Twelve were edited by Russell E. Fuller.
4Q76 XII a (221ñ232, pls. XLñXLII, 23 frgs.). The sequence in
columns IñVII is Zech Mal, Jon (222). 4Q77 XII b (233ñ236,
pl. XLIII. 6 frgs.). 4Q78 c (237ñ251, pls. XLIXñXLVI, 38 frgs.).
4Q79 d (253ñ256, pl. XLVII, 2 frgs.). 4Q80 e (257ñ265, pl. XLVII,
25 frgs.). 4Q81 f (267ñ270, pl. XLVIII, 5 frgs.). 4Q82 g (271ñ318, pls.
XLñLIV, frgs. 1ñ105 + unidentified frgs. 106ñ258).
Catherine Murphy contributed by applying technological advances,
computer searching and digital imaging. Index of biblical
passages (319ñ321) and index of the contents of the manuscripts
(323ñ325) facilitate orientation in this rich collection of important
texts. Photographic reproductions are presented on plates IñLIV,
Some fragments are deteriorated, especially those of the manuscript
4Q82 XII 8 (pls. XLIXñLXIV). Patterns of deterioration are shown on
pls. XLIXñLII. Small fragments 60 and 61 were photographed at
verso and verso mirror (pl. LVIII).
Manuscripts are exactly described and measured. Their dates are
indicated according to palaeographic criteria. Relations to Hebrew
text types, also those attested in Qumran scrolls, are listed, as are
those to ancient versions. Both reliable editions and insightful observations
will be highly appreciated as significant contributions to biblical
studies.
The Book of Isaiah is the only book of the Hebrew Bible completely
preserved in the Qumran area, in the manuscript published
in 1950, IQIsa a . In 1Q also the large text Isa b (l955) was found.
Shorter manuscripts are 1Q8 and 5Q3. Commentary of peöer type is
attested, 4Q161ñ165, 3Q4. Book of Isaiah was frequently quoted in
other works. Now 4Q texts can be used to enrich the intensive research
of this book.
83

STANISLAV SEGERT
3.1.10 Biblical manuscripts [5]
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XVIñQumran Cave 4 XI. Psalms
to Chronicles. By Eugene Ulrich, Frank Moore Cross, Joseph
A. Fitzmyer, Peter W. Flint, Sarianna Metso, Catherine M. Murphy,
Curt Niccum, Patrick W. Skehan, Emanuel Tov and Julio Trebolle
Barrera. ISBN 0-19-826943-9. Oxford: Clarendon Press
2000. xvi + 303 pp., pls. IñXXXVIII.
In the foreword (xiñxii) E. Ulrich informs about the work on the
edition, the participation of editors and their colleagues, and about
various kinds of support. The introduction (1ñ6), similar to those in
previous volumes of this series of biblical manuscripts, deals with
arrangement of individual editions. In this edition of manuscripts of
Writings about half is devoted to Psalms. The other books follow in
the standard sequence. Psalms were edited by P. W. Skehan, E. Ulrich,
and P. W. Flint (7ñ167). Ps 122, 4Q522, quoted from another 4Q text,
was previously edited by …. Puech (169ñ170). Due to the large
number of Psalms manuscripts, 23 + 1, their list is presented here in
briefest manner: the 4Q number, letter of sequence, pages of edition,
plates, numbers of fragments.
83 a (7ñ22, IñII, 24). 84 b (23ñ48, IIIñVI, 37). 85 c (49ñ61. VIIñIX,
26). 86 d (63ñ71, X, 14). 87 e (73ñ84, XIñXII, 26). 88 f (85ñ106,
XIIñXIV, 1ñ2 + v. infra). 89 g (107ñ112, XV, 6, v. infra). 90 h (113ñ115,
XV, 2, v. infra). ñ91 j (117ñ121, XVI, 9). 92 k 123ñ125, XVII, 1). 93 l
(127ñ129, XVII, 1). 94 m (131ñ133, XVII, 9). 95 n (135ñ137, XVIII,
3). 96 o (139ñ141, XVIII, 2). 97 p (143ñ144, XVIII. 2). 98 q (145ñ149,
XIX, 11). 98a r (151ñ152, XIX, 2). 98b S XIX, 2). 98c t (155, XIX, 1).
98d u (157, XX, 1). 98e v (159, XX, 1). 98f w (161ñ162, XX, 2). 98g x
(163ñ167, XX, 1). 4Q522 (169ñ170, v. infra).
Ad 4Q88: After Ps 109 non-biblical poems with translations
(96ñ106: Apostrophe to Zion, Eschatological Hymn, Apostrophe to
Judah).
Ad 4Q89 and 90: Psalm 119 was written with each verse on separate
line.
Ad 4Q522: Psalm 122 is reedited with references to the edition by
…. Puech in ìProphÈtie de Josueî in DJD XXV (cf. 3.1.20), frgs.
22ñ25, pp. 69ñ70, pl. IV.
84

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Job, by Eugene Ulrich and Sarianna Metso: 4Q99 Job a171ñ178
(pl. XXI, 23 frgs). 4Q100 b (179ñ180, pl. XXII, 6 frgs.).
Proverbs, by Patrick W. Skehan and Eugene Ulrich: 4Q102 Prov a
(181ñ182, pl. XXII, 2 frgs.). 4Q103 b (183ñ186, pl. XXIII, 15 frgs.)
Ruth, by Eugene Ulrich and Catherine M. Murphy: 4Q104 Ruth a
(187ñ189, pl. XXIV, 1 frg.).ñ4Q105 b (191ñ194, pl. XXIX, 4 frgs.).
Canticles, by Emanuel Tov: Introduction to 4Q106ñ108 (195ñ198):
Some passages, e.g. Cant 4:4ñ7, are omitted. The copies of the Five
Scrolls are of small size, perhaps for liturgical use. 4Q106 Cant 3
(199ñ204, pl. XXIV, 6 frgs) 4Q107 b (205ñ218, pl. XXV, 3 frgs.).
4Q108 c (219, XXV, 1 frg.).
Qoheleth, by Eugene Ulrich: 4Q109 Qoh a (221ñ226, pl. XXVI,
7 frgs.). 4Q110 b (227, pl. XXVII, 2 frgs.).
Lamentations, by Frank Moore Cross: 4Q111 Lam (pls.
XXVIIñXXVIII, 4 frgs.).
Daniel, 4Q112ñ115 by Eugene Ulrich, 4Q116 by Eugene Ulrich
and Curt Niccum. 4Q112 Dan a (239ñ254, pls., XXIXñXXXI,
18 frgs.). 4Q113 b (255ñ267, pls. XXXIIñXXXIII, 20 frgs.). 4Q114 c
(269ñ277, pls. XXXIVñXXXVI, 3 frgs.). 4Q115 Dan d (pls.
XXXVIñXXXVII, 16 frgs.). 4Q116 e (287ñ289, pl. XXXVIII, 7 frgs.).
Ezra, by Eugene Ulrich: 4Q117Ezra (291ñ293, pl. XXXVIII,
3frgs.).
Chronicles, by Julio Trebolle Barrera: 4Q118 Chr (295ñ297,
pl. XXXVIII, 1 frg.).
Index of biblical passages (299ñ300); Esther and Nehemiah are
not represented. Index of contents of the manuscripts (301ñ302). All
photographs on plates IñXXXVIII are of natural size. The editors
produced a reliable edition of fragmentary, often difficult texts. Their
introduction and lists of variants enhance the value of this volume.
The large number of Psalms manuscripts may stimulate their more
detailed research.
3.1.11ñ13 Para-biblical texts
Various kinds of para-biblical texts and their various relations to biblical
books are characterised by Emanuel Tov, editor-in-chief of DJD,
85

STANISLAV SEGERT
in his foreword to volume XIII (ix). As most of the 4Q documents
had to be published according to their literary genre (cf. ib.), originally
three volumes had to be devoted to them. These volumes XIII
(1994), XIX (1995), and XXII (1997) are reviewed here below, the
fourth volume (XXX) published in 2001 is reviewed in addition
v. infra 3.1.23.
3.1.11 Para-biblical Texts, Part 1
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XIII ñ Qumran Cave 4ñVIII.
Para-biblical Texts, Part 1. By Harold Attridge, Torleif Elgvin, Jozef
Milik, Saul Olyan, John Strugnell, Emanuel Tov, James VanderKam
and Sidnie White, in consultation with James VanderKam.
ISBN 0-19-826760-6. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1994. x + 470 pp.,
pls. IñXLIII.
In the foreword (ixñx) Emanuel Tov points to new features in publishing
4Q texts (v. supra, 3.1.11ñ13). He also mentions that full concordances
of all the words in the non-biblical texts will be published.
The section A (1ñ175) contains fragments of 13 manuscripts, the
section B (187ñ351) those of 5 manuscripts; sections C, D, E contain
one manuscripts each (cf. 353ñ441).
A. Jubilees, by J. VanderKam and J. T. Milik.
4Q216ñ224 are from the book of Jubilees which is completely
preserved in accurate Ethiopic translation (4). 4Q216 Jubilees a (1ñ22,
pls. IñII, 18 frgs.). 4Q217 papJubilees b ? (23ñ33, pl. III, 8 frgs.).
4Q218 (35ñ38, pl. IV, 1 frg.). 4Q219 (39ñ53, pl. IV, 16 frgs.). 1Q220 e
(55ñ61, pl. V, 1 frg.). 4Q221 f (63ñ85. pl. VI, 19 frgs.). 4Q222 g
(87ñ94, pl. V, 6 frgs.). 4Q223ñ224 pap h (95ñ140, pls. VIIñIX,
69 frgs.).
Previously unknown texts, classified by Milik as Pseudo-Jubilees,
employ the language of Jubilees, but are not copies of it (142): 4Q225
Pseudo-Jubilees a (141ñ155, pl. X, 3 frgs.). 4Q226 b (157ñ169, pl. XI,
14 frgs.). 4Q227 c (171ñ175, pl. XII, 2 frgs.). 4Q228 Text with
a Citation from Jubilees (177ñ185, pl. XII, 5 frgs.).
B. Reworked Pentateuch, by E. Tov and S. White, who edited
4Q365a. Tov wrote the introduction to 4QReworked Pentateuch bñe
(187ñ196): Manuscripts 4Q364ñ367 and 4Q158 are copies of a com-
86

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
position called now Reworked Pentateuch. The Pentateuch text is
provided by exegetical additions. The basic biblical text belongs to
the so called Proto-Samaritan group.
4Q364 Reworked Pentateuch b (197ñ254, pls. XIIIñXXI, frgs.
1ñ32, AñZ, AAñII). 4Q365 c (255ñ318, pls. XXIIñXXXII, frgs.
1ñ38, AñX). 4Q366 d (335ñ343, pls., XXXV, 5 frgs.). 4Q367 e
(345ñ351, pl. XXXVI, frgs. 1ñ3, A).
4Q365a Temple? (319ñ333, pls. XXXIIIñXXXIV, 5 frgs.). This
text contains non-biblical material similar to the Temple Scroll, 11Q19.
C. Prayer of Enosh, by H. Attridge and J. Strugnell: 4Q369
(353ñ362, pl. XXXVII, 9 frgs.). The name of person is written on
frg. 1, col. I, line 10, as ḤNWK and translated Enoch.
D. paraKings et al., by S. Olyan: 4Q382 pap (365ñ416, pls.
XXXVIIIñXLI, 154 frgs.). The name of God, tetragrammaton, indicated
by four dots, v. frg. 9, line 5).
E. Paraphrase of Genesis and Exodus, by T. Elgvin and E. Tov:
4Q422 (417ñ441, pls. XLIIñXLIII, frgs. 1ñ10, AñT). Columns IñIII
are arranged as reconstruction on plate XLII.
Concordances (443ñ470) prepared by S. J. Pfann and W. Schniedewind
present words according to groups of texts: 4Q216ñ
228.4Q364ñ367. 4Q369, 4Q382, 4Q422. Photographs of the papyrus
manuscript 4Q382 (pls. XXXVIIIñXLI) are well legible. On plate
XLI they are conveniently arranged, so that they look like a reconstruction.
3.1.12 Para-biblical Texts, Part 2
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XIX ñ Qumran Cave 4 XIV.
Parabiblical Texts, Part 2. By Magen Broshi, Esther Eshel, Joseph
Fitzmyer, Erik Larson, Carol Newsom, Lawrence Schiffman, Mark
Smith, Michael Stone, John Strugnell and Ada Yardeni,in consultation
with James VanderKam. ISBN 0-9-826389-9. Oxford: Clarendon
Press 1995. xii + 267 pp., pls. IñXXIX.
In the foreword (xi) Emanuel Tov mentions that this volume was
typeset in Jerusalem.
añd Texts are published in sections AñM. Five texts are Aramaic,
Tobit, 4Q 196ñ199, and List of False Prophets, 4Q399.
87

STANISLAV SEGERT
A. Tobit, by J. Fitzmyer. This section is provided with introduction
to texts 4Q196ñ200 (1ñ5). Both the Aramaic and Hebrew form
agree with the Greek version in Codex Sinaiticus and with Vetus
Latina. 4Q196 papTobit ar (7ñ39, pls. IñV, 49 frgs.), Aramaic on
papyrus. 4Q197 b ar (41ñ56, pls. VIñVIII, 7 frgs.). 4Q198 c ar (57ñ60,
pl. VIII. 2 frgs.). 4Q199 d ar (61ñ62, pl. VIII, 2 frgs.). 4Q200 Tobit e
(63ñ76, pls. IXñX, 9 frgs.) is Hebrew.
B. By M. Broshi and A. Yardeni: 4Q339 List of False Prophets ar
(77ñ79, pl. XI, 1 frg.). This Aramaic text may not be an Essene composition,
as they used only Hebrew; with reference to S. Segertís
publications of 1963 and 1965 (77, n. 2).
C. By M. Broshi and A. Yardeni, 4Q340 List of Netinim (81ñ84,
pl. XI, 1 frg.).
D. By C. Newsom, 4Q370 Admonition on the Flood (85ñ97,
pl. XII, 1 frg.).
E. By C. Newsom, 4Q374 Discourse on the Exodus/Conquest Tradition
(99ñ110, pl. XIII, 16 frgs.).
F. By J. Strugnell, 4Q375 Apocryphon of Moses a (111ñ119,
pl. XIV, 1 frg.). 4Q376 b ? (121ñ136, pl. XV, 2 frgs.). Related to 1Q22
and 1Q29. Probably following the tradition of Zadokite priests.
G. By M. Smith. 4Q384 papApocryphon of Jeremiah B? (137ñ162,
pl. XVI, 27 frgs.). The relation to 4Q385ñ390 is unclear.
H. By M. Smith. 4Q391 papPseudo-Exekiel 6 (153ñ193, pls.
XVIIñXXV, 78 frgs,). The language is similar to canonical book of
Ezekiel.
I. By M. Smith. 4Q462 Narrative C (198ñ209, pl. XXVI, 7 frgs.). ñ
4Q463 D (211ñ214, pl. XXVII, 4 frgs.). The imminent restoration of
the people of God is announced (v. 205ñ208).
J. By E. Eshel and M. Stone. 4Q454 Exposition on the Patriarchs
(215ñ230, pl. XXVIII, 11 frgs.). This narrative has expository character
(v. 210ñ211).
K. By E. Eshel and M. Stone. 4Q464a Narrative E (231ñ232,
pl. XIX, 1 frg.).
L. By E. Eshel and M. Stone. 4Q464b Unclassified Fragments
(233ñ234, pl. XXIX, 2 frgs.).
M. By E. Larson, L. Schiffman, and J. Strugnell, 4Q470 Text Men-
88

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
tioning Zedekiah (235ñ244, pl. XXIX, 3 frgs.). The King is evaluated
more positively. due to his covenant with God.
S. Pfann prepared two concordances, Hebrew (246ñ258), in which
14 texts are listed separately, and Aramaic (259ñ267), containing
words from 4Q196ñ199 and from 4Q339. Plates IñXXIX present reproduction
of Hebrew and Aramaic texts, those on plates IñVIII
and XI. Different scripts used in Aramaic manuscripts correspond to
those in Hebrew texts (cf. 7, 41, 57, 61). The arrangement is consistent;
physical description analyses of palaeography and orthography,
precede the editions of original textsí, notes and readings, translations
and comments follow. Close co-operation of many scholars produced
the publication of important texts, a reliable basis for further
research, and valuable observations and suggestions.
3.1.13 Parabiblical Texts, Part 3
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXII ñ Qumran Cave 4 XVII.
Parabiblical Texts, Part 3. By George Brooke, John Collins, Torleif
Elgvin, Peter Flint, Jonas Greenfield, Erik Larson, Carol Newsom,
…mile Puech, Lawrence H. Schiffman, Michael Stone and Julio
Trebolle Barrera, in consultation with James VanderKam. ISBN
0-19-826936-6. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1996. xii + 351 pp., pls.
IñXXIX.
In this third volume more than half is devoted to four Aramaic
texts, while the Hebrew texts are mostly minor. E. Tov appreciates
the effective support for the editing and producing of this collection,
in the foreword (xi).
A. Aramaic Levi Document, by M. E. Stone and J. C. Greenfield:
4Q213 Levi a ar (1ñ24, pl. I, 5 frgs.) The Aramaic work served as
a source for Greek Testament of Levi, found in Cairo Geniza (2). This
version provided help for reconstruction of the Aramaic work. Poetic
structure is presented in the reconstruction (13). 4Q213a Levi b ar
(25ñ36, pl. II. 6 frgs.). Fragments 1ñ2 are reconstructed with help of
Greek text from Athos. 4Q213b c (37ñ41, pl. III, 1 frg.). 4Q214 Levi d
ar (43ñ51, pl. III, 5 frgs.). 4Q214a e (53ñ60, pl. IV, 3 frg.). 4Q214b f
(61ñ72, pl. IV, 8 frgs.).
89

STANISLAV SEGERT
B. By M. E. Stone: 4Q215. Testament of Naphthali (73ñ82, pl. V,
1 frg.). Two fragmentary narratives, the young Naphthali as speaker.
C. By J. Collins: 4Q242 Prayer of Nabonidus ar (83ñ93, pl. VI, 4
frgs.). Fragments of a wisdom tale, related to Daniel 4.
D. By J. Collins and P. Flint: Pseudo-Daniel ar. Introduction to
4Q243ñ245 (95) informs about previous editions. 4Q243 Pseudo-Daniel
a ar (97ñ121, pls. VIIñVIII, 40 frgs.). 4Q244 b (123ñ131,
pl. IX, 14 frgs.). 4Q243ñ244 The Combined Text (133ñ151) is similar
to Daniel 1ñ6. The text is reconstructed, translated and commented
(138ñ151). 4Q245 Pseudo-Daniel c ar (153ñ164, pl. X, 4 frgs.). List
of priests is only partially preserved.
E. By …. Puech: 4Q246 Apocryphe de Daniel ar (165ñ184, pl. XI,
1 frg.).The text is printed according to the lines of the manuscript
(167ñ168) and also arranged according to the stichometry, in cola
and verses (168ñ169). The religious titles probably refer to historical
personalities of the 2 nd cent. B. C. E.
F. Commentaries on Genesis and Malachi, by G. Brooke: 4Q252
Commentary on Genesis A (185ñ207, pls. XIIñXIII, 6 frgs.). 4Q253
B (209ñ212, pl. XIV, 3 frgs.). 4Q254 C (217ñ232, pl. XV, 17 frgs.).
4Q254a D (233ñ236, pl. XVI, 3 frgs.). Selected passages are explained.
4Q253a Commentary on Malachi (213ñ215, pl. XIV, 1 frg.).
G. Apocryphon of Joshua, by C. Newsom. Introduction to
4Q378ñ379. This text is of the type represented in Jubilees. 4Q378 a
(241ñ262, pls. XVIIñXX, 29 frgs.). 4Q379 b (263ñ288, pls.
XXIñXXV, 41 frgs.).
H. By T. Elgvin. 4Q473 The Two Ways (289ñ294, pl. XXVI,
2 frgs.). Deuteronomic phrases are condensed into an admonition.
I. Miscellaneous Texts, by E. Larson and L. H. Schiffman: 4Q478
papFragment Mentioning Festivals (295ñ296, pl. XXVI, 1 frg.).
4Q479 Text Mentioning Descendants of David (297ñ299, pl. XXVII,
3 frgs.). 4Q480 Narrative F (301ñ302, pl. XXVIII, 1 frg.). 4Q481
Text Mentioning Mixed Kinds (303ñ304, pl. XXVIII, 2 frgs.).
J. By J. Trebolle Barrera. 4Q481a Apocryphe dí…lisÈe (305ñ309,
pl. XXX, 3 frgs.).
K. Miscellaneous Texts, by E. Larson and L. H. Schiffman:
4Q481b Narrative G (311ñ312, pl. XXVIII, 1 frg.). 4Q481c Prayer
for Mercy (313ñ314, pl. XXVIII, 1 frg.). 4Q481d Fragments with
90

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Red Ink (315ñ319, pl. XXIX, 7 frgs.). 4Q481e, Narrative H (321ñ322,
pl. XXIX, 1 frg.).
Concordances by S. Pfann (32ñ351) have 17 Hebrew (325ñ341)
and 4 Aramaic sections (342ñ351). Some reproductions on plates are
enlarged, to be better legible. This volume containing reliable editions
of mostly fragmentary texts is a valuable contribution to Dead
Sea Scrolls studies. The efforts of editors will be highly appreciated.
It can be expected that especially research in Qumran Aramaic will
be stimulated by reliable and well commented edition of Aramaic
documents.
3.1.14 Halakha
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXXV. ñ Qumran Cave 4ñXXV.
Halakhic Texts. By Joseph Baumgarten, Torleif Elgvin, Esther Eshel,
Erik Larson, Manfred R. Lehmann, Stephen Pfann, Lawrence
H. Schiffman. ISBN 0-19-827006-3. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1999.
xii + 173 pp., plates IñXII.
E. Tov, editor-in-chief, recommends in the foreword (xi) to study
texts contained in this collection together with the rules such as 1QS,
4QMMT. And he appreciates those who helped produce this volume.
S. Pfann edited 4Q249, 4Qpap cryptA Midrash Sefer Moshe (1ñ24,
pls. IñII, 14 fragments). The discussion on the cryptic script has to
appear in DJD XXXVI (cf. 4, n. 8). The title MDRä SPR MWäH is on
the back of the scroll. The Torah was studied during nightly meetings
of the community, the conclusions were written down. The palaeography
of the titles inquadrate script and the Carbonñ14 tests point to
the date in the second half of the second century B. C. E. Only few
fragments could be translated. Column i was reconstructed (18ñ20).
The legal interpretation of leprosy is similar to that in Rabbinic sources
(23ñ24).
E. Larson, M. R. Lehmann and L. Schiffman co-operated on the
edition of 4Q251, 4Q Halakha A (25ñ51, pls. IIIñIV, 26 frgs). Its
language and its content follow Hebrew Bible. 4Q264a, Halakha B
(53ñ56, pl. V, 3 frgs) was edited by J. Baumgarten. T. Elgvin edited
4Q472a, Halakha C (155ñ156, pl. XII, 1 frg.). The manuscript
4Q265, called Miscellaneous Rules, (57ñ78, pl. VñVIII, fragments
91

STANISLAV SEGERT
1ñ7, añ1) is edited and thoroughly commented by J. Baumgarten. He
explained the Sabbath laws in the appendix (75ñ78). J. Baumgarten
provided 4Q274ñ276, Tohorot AñC, with a substantial introduction
(79ñ97). The laws of purity had a pervasive influence on the life of
the Qumran community. Various kinds of impurity are explained, and
also kinds of purification, with use of liturgies. Purification through
the Holy Spirit is included. 4QTohorot are preserved in 4 manuscripts;
A 4Q274 (99ñ109, pl. VIII, 3 frgs), B a 4Q276 (111ñ113, pl. IX,
1 frg.), B b 4Q277 (115ñ119, pl. IX, 2 frgs.), C 4Q278 (121ñ122,
pl. IX, 1 frg.) J. Baumgarten edited also 4Q284, Purification Liturgy
(123ñ129, pl. XI, 10 frgs.) which refers to sprinkling water. And he
edited 4Q284a, Harvesting (131ñ133, pl. XI, 4 frgs), dealing with
fruits. E. Eshel edited 4Q414, Ritual of Purification A (135ñ154,
pls.XIñXII, 36 frgs), a collection of rituals and prayers, parallel to
4Q512. The immersion rules relate to 11Q Temple Scroll XLIXñL.
The concordance (159ñ173) was prepared by S. and C. Pfann. This
volume is based in part on earlier transcriptions by Josef (sic)
T. Milik. About half of this volume was prepared by Joseph Baumgarten.
Especially valuable is his detailed and well substantiated explanation
of purification rituals; he compares them with later Jewish
sources. This points to the important contribution of texts published
in this volume; they deal with some matters previously known only
from later Jewish sources. Now these matters are attested already
in the period of Second Temple.
3.1.15ñ16 Sapiential Texts
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XX. ñ Qumran Cave 4ñXV.
Sapiential Texts, Part 1. By Torleif Elgvin, Menachem Kister, Timothy
Lim, Bilhah Nitzan, Stephen Pfann, Elisha Qimron, Lawrence
H. Schiffman and Annette Steudel. ISBN 0-19-826938-2. Oxford:
Clarendon Press 1997. x + 246 pp., plates IñXVIII.
Emanuel Tov, editor-in-chief, points in the preface (x) to the functions
of the sapiential didactic compositions: admonitions, instructions,
and meditations. He appreciates the contribution of Joseph
A. Fitzmyer, who served as the consulting editor. The texts are presented
in 8 sections, AñH (1ñ224).
92

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
A. Words of the Maskil to All Sons of Dawn, by S. J. Pfann and
M. Kister: 4Q298 4QcryptA WordsÖ (1ñ30, pls. IñII, 8 fragments).
The fragmentary scroll is carefully described (2ñ7). Only the title and
first sentence are in the Jewish ìsquareî script (cf. 7ñ9). The manuscript
is written in Cryptic A script; its letter forms are presented from
texts 4Q298, 4Q249, and 4Q317 (9ñ13). The decipherer of this script,
J. T. Milik is mentioned in a note (7, n. 18). The MASKIL addresses
the novices of the Essene community. Fragments are presented in
standard Hebrew letters and provided with translations and comments.
B. Mysteries, by L. Schiffman, are introduced (31ñ32); the title is
explained as rendering of the Hebrew term RZYM. 4Q299, Mysteries a
(33ñ97, pls. IIIñVII, 106 frgs.) are related to 1Q27. Poetic rendering
(38) points to the original structure. 4Q300, Mysteries v (99ñ114,
pl. VIII, 14 frgs.) is similar and partially parallel. 4Q301, Mysteries c ?
(113ñ123, pl. IX, 10 frgs), is not clearly related to the preceding
compositions.
C. Admonitory Parable, by B. Nitzan: 4Q302, 4QpapÖ (125ñ149,
pls. XñXII, 18 frgs), resembling the lawsuit pattern in the Bible, was
composed in the 3 rd century B. C. E.
D. Meditations on Creation, by T. Lim: 4Q303, A; 4Q304, B;
4Q305 C (151ñ153, 155, 157ñ158, pl. XIII, 1 + 1 + 1 frgs.) These
fragments reflect on opening chapters of Genesis.
E. Sapiential Texts, by A. Steudel: 4Q411, Sapiential Hymn
(159ñ162, pl. XIV, 1frg.) is probably of pre-Qumran origin. 4Q412,
Sapiential-Didactic Work A (163ñ167, pl. XIV, 4 frgs) is apparently
a didactic collection.
F. Composition concerning Divine Providence, by E. Qimron:
4Q413 (169ñ171, pl. XIV, 2 frgs.) exhorts the reader to past events.
G. Ways of Righteousness, by T. Elgvin: This composite work is
attested in two fragmentary manuscripts, 4Q420 a (173ñ182, pl. XV,
7 frgs.) and 4Q421 b (183ñ202, pl. XIV, 13 frgs.). They contain
sapiential sayings and admonitions.
H. Sapiential Texts, by A. Steudel: 4Q426 Sapiential-Didactic
Work B (203ñ210, pl. XVII, 6 frgs., this collection was not
Qumranic). 4Q426, Sapiential-Hymnic Work A (211ñ224, pl. XVIII,
13 frgs) contains prayer, hymnic and didactic elements.
93

STANISLAV SEGERT
S. Pfann prepared Concordances (225ñ146) in which words are
listed separately according to manuscripts.
3.1.16
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXXIV. ñ Qumran Cave 4ñXXIV.
Sapiential Texts, Part 2. 4QInstruction (MUSAR LE-MEVÕN):
4Q415ff. With a re-edition of 1Q26 by John Strugnell and Daniel
J. Harrington and an edition of 4Q423 by Torleif Elgvin.
ISBN 0-19-826982-X. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1999. xvi-I-584 pp.,
pls. IñXXXI.
In the foreword (xiiiñxvi) Emanuel Tov explains the arrangement
of this last volume of sapiential texts from 4Q. In the preface (xiiiñxvi)
Strugnell and Harrington explain the history of this edition and
acknowledge the contributions of scholars. General Introduction
(1ñ40) informs about manuscripts and their relation. The Hebrew title
of this work may be rendered as ìInstruction for a MAVEN / Studentî.
The editorial principles are modified due to preservation of manuscripts.
The contents of major fragments are analysed (8ñ17).
Lifeñsetting (19ñ22) is considered as non-sectarian; the same conclusion
is based on observations of language (22ñ32). This work can be
located, as concerns purpose and time, between Proverbs and Sirach
(36). Select bibliography (36ñ40) informs also about related texts.
A. Instruction, by J. Strugnell and D. J. Harrington. General Introduction
(1ñ40), v. supra. 4Q415 Instruction a (41ñ71, pls. IñII,
32 frgs.). This manuscript from the second half of the first century
B. C. E. contains cosmological and paraenetic passages. 4Q416 b
(73ñ141, pls. IIIñVII, 22 frgs). 4Q417 c (143ñ210, pls. VIIIñXI,
29 frgs.). 4Q418 d (211ñ474, pls. XIIñXXVII, 303 frgs). Many fragments
can be only doubtfully identified. 4Q418a e (475ñ495, pls.,
XVIIIñXIX, 25 frgs). 4Q418b Text with Quotation from Psalm 107?
(497ñ499, pl. XXIX, 2 frgs). 4Q418c Instruction f ? (501ñ503,
pl. XXIX, 1 frg.).
All these manuscripts are provided with notes of readings and detailed
comments. In translations italics are used for words reflecting
uncertain readings or problematic interpretation. As it is common in
this series, the alineations of the translation correspond to those in the
94

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
manuscript; some stichometric divisions are marked by capital letters
at their beginning, to indicate the poetic structuring (cf. 7). For
a collection of manuscripts with many mutual parallels a complete reconstruction
of the entire work would be welcome. Users of this well
substantiated edition can find help in notes pointing to composite text.
B. Instruction, by T. Elgvin: 4Q423 Instruction g (505ñ533, pls.
XXXñXXXI, 24 frgs.) was written probably in the early first century
C. E.
C. Appendix, by J. Strugnell and D. Harrington: 1Q25 IQ Instruction
(Re-edition) (535ñ539, 5 frgs.). This manuscript was previously
published by J. T. Milik in DJD I (101ñ102, pl. XX), in 1955. The
new presentation sometimes differs from the edition in DJD I.
Concordance again prepared by S. and C. Pfann (541ñ584) refers
to Hebrew words in 4Q texts covered by this volume.
Effective operation of ten editors and participation of J. A. Fitzmyer
as consultant have provided reliable access to the important
sapiential texts in two volumes, opening way to further research,
3.1.17ñ18 Poetry and Liturgy
3.1.17.
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XI. ñ Qumran Cave 4ñVI. Poetical
and Liturgical Texts, Part 1. By Esther Eshel, Hanan Eshel, Carol
Newsom, Bilhah Nitzan, Eileen Schuller and Ada Yardeni. ISBN
0-19-826880-5. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1998. x + 473 pp., plates
IñXXXII.
The fast sequence of editions was made possible thanks to extended
team of editors, of different backgrounds. Four editors of this
volume are active in Israel, two in America. All six editors are ladies,
as is Monica L. W. Brady, who served as consulting editor in cooperation
with James C. VanderKam. Foreword (ix) was written by
these two consulting editors. Only 4Q texts are published in this first
volume of poetical and liturgical texts. This volume was produced in
camera-ready form at the University of Notre Dame (Notre Dame,
Indiana). Manuscripts are presented in four sections, AñD. Concordances
(427ñ473) prepared by S. Pfann are arranged according to these
sections.
95

STANISLAV SEGERT
A. Berakhot, by B. Nitzan: The texts 4Q286ñ290 contain liturgical
blessings and curses; their structure and contents are presented in
the introduction (1ñ5) on tables. Also ceremonial laws are represented.
4Q286 Berakhot a (7ñ48, pls., IñIV, 20 frgs.) from about
50 C. E. is exactly described (7ñ9). The laws of leprosy are reconstructed
in the appendix (46ñ48). 4Q287 b (49ñ60, pls.VñVI, 10 frgs.).
4Q288 c (61ñ65, pl. VII, 3 frgs). 4Q289 d (67ñ71, pl. VII, 3 frgs.).
4Q290 e (73ñ74, pl. VII, 1 frg.).
B. Non-Canonical Psalms, by E. Schuller: This edition is based on
the doctoral dissertation of the editor, published in 1986 (cf. ix),
Non-Canonical Psalms of Qumran. 4Q389 (75ñ85, pl. VIII, 7 frgs.)
is a collection of psalms not known from other sources. ñ 4Q381 B
(87ñ172, pls. IXñXV, 110 frgs) is a collection of psalms ascribed to
biblical figures.
C. Shirot ëOlat HaShabbat, by C. Newsom: This edition is based
on the doctoral dissertation, published in 1985, Songs of the Sabbath
Sacrifice. This edition contains 8 texts from Qumran cave 4,
4Q400ñ407, and the text from Masada, 1k. The manuscript from
cave 11, 11Q17, is published in DJD XXIII (259ñ304; cf. supra
3.1.6). 4Q400 a (173ñ196, pl. XVI, 7 frgs.) has in frg. 1 the beginning
of the first song, written in elevated prose.
4Q401 b (197ñ219, pls., XVIIñXVIII, 38 frgs.). 4Q402 c (221ñ237,
pl. XVIII, 11 frgs.) 1k. MasShirot ëOlat HaShabbat (239ñ252,
pl. XIX, columns IñII) was found at Masada during the first season ñ
1963/64 ñ of excavation. The column II overlaps with 4Q403. Formulaic
pattern of the Psalms of Seven Chief Princes is reconstructed
and commented (249ñ252). 4Q403 d (253ñ292, pl. XX, 3 frgs.) contains
on frg. 1 46 relatively well preserved lines. 4Q404 e (293ñ305,
pl. XXI, 24 frgs.}. 4Q405 f (307ñ393, pls. XXIIñXXX, 105 frgs.).
Sequence of fragments is reconstructed in columns AñM, songs 6ñ12
(312ñ315). Fragments 24ñ105 could be assigned. 4Q406 8 (395ñ398,
pl. XXXI, 5 frgs). 4Q407 h (399ñ401, pl. XXXI, 2 frgs.)
D. Apocryphal Psalms and Prayer, by E. Eshel, H. Eshel and
A. Yardeni: 4Q448 (403ñ425, pl. XXXII, columns IñIII) includes a
prayer for King Jonathan ñ Alexander Jannaeus, 103ñ76 B. C. E. The
script was influenced by Aramaic script, cf. drawings of letters
(406ñ408).
96

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Texts in this volume, carefully edited and commented, provide
a reliable basis for study of Hebrew poetry in period preceding the
beginning of Christianity.
3.1.18 Poetry and Liturgy
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXIX.ñQumran Cave 4ñXX. Poetical
and Liturgical Texts, Part 2. By Esther Chazon, Torleif Elgvin,
Esther Eshel, Daniel Falk, Bilhah Nitzan, Elisha Qimron, Eileen
Schuller, David Seely, Eibert Tigchelaar and Moshe Weinfeld.
ISBN 0-19-827005-4. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1999. xiv + 478 pp.,
plates IñXXVII, foldout plates IñIII.
This collection was prepared by ten editors, in consultation with
James VanderKam and Monica Brady. It is based in part on earlier
transcriptions and comments by John Strugnell. Emanuel Tov explains
in foreword (xviii) that this volume is the final one containing
poetical and liturgical texts. And he evaluates those who co-operated
on this edition. The texts are presented in 12 sections, denoted by
letters AñL.
A. Curses, by B. Nitzan: 4Q280 (1ñ8, pl. I, 3 frgs.) are directed
towards Melki-reöa and toward those who plot evil against the Covenant
of God.
B. Works Containing Prayers, by B. Nitzan: 4Q291 A (9ñ14,
3 frgs). 4Q292 B (15ñ18, 2 frgs.). 4Q293 C (19ñ22, 3 frg.). All reproduced
on pl. I.
C. Works of God and Communal Confession, by D. Falk: Introduction
(23ñ24) demonstrates that that 4Q392 and 4Q393 belong to
one scroll which contained at least two different compositions. 4Q392
Works of God (25ñ44, pls. IIñIII, 11 frgs.) is a poem resembling to
the Hodayot. 4Q393 Communal Confession (45ñ61, pls. IIñIII,
9 frgs.) refers to the sin of the fathers.
D. Liturgical Work, by E. Qimron: 4Q409 A (63ñ67. pl. IV, 4 frgs)
expresses praise on the days of festivals.
E. Hodayot, by E. Schuller: Introduction relates 4Q427ñ432 to
1QH and 1Q35, also on a table (72ñ73). Within these Thanksgiving
Psalms the ìHeidelberg schoolî distinguishes ìHymns of the Teacherî
and ìHymns of the Communityî (cf. 74ñ75). 4Q427 Hodayot a
97

STANISLAV SEGERT
(77ñ123, pls. IVñVI, foldout pl. I, 22 frgs.,) contains psalms in an
order different from that in 1QH. The drawing of the reconstructed
scroll is presented on foldout plate. Relations to 1QH and variants
from it are listed (78, 81ñ82, 87). 4Q428 b (125ñ175, pls. VIIñXI,
foldout pl. II, 69 frgs). 4Q429 c (177ñ194, XIñXII, foldout pl. II, 6
frgs.). 4Q430 d (195ñ198, pl. XII, 1 frg.). 4Q431 e (199ñ208, pls.
XIIñXXVIII, foldout pl. III, 2 frgs.). 4Q432 4QpapHodayot f
(209ñ232, pls. XIIIñXIV, foldout pl. III). Texts mostly parallel to
other Hodayot manuscripts.
Three Hodayotñlike texts: 4Q433 A (233ñ236, pl. XV, 4 frg.).
4Q433a 4Qpap B (237ñ245, pl. XV, 3 frgs.). 4Q440 C (247ñ254, pl.
XVI, 3 frgs.).
F. Barki Nafshi, by M. Weinfeld and D. Seely: Introduction to
4Q434ñ438 (255ñ265) explains the title attested at the beginning of
4Q434, ìBless, O my soul, the Lord.î The manuscripts are mutually
related. The large fragments presented in English translation are conveniently
arranged in poetic lines (261ñ265). Texts: 4Q434 a
(267ñ286, pls. XVIIñXIX, 15 frgs.). 4Q435 b (287ñ293, pl. XX, 5
frgs.). 4Q436 c (295ñ305, pl. XXI, 2 frgs,). 4Q437 d (307ñ325, pls.
XXIIñXXIII, 10 frgs). 4Q438 e (327ñ334, pls. XXIIIñXXIV, 11 frgs.).
G. Lament by a Leader, by M. Weinfeld and D, Seely: 4Q439
(335ñ341, pl. XXIV, 1 frg.). The author laments faults of his people.
H. Prayers, by E. Chazon: 4Q441 Individual Thanksgiving
(343ñ344, pl. XXV, 1 frg.) 4Q442 B (345, pl. XXV, 1 frg.). 4Q443
Personal Prayer (347ñ366, pl. XXV, 13 frgs.). 4Q444 Incantation
(367ñ378, pl. XXVI, 4 frgs.).
I. Poetic Fragments, by E. Tigchelaar: 4Q445 Lament A (379ñ384,
pl. XXVI, 8 frgs.). 4Q446 Poetic Text A (385ñ388, pl. XXVI, 3 frgs.
4Q447 B (389ñ390, pl. XXVI, 1 frg.).
J. Prayers, by E. Chazon: Prayers on pl. XVII, 4Q449 A?
(391ñ393), 4Q450 B? (395ñ397), 4Q451 C (399ñ400), 4Q452 D?
(401), 4Q453 Lament B (403), 4Q454 Prayer E? (405ñ406), 4Q456
Halleluyah (407ñ408), 4Q457a Creation? and 4Q457b Eschatological
Hymn (409ñ419), on palimpsest. (Fragments: 2 + 2 + 1 + 1 + 1 + 2;
2+2).
K. Self-Glorification Hymn, by E. Eshel: 4Q471b (421ñ432, pl.
XXVIII, 4 frgs.). The speaker is identified as the eschatological high
98

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
priest, with reference to 1QSb; the hymn was probably composed to
remember the Teacher of Righteousness. 4Q471c Prayer Concerning
God and Israel (433ñ435, pl. XXVIII, 2 frgs.).
L. Liturgical Works, by T. Elgvin: 4Q476 Liturgical Work
A (437ñ443, pl. XXVIII, 3 frgs.), 4Q476a (445ñ446, pl. XXVIII,
2frgs.).
Concordance (447ñ 478) was prepared by S. and C. Pfann. Plates
are supplemented by foldout plates IñIII on 5 sheets, presenting reconstruction
of manuscripts 4Q427ñ 429 and 4Q432. Fragmentary
texts are published with efficient care, in most userñfriendly manner.
3.1.19 Community Rule
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXVI. Qumran Cave 4ñXIX.
Serekh ha-Yaḥad and Two Related Texts. By Philip S. Alexander and
Geza Vermes. ISBN 0-19-826981-1. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1998.
xviii + 253 pp., pls. IñXXIV.
This excellent edition of 4Q manuscripts of the central Qumran
text was prepared by two British scholars. Geza Vermes of the University
of Oxford published previously works on Dead Sea Scrolls;
The Dead Sea Scrolls in English appeared in fourth edition in†1995
(reviewed in CV 40, 1998, 46ñ49). In the foreword (xi) Emanuel Tov
informs about the intensive preparation, and about the copy editing in
Jerusalem. The editors explain in the preface (xiii) that many problems
of the Community Rule, the most fundamental of the scrolls,
remained unsolved; thus they adopted the maximalist approach towards
restoration. Their principles are presented in the general introduction
to 4Q255ñ264 (1ñ25). Parallels to 4QS ñ S is abbreviation
for Serekh ñ in 1QS are listed, as are those to 1QS in 4QS. Physical
form and format of the S manuscripts are described (4ñ7, table on
pp. 18ñ19). Also palaeography and orthography (7ñ9) are well apparent
(table on pp. 20ñ21). The letters of manuscripts are reproduced
in drawings (table on pp. 22ñ23); the dates of the manuscripts
can be set with their help approximately between 125 B. C. E. and
50 C. E. (cf. table on p. 24).
The comparison of S manuscripts points to evolution of the text.
Four recessions can be supposed (9ñ12). Publications of S texts are
99

STANISLAV SEGERT
traced since 1951, with special attention to the recent editions
(10ñ13). The principles of this edition are explained (15ñ17): Maximalist
restoration and reconstruction of the texts is applied. In notes
on readings previous attempts are critically discussed. The comments
deal with the variants. The introductions of manuscripts inform about
their forms. Ten manuscripts of 4QSerekh ha-Yahad, 4Q255ñ264,
are published according to these principles. They fit well to the arrangement
usual in other DJD volumes. The unidentified fragments
are marked by capital letters.
4Q255 a (27ñ38, pl. I, frgs. 1ñ2, AñB) from about 100 B. C. E. is
written on papyrus in crude, early cursive. 4Q256 b (39ñ64, pls. IIñV,
8 frgs.), written in early Herodian formal hand before the beginning
of the Christian era, is only partially preserved; only 9 from originally
23 columns could be reconstructed. 4Q257 c (65ñ83, pls. VIñIX,
frgs. 1ñ3, A) is written on papyrus. 4Q258 d (83ñ128, pls. XñXIII,
7 frgs.) is written in script similar to that of 4QS b /256. 4Q259 e
(129ñ152, pls. XIVñXVI, frgs.1ñ4, AñB). 4Q260 f (153ñ167, pl.
XVII, 5 frgs.). 4Q261 g (169ñ187, pls. XVIIIñXIX, frgs. lñ6, AñC).
4Q262 h (184ñ191, pl. XX, frg. l, AñB). 4Q263 i (197ñ200, pl. XXI,
1 frg.). 4Q264 (201ñ206, pl. XXI, 1 frg.).
This short survey gives some ideas about the fragmentary character
of the manuscripts and the demanding task of their edition. Parallels
with 1QS and with other 4QS texts are listed, some in tables. Two
related texts (207ñ223) were previously in part published and discussed.
4Q275 Communal Ceremony (209ñ216, pl. XXII, 3 frgs.)
contains remains of a rule, probably for the annual festival for the
renewal of the covenant. 4Q279 Four Lots (217ñ223, pl. XXIII,
5 frgs.) refers to the assignments of rewards in the messianic Age.
Appendix: lQ28b. 1QSerekh ha-Yaḥad b (fragment), by G. J. Brooke
(227ñ233, pl. XXIV, 1 frg.). W. H. Brownlee received this fragment
from Archbishop Athanasios Samuel of Jerusalem in 1994. It was
published in 1994 in Claremont (cf. the review in CV 36, 1994,
265ñ266). It belongs to 1QSB 25, col. V, 22ñ25).
Concordances (235ñ253) prepared by S. and C. Pfann refer to
words in 4Q 255ñ264 (236ñ252), 4Q 275 (253), and 4Q279 (253). In
this careful edition with many notes and comments the fragmentary
4QS texts are related to the more complete 1QS. The basic work of
100

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
the community is better accessible. This edition of 4QS will be effectively
and gratefully used for the study of Community Rule and its
influence.
A few notes may be added: The material from 4QS is cited in the
critical apparatus of the edition of Rule of the Community (1QS) by
E. Qimron and J. H. Charlesworth, v. pp. 4 and 6ñ51 in J. H. Charlesworth,
ed., The Dead Sea Scrolls ñ Hebrew, Aramaic and Greek
Texts with English Translations, vol. 1 (T¸bingen/Louisville 1994) ñ
(reviewed in CV 36, 1994, 260ñ265). The Hebrew title of the work
Serekh ha-Yahad is appropriately rendered as ìCommunity Ruleî.
The Czech translation ÿ·d Jednoty is more exact. The Hebrew word
is related to numeral ìoneî, as is the Czech rendering, and also English
unity, cf. S. Segert, ìThe Unity of the New Covenant ñ The Unity
of Brethren. (A Comparison of Two Religious Communities)î,
pp. 71ñ80 ñ esp. p. 73 and n. 34 ñ in Jewish Studies ñ Essays in
Honour of the Very Reverend Dr Gustav Sicher Chief Rabbi of Prague
(Prague 1955). The exact title is attested in the print of 1609 ìÿ·d
cÌrkevnÌ Jednoty Brat¯Ì »esk˝chî ñ Latin ìRatio disciplinae ordinisque
ecclesiastici in Unitate Fratrum Bohemorumî. The reviewer
expresses appreciation for this information to Martin Wernisch.
3.1.20 Various Hebrew Texts
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXV ñ Qumran grotte
4ñXVIII. Textes HÈbreux (4Q521ñ 4O579). Par …mile Puech. ISBN
0-19-826948-X. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1998. xviii + 229 pp.,
planches IñXV, figures 1 a 2.
This volume, edited by …mile Puech, Director of Research at Centre
National de la Recherche Scientifique in Paris, is dedicated to the
memory of Jean Starcky. Puech wrote the article about Starcky
(1909ñ1988) for Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (v. infra 7.12),
pp. 891ñ892. Jean Starcky was living with his father for short time in
Prague. AbbÈ Starcky was most helpful to this reviewer doing research
in Syria in 1963ñ64. Only a few pages of this volume are in
English. Emanuel Tov explains in the foreword v (xi) that the texts
were originally allotted to Starcky. The concordance is introduced in
English (213 Editions of 12 Hebrew texts are translated and com-
101

STANISLAV SEGERT
mented in French (1ñ211), as is the preface (xiiiñxvi). Puech describes
the demanding work on the Hebrew fragments. The texts are
Qumran Essene, except 4Q528 and 4Q576. Aramaic manuscripts
have to be published in another volume ñ DJD XXXI. V. infra, 3.1.24.
4Q521 Apocalypse messianique (1ñ38, pls. IñIII, 16 frgs.) was
composed probably in the second half of the 2 nd cent. B. C. E., perhaps
by the Teacher. 4Q522 ProphÈtie de JosuÈ (39ñ73, pls. IVñV,
25 frgs.). On frgs. 22ñ25 Psalm 122 is quoted (cf. DJD XVI, pp.
169ñ170). 4Q523 Jonathan (75ñ83, pl. VI, 5 frgs.). The name
YHWNTN on frgs. 1ñ2, line 2, denotes the Maccabean leader of the
middle of the 2 nd cent. B. C. E. 4Q524 Rouleau de Temple (85ñ114,
pls. VIIñVIII, figures 1ñ2, 39 frgs.), written in semi-cursive script
about 150ñ125 B. C. E., is probably the oldest copy of the Temple
Scroll (11Q19ñ20). 4Q525 Beatitudes (115ñ178, pls. IXñXIII,
50 frgs.) was composed and partially written in poetic form. 4Q526
Testament(?) (179ñ181, pl. XIV, 1 frg.). 4Q527 Ouvrage liturgique
(183ñ185, pl. XIV, 1 frg.). 4Q528 Ouvrage hymnique ou sapiential B
(187ñ190, pl. XIV, 1 frg.). 4Q576 Genese n (191ñ193, pl. XV, 2 frgs.).
Other Genesis manuscripts from 4Q are listed, Gn a ñGn m (191). 4Q577
Texte mentionnant le Deluge (196ñ203, pl. XV, 8 frgs.). 4Q578 Composition
historique B (205ñ208, pl. XV, 1 frg.), concerning Ptolemaios.
4Q579 Ouvrage hymnique(?) (209ñ211, pl. XV, 3 frgs.).
In concordance (213ñ229) prepared by S. and C. Pfann words from
all texts are listed together. Photographs of fragments are presented
on plates IñXV. On verso of plate XV drawings of 4Q524 fragments
6ñ13 and 15ñ22 on reconstructed lines are offered. The editions of
fragmentary manuscripts are arranged similarly to the other 4Q volumes.
Puech is offering detailed evaluations and comments. In paragraphs
on palaeography all letters are characterised. Dating is based
mostly on palaeographic criteria. Due attention is devoted to the use
of letters W and Y for indicating long vowels. In the characteristics of
mostly poetic texts typical prose words are traced and counted. At the
end of some manuscript editions-conclusions about genre and about
origin ñ mostly Qumran Essene ñ are presented. …mile Puech published
these difficult texts in clear and reliable manner. His analyses
will be highly appreciated, even as he himself mentions that they may
be criticised as too detailed (cf. xv). Puech offers valuable observa-
102

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
tions and evaluations as well as suggestions for further research of
these texts and their connections.
3.1.21 Texts from various sites
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXXVIII.†ñ Miscellaneous Texts
from the Judaean Desert. By James Charlesworth, Nahyan Cohen,
Hannah M. Cotton, Esther Eshel, Peter Flint, Haggai Misgav, Matthew
Morgenstern, Catherine Murphy, Michael Segal, Ada Yardeni
and Boaz Zissu, in consultation with James VanderKam and Monica
Brady. ISBN 0-19-924261-5. Oxford: Clarendon Press 2000.
xviii + 250 pp., figures 1ñ26, plates IñXXXVI.
This volume is different from most volumes of the series. While in
nearly all volumes finds from only one site are presented, in this
volume manuscripts and objects from six sites are published. Manuscripts
and objects are reproduced in drawings on figures and in photographs
on plates. Texts in three languages, Hebrew, Aramaic, and
Greek are presented. This difference is reflected at the lists of words:
Two concordances prepared by S. and C. Pfann (241ñ246) are distinguished,
Hebrew (242ñ243) and Aramaic (243ñ246). Indices to the
Greek Documentary Texts (247ñ250), prepared by N. Cohen, are arranged
according to kind of words, names, special terms, numbers,
general words. In foreword (xvñxvii) Emanuel Tov lists the sites from
which texts were published in the DJD volumes. The finds by Israeli
archaeological missions at other sites are published elsewhere (cf. xv,
notes 1ñ2). Texts in the volume XXXVIII are arranged according to
their sites in sections AñF, and then by numbers. In the following
survey Hebrew biblical manuscripts will be indicated first, then other
texts, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek.
A. Keter Jericho (1ñ113, figures 1ñ26, plates IñXXXI). ñ Archaeological
Introduction (3ñ20, fig. 1ñ15, pl. IñV), by E. Eshel and
B. Zissu. Keter Jericho (v. Joshua 18:12) is a ridge one kilometre
west of Jericho. Texts and objects were discovered in caves during
the excavations in 1986 and 1993. Various finds were recovered.,
from different periods, from Chalcolitic to present. The site, plans of
caves, artefacts, and pottery are described and reproduced on figures
and plates. All texts from the Jericho area written on papyrus. They
103

STANISLAV SEGERT
are numbered 1ñ19 (21ñ113, fig 16ñ24, pls. VIñXXI). Texts 8ñ15
were edited by A. Yardeni. E. Eshel, H. Eshel, and H. Misgav participated
on edition of Aramaic texts, 1ñ3, 6ñ7. Greek texts were edited
by N. Cohen: 4ñ5, 19; and H. M. Cotton: 16ñ18. 11. papDeed or Letter
(73ñ75, fig. 23, pl. XV) concerning a house is written in Hebrew.
Three texts from the 1 st century C. E. are indicated as heb?:
9. papDeed A (67ñ69, fig. 21ñ22, pl. XIIIñXIV) is not well legible.
10. papDeed B (71ñ72, fig. 22, pl. XIV) contains only a few legible
words. 14. papUnclassified Text (81ñ82, fig. 24, pl. XVI) consists of
two small fragments. Some Hebrew and some Aramaic small early
illegible fragments from the 1 st or 2 nd century C. E. are published as
15. papUnqlassified Fragments (83ñ89, fig, 24ñ25, pl. XVIñXVIII).
Aramaic papyri: 1. papList of Loans ar (21ñ30, fig. 16ñ17, pl.
VIñVII), written in formal cursive script, contains names and sums of
money. 2. papDeed of Sale or Lease ar (31ñ36, fig. 18, pl. VIII) concerns
a field. 3. papDeed of Sale ar (37ñ41, fig. 18, pl. VIII).
6. papUnidentified Texts ar (53ñ54, pl. XII): 5 fragments. 7. pap Sale
of Date Crop ar (55ñ62, fig. 19ñ20, pl. XIñXII) is a double document
from the 3 rd year of the Roman Emperor Domitianus, i.e. 84 C. E.
8. papDeed A ar (63ñ65, fig. 21, pl. XIII: 5 fragments. ñ 12. papDeed
B ar (77ñ78, fig. 23, pl. XV). 13. papUnclassified Text ar (79ñ80, fig.
23, pl. XV) is dated on the 18 th year of Emperor Traianus, i.e.
116 C. E. The photographs of these texts are difficult to read, the
letters are better legible in the drawings by A. Yardeni on the figures.
Greek texts are transliterated and provided with diacritical marks.
Texts 4ñ5e are introduced by N. Cohen (43). Fragments año are
grouped and measured. 4. papDeed of Sale or Lease? gr (45ñ47,
pl. IX) is preserved on 4 fragments. 5añd. papUnidentified Texts(s)
gr (49ñ50, pl. X). 5e. papTransaction Concerning Seeds gr (51ñ52,
pl. XI). 19ñ19h.Introduction (101) informs about fragments concerning
measurements and groups. 19. papWritten Order? gr (103ñ105,
pl. XXñXXI). 19b. papList of Witnesses? gr (109, pl. XXñXXI). 19a.
papUnidentified Text A gr (107, pl. XXñXXI). 19cñh. papUnidentified
Texts B gr (111ñ113, pl. XXñXXI). 16. papText Mentioning
the Emperor Hadrian gr (93ñ95, pl. XVIII), written on 1 May
128 C. E. 17. papDeed? gr (97, pl. XIX). 18. papFiscal Acknowledgement
gr (99ñ100, pl. XIX).
104

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
B. Wadi Sdeir (115ñ129). The valley is located west from Ein Gedi
(cf. map, fig. 1). 1. Sdeir Genesis (117ñ124, pl. XXII. G. Murphy.
Two fragmentary columns from the second half of the 1 st
century C. E. 2. papPromissory Note? ar (125ñ129, fig. 26, pl.
XXIII). A. Yardeni. The document was written probably in 135 C. E.
3. and 4. Unidentified Text A and B are presented only on photographs
(pl. XXIII and XXIV), cf. viii.
C. Naḥal Ḥever and Naḥal Ḥever/Wadi Seiyal (131ñ200). Sites
located south-west from EinñGedi. Some fragments were found by
the Bedouin, some by Y. Yadin. Biblical Scrolls: Introductions.
(133ñ135). Scrolls 1ñ4 were originally assigned to J. C. Greenfield;
after he passed away, they were edited by P. Flint. 1a. 5/6 HevNumbers
a (137ñ140, pl. XXIV, 4 frg.). 1b 5/6 HevPsalms (141ñ166, pl.
XXVñXXVII), written after 50 C. E. Remains of 18 psalms on eleven
columns, in stichometric format, usually two cola to the line. 2. XHev/
SeNumbers b (173ñ177, pl. XXIX). 3. SXHev/SeDeuteronomy
(179ñ182, pl. XXIX). 5. XHev/SePhylactery (183ñ191, pl. XXX).
M. Morgenstern and M. Segal. Relatively well preserved passages
from Exodus and Deuteronomy, in small script. 2 8HevPrayer
(167ñ169, pl. XXVIII), and 6. XHev/SeEschatological Hymn
(193ñ200, pl. XXXI). M. Morgenstern. 4. 8Hev papUnidentified Text
gr (171ñ172, pl. XXVIII). H. M. Cotton.
D. Nahal Mishmar (201ñ204). Located halfway between EinñGedi
and Masada. 2. 1Mish papList of Names and Account gr (203ñ204,
pl. XXXII). H. M. Cotton. E. Nahal Ṣeíelim (205ñ228). Located north
from Masada. M. Morgenstern. 2ñ3. 34 Ṣeíelim: Introduction (207).
The documents were discovered in the ìCave of Scrollsî
2. 34SeNumbers (209, pl. XXXIII). 3.34Se papDeed ar (211ñ214,
pl. XXXIV, 12 frg.). H. M. Cotton. 4ñ5.34 Ṣeíelim: Introduction
(215). These and other texts belonged to Jewish refugee hidden
during the Bar Kokhba revolt. 4. 34Se papCensus List from Judaea or
Arabia gr (217ñ225, pls. XXXIVñXXXV, frg. añf). 5. 34Se pap Account
gr (227ñ226, pl. XXXV).
E. Unknown Provenance (229ñ239). 1. XJoshua (231ñ239,
pl. XXXVI). J. Charlesworth. Columns IñIII are related to 4QJosh /
4Q48. Figures: (cf. xiñxii) 1. Map of the Dead Sea Region. 2ñ6. Plans
of caves. 7ñ15. Pottery and artefacts. 16ñ26. Texts and scripts. Plates
105

STANISLAV SEGERT
(cf. xiiiñxiv): IñV. Keter Jericho, view, caves. VIñXXI. Papyri.
XXIñXXXVI. Texts from sites BñF. The preceding survey shows the
variety of sites and finds. The texts were carefully edited by 12 editors,
mostly from Israel. Non-biblical texts are provided with translations.
In comments there are many references to texts from other sites
in the Dead Sea area. This collection supplements previous editions
from sites between Qumran and Masada. Some texts were published
in the DJD series, volumes VIII and XXVII (reviewed in CV 41,
1999, 155ñ159). Other editions of finds from this area are mentioned
(xv, n. 2). Most texts are from the ìPost-Qumranî period, they are in
spite of their mostly fragmentary preservation important sources for
the study of history, especially of the time of Bar Kokhba war.
3.1.22 Miscellanea, 1
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXXVI ñ Qumran Cave 4 XXVI.
Cryptic Texts by Stephen J. Pfann and Miscellanea, Part 1 by Philip
Alexander, Magen Broshi, Esther Chazon, Hannah Cotton, Frank
Moore Cross, Torleif Elgvin, Dorothee Ernst, Esther Eshel, Hanan
Eshel, Joseph Fitzmyer, Florentine GarcÌa MartinÈz, Jonas C. Greenfield,
Menachem Kister, Armin Lange, Erik Larson, AndrÈ Lemaire,
Timothy Lim, Joseph Naveh, Dana Pike, Michael Sokoloff, Hartmut
Stegemann, Annette Steudel, Michael Stone, Loren Stuckenbruck, Shemaryahu
Talmon, Sarah Tanzer, Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar, Emanuel Tov,
Geza Vermes, and Ada Yardeni. ISBN 0-19-827017-8. Oxford: Clarendon
Press 2000. xvi + 739 pp., plates IñXLIX.
This volume is remarkable as it contains many texts, 65 in normal
script and 40 in cryptic script; 31 editors and 2 consultants participated
on its realisation. In the foreword (xvñxvi) E. Tov presents
content of three sections: First contains miscellaneous texts, including
reñeditions, second three ostraca from Khirbet Qumran, third
cryptic texts. Participation of individuals and institutions is appreciated.
First section, Miscellanea (1ñ493) contains texts from 4Q (3ñ483)
and unknown origin (484ñ493). 4Q EnochGiants Aramaic texts are
edited by L. Stuckenbruck: 4Q103 a (8ñ41, pls. IñII, 13 frgs.), 4Q206
frgs. 2ñ3 f (42ñ48, pl. II); also a text unknown in the extant recensions,
106

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
4Q201 frgs. 2ñ8 (107, pl. I). Re-edited texts are presented in 4 appendixes:
1Q23 a (49ñ66). 1Q24 b ? (67ñ72). 2Q26 (73ñ75). 6Q8 pap
(76ñ94). E. J. C. Tigchelaar and F. GarcÌa MartÌnez introduced
40208ñ209 (95ñ103). They belong to the ìsynchronistic calendarî,
arranged according to rising of the moon. 4Q208 Astronomical
Enoch a ar (104ñ131, pls. IIIñIV, 37 frgs.). 4Q209 b ar (132ñ171, pls.
VñVII, 41 frgs.). By E. Chazon and M. Stone: 4Q215a Time of Righteousness
(172ñ184, pl. VIII, 4 frgs.), a poetic eschatological work.
By A. Yardeni: 4Q234 Exertitium Calami A (185ñ186, pl. IX, 1 frg.).
By M. Broshi: 4Q247 Pesher on the Apocalypse of Weeks (187ñ191,
pl. IX, 1 frg.). By M. Broshi and E. Eshel: 4Q248 Historical Text
A (192ñ200, pl. IX, 1 frg.). By H. Stegemann: 4Q269 Damascus
Document d frgs. 10, 11 (Re-edition), 15, 15 (201ñ211, pl. IX). By
J. Fitzmyer: 4Q281añf. Unidentified Fragments A, añf (212ñ215, pl.
X). 4Q282añt B, añt (216ñ227, pls. XñXI). By P. Alexander and
G. Vermes: 4Q285 Sefer ha-Milḥamah (228, pls. XIIñXIII, 10 frgs.),
related to War Scroll 1QM. By E. J. C. Tigchelaar: 4Q294
SapientialñDidactic Work C (247ñ248, pl. XIV, 1 frg.). By T. Lim:
4Q306 Men of the People Who Err (249ñ254, pl. XIV, 3 frgs.), a halakhic
text from the Pre-Qumran period. 4Q307 Text Mentioning
Temple (255ñ258, pl. XIV, 9 frgs.). By J. C. Greenfield and
M. Sokoloff: 4Q318 Zodiology and Brontology ar (259ñ274, pls.
XVñXVI, 7 columns), meteorological omens. By J. Fitzmyer: 4Q33
Historical Text C (275ñ281, pl. XVII, 10 frgs.). 4Q332 D (281ñ286,
pl. XVII, 3 frgs.). 4Q333 E (287ñ289, pl. XVIII, 2 frgs.). By E. Tov:
4Q338 Genealogical List? (290, pl. XIX, illegible). By J. Naveh:
4Q341 Exertitium Calami C (291ñ293, pl. XVIII, 1 frg.). By
H. Cotton: 4Q350 Account gr (294ñ295, pl. XX, 2 frgs.), Greek. By
A. Yardeni: 4Q355 Account ar or heb (296, pl. XX, 2 frgs.), ñ 4Q360
B Exercitium Calami B (297, pl. XX, 1 frg.). By A. Steudel: 4Q408
Apocryphon of Moses c ? (298ñ315, pl. XXI, 17 frgs.), morning and
evening ritual. 4Q410 Vision and Interpretation (316ñ319, pl. XXI,
4trgs.). By S. Tanzer: 4Q419 Instruction-like Composition
A (320ñ332, pl. XXII, 11 frgs.). 4Q424 B (333ñ346, pl. XXIII, 4 + 2
frgs.), collection of wisdom sayings. By A. Lange: 4Q440a
Hodayot-like Text D (347ñ348, pl. XXIV, 1 frg.). 4Q440b Fragment
Mentioning a Court (349ñ350, pl. XXIV, 1 frg.). By E. Chazon:
107

STANISLAV SEGERT
4Q455 Didactic Work C (351ñ352, pl. XXIV, 1 frg.). By E. Larson:
4Q458 Narrative A (353ñ365, pl. XXV, 19 frgs.). 4Q459 Narrative
Work Mentioning Lebanon (366ñ368, pl. XXIV, 19 frgs.). 4Q460
Narrative Work and Prayer (369ñ386, pl. XXVI, lOfrgs.). 4Q461 Narrative
B (387ñ393, pl. XXVII, 5 frgs.). ñ 4Q465 papText Mentioning
Samson? (394ñ395, pl. XXVII, 1 frg.). By D. Pike: 4Q466 Text Mentioning
the Congregation of the Lord (396ñ397, pl. XXVII, 1 frg.).
4Q467 Text mentioning ìLight to Jacobî 398ñ400, pl. XXVII,
2 frgs.). By M. Broshi: 4Q468añd Unidentified Fragments C, añd
(401ñ405, pl. XXVIII, 4 frgs.). 4Q468e Historical Text F (406ñ411,
pl. XXVIII, 1 frg.), mentioning Ptolais, friend of the tetrarch
Archelaus. By A. Lange: 4Q468f Historical Text G (412ñ413,
pl. XXVIII, 1 frg.). 4Q468g Eschatological Work A? (414ñ415,
pl. XVIII, 1 frg.). 4Q468i Sectarian Text? (416ñ417, pl. XXIX,
1 frg.). 4Q468J papUnclassified Fragments (418ñ419, pl. XXIX,
5 frgs.). By D. Ernst and A. Lange: 4Q468k Hymnic Text B?
(420ñ421, pl. XXIX, 1 frg.). ñ 4Q4681 Fragment Mentioning Qoh
1:8ñ9 (422, pl. XXIX, 1 frg.). 4Q468mñbb Unidentified Fragments
D, mñbb (423ñ432). By E. Larson: 4Q469 Narrative I (433ñ438,
pl. XXX, 10 frgs.); J. Strugnell made available his transcriptions. Parallels
to 4Q439. By E. Eshel and H. Eshel: 4Q471 WarñScrollñlike
Text B (439ñ445, pl. XXX, 3 frgs.). By E. Eshel and M. Kister:
4Q471q Polemical Texts (446ñ449, pl. XXXI, 1 frg.). By T. Elgvin:
4Q472 Eschatological Work B (450ñ455, pl. XXXI, 2 frgs.). 4Q474
Text Concerning Rachel and Joseph (456ñ463, pl. XXXI, 1 frgs.).
4Q475 Renewed Earth (464ñ473, pl. XXXI, 1 frg.). By E. Eshel:
4Q477 Rebukes Reported by the Overseer (474ñ483, pl. XXXII,
3frgs.).
Qumran Texts of Unknown Origin. ñ They are marked by X before
Q. By S. Talmon: XQ5a Text A (= 11Q Jub. frg. 7a) (485ñ486, pl. XII,
1 frg.). XQ5b Text B (= 11Q Hymns b frg. 2) (487ñ468, pl. XXII,
1 frg.). By A. Lemaire, in French: XQ6 Offering ar (490ñ491,
pl. XXII, 1 frg.). By A. Lange: XQ7 Unidentified Text (492ñ493,
pl. XXXII, 1 frg.).
The second section of the volume (495ñ512): Ostraca from Khirbet
Qumran. They were found at the wall between the community centre
and the cemetery (497). By F. M. Cross and E. Eshel: KhQ[1]
108

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Ostracon (497ñ507, pl. XXXIII). The shred of a large jar contains
a draft or a copy of a deed of gift. KhQ[2]Ostracon (508, pl. XXXIV).
By E. Eshel: KhQ[3]Ostracon (509ñ512, pl. XXXIV), scribal exercise.
The third section, 3. Cryptic Texts (513ñ701) were edited by
S. J. Pfann. He provided his edition of texts 4Q249añz and 250añj
with a detailed introduction (515ñ546). Pfann explains the arrival of
the papyrus fragments to the Museum in Jerusalem. J. T. Milik was
assigned these manuscripts in 1955. More than 250 fragments are
analysed and edited (cf. 615ñ516). Physical description (517ñ539)
deals especially with papyrus, its fibres, colours and also with Carbonñ14
dating, pointing to the 2 nd century B. C. E. Script styles are
characterised. Letters are described and presented in drawings (cf.
526ñ532). Most community manuscripts written in the 2 nd century
B. C. E. were written in cryptic A script. In this early period of the
community the priority of Serekh ha-ëEdah ñ 1QSa, Rule of the Congregation
ñ can be observed.
In appendix 1 (534ñ543) a critical edition of this text is presented,
in reconstruction and with translation and analysis. In appendix 2
(544ñ546) on basis of redaction stages of Serekh ha-ëEdah three periods
of development of the Qumran community are presented: (1)
initial priests, (2) the Teacher of Righteousness, (3) maskilim ñ ìMastersî.
Cryptic A texts 249añz, 250añj, 313, 313a and 313b (547ñ701,
pls. XXXVñXLIX) are edited similarly to other Hebrew texts, with
transcriptions in standard Hebrew letters. The text 4Q249 Midrash
Sefer Moshe is presented only on photograph (pl. XLIX), with reference
to transcription in DJD XXXV (cf. supra, 3.2.14).
Each text is presented in individual edition; in the following survey
texts are listed in groups, without references to pages and plates
of individual editions. Texts are marked as 4Qpap cryptA. 4Q249añi
pap CryptA 4QSerekh ha-ëEdah (547ñ574, pls. XXXVñXXXVII).
Most texts consist from 1 fragment only; 4Q249g (563ñ568) has 7
fragments. Some texts are reconstructed with help of 1QSa. 4Q249j
Leviticus h ? (575ñ568, pl. XXXVII). 4Q249kñl Text Quoting Leviticus
A, B (578ñ582, pl. XXXVIII). 4Q249m Hodayotñlike Text E
(583ñ584, pl. XXXVIII). 4Q249nño Liturgical Work E?, F?
(585ñ587, pl. XXXVIII). 4Q249p Prophecy? (588ñ589, pl. XXXIX).
109

STANISLAV SEGERT
4Q249q Fragment Mentioning the Planting (591ñ592, pl. XXXIX).
4Q249rñy Unidentified Text AñH (592ñ602, pls. XXXIXñXL).
4Q249z Miscellaneous Texts A (603ñ677, pls. XLIñXLV). 182 very
small fragments are exactly described. 4Q250ñ250a Text Concerning
Cultic Service A, B? (678ñ681, pl. XLVI). 4Q250b Text Related to
Isaiah 11 (682, pl. XLVI). 4Q250-i Unidentified Text I ñ 0 (683ñ693,
pls. XLVIIñXLVIII). 4Q250J Miscellaneous Texts B (694ñ696, pl.
XLVIII). 4Q313 Miqṣat Ma c asíeh ha-Torah g (697ñ699, pl. XLIX).
4Q313añb Unidentified Text P, Q (700ñ701, pl. XLIX).
Concordances (703ñ739) were prepared by S. and G. Pfann: Hebrew
(705ñ725) and Aramaic (726ñ739). Photographs are presented
on plates IñXLIX. Some are slightly enlarged. KhQ[l]Ostracon is reproduced
in a clear drawing (pl. XXXIII). Texts in this volume
XXXVI are presented in a manner corresponding to that in the other
volumes, even as many texts differ in form and in content from the
majority of Qumran texts. The ostraca from Khirbet Qumran were
written in the middle of the 1 st century C. E. in vulgar script, different
from styles used in texts written on skin or papyrus. The appearance
and the site of ostraca point to their marginal role; because of it they
may be used for research of the background of the Qumran community.
In DJD XXXVI only Cryptic A texts are published, the Cryptic
B and C texts are listed ñ 4Q362, 363, 363ab ñ as those to be published
elsewhere (xv). This information does not agree with that in
the Study Edition (reviewed in CV 41/1999: 170ñ193) pp. 718ñ719,
according to which these cryptic texts are to be published in DJD
XXXVI. In the introduction to the cryptic texts (515) it is mentioned
that in 1955 J. T. Milik was assigned the manuscripts in esoteric
script. This information is provided with reference to the book by
F. M. Cross, The Library of Qumran (reviewed in CV 40/1998:
64ñ67).where the deciphering of the script by Milik is evaluated
(p. 45).
Cryptic A texts published in DJD XX and XXXV and to be published
in DJD XXI in 2001 are listed in the foreword (xv). Thus all
Cryptic A texts will be available. The careful edition by S. Pfann can
serve as model for the future edition of Cryptic B and C texts. Pfann
has used his Analysis of redaction stages of Serekh ha-ëEdah for
establishing stages of the Qumran community (544ñ546). This
110

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
method and its results deserve further attention. Large space in the
section 1 (3ñ171) is devoted to Enoch texts. The importance of Enochic
traditions was discussed by G. Boccaccini in his book Beyond
the Essene Hypothesis (to be reviewed in ìAccess VI). Some manuscripts
in the section 1. Miscellanea supplement the evidence from
manuscripts already published, many contain fragments of works
known only from these new finds. The names of editors of these
difficult texts are indicated in contents (viiñix). Information about
institutions in which they are active would be welcome. As these
editors also contributed to Encyclopedia (reviewed in CV, v. infra
7.12), its directory (1057ñ1065) provides basic data. The careful editions
of texts is in many respects difficult in Miscellanea, Part 1, will
be gratefully used. And the users can express best wishes for the
edition of Part 2.
Addition
3.1.23 Parabiblical texts, Part 4
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXX ñ Qumran Cave 4 XXI. Parabiblical
Texts, Part 4. Pseudo-prophetic Texts. By Devorah Dimant.
Partially Based on Earlier Transcriptions by John Strugnell.
ISBN 0-19-924542-8. Oxford: Clarendon Press 2001. xiv + 278 pp.,
plates IñXII. Price $ 55.00.
Parabiblical texts, parts 1ñ3, DJD volumes XII, XIV, XXII, were
reviewed previously (v. supra 3.1.11ñ13). While these previous volumes
were edited by co-operation of more editors, this volume XXX
was edited by one editor, Devorah Dimant, Professor at the University
of Haifa. In the foreword (xi) Emanuel Tov, editor-in-chief, explains
the content of this last volume of the series: rewriting of books
of Ezekiel and Jeremiah. The co-operation on its production is highly
appreciated. Devorah Dimant wrote the preface (xiiiñxiv). She explains
that she was in 1985 invited by John Strugnell to work on the
editing. The complex work was supported by persons and institutions
on three continents. In the general introduction (1ñ3) the process of
work is traced since 1956. The classification of fragments is explained.
The volume XXX contains two works: A. Pseudo-Ezekiel
111

STANISLAV SEGERT
(5ñ88, plates IñIII); B. Apocryphon of Jeremiah (89ñ260, plates
IVñXII). The concordance (261ñ278) by S. and C. Pfann contains
Hebrew words of both works. Hebrew letters on photographic reproductions
of fragments (plates IñXII) are well legible, even those from
badly damaged originals. Both sections are provided with substantial
introductions (7ñ16; 91ñ116). Physical descriptions, information
about content, orthography and grammar precede the Hebrew texts,
notes on readings, translations and comments follow them. In passages
entitled ìAnalysisî various problems are explained and discussed.
In the introduction to 4QPseudo-Ezekiel (7ñ16) the title given by
J. Strugnell is explained. Pseudo-Ezekiel has some features not represented
in Apocryphon to Jeremiah, and it does not exhibit sectarian
terminology which is attested with some other affinities in the Apocryphon
of Jeremiah. Six copies of Pseudo-Ezekiel represented in the
fragments are shortly described. Some contain the Vision of the Dry
Bones. Language and style of Pseudo-Ezekiel follow the canonical
book, grammar and orthography are close to Masoretic tradition.
Some relations to non-sectarian ancient Jewish literature can be observed.
And some affinities concerning resurrection can be seen in
early Christian literature. Nearly all copies of Pseudo-Ezekiel were
written in the half century before the beginning of the Christian era.
The composition of Pseudo-Ezekiel fits well in mid-second century
B. C. E. The reorganisation of fragments led to some changes of their
numbers; they follow now the supposed sequences of texts. Unidentified
fragments are marked by capital letters. 4Q385 AQPseudo-
Ezekiel a (17ñ51, plate I, fragments 1ñ6) is partially reconstructed in
6 columns (cf. 18). Future resurrection of Israel follows Ezekiel cc.
37ñ38. Analysis (31ñ37) points to interpretative character of
Pseudo-Ezekiel. 4Q386 (53ñ69, pl. II, frgs. 1ñ2) is compared with
other contemporary texts. Historical personalities and events are identified
(55ñ59). 4Q385b c (71ñ75, pl. Ill, 1 frg.) mentions Egypt.
4Q388 d (77ñ84, pl. Ill, frg. 1ñ7). 4Q385a Unidentified Fragments
(85ñ88, pl. Ill, frgs. AñG).
The introduction to 4QApocryphon of Jeremiah (91ñ116) begins
with identification of the work. Six extant copies of Apocryphon of
Jeremiah C are characterised and similar texts mentioned. Some pas-
112

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
sages contain episodes from biblical history, some express events
from the Second Temple period, some are probably connected with
eschatological events; cf. sequence table (99ñ100). The prose is written
in biblical style. Biblical locutions are listed as are those known
from Qumran literature. The portrayal of Jeremiah (105ñ107) differs
in some points from biblical model. Apocryphon of Jeremiah is related
to some apocryphal and pseudepigraphic texts, especially to the
Enochic ones, and also to Qumran texts. In Apocrypha of Jeremiah
events are presented in chronological sequence. This Apocryphon
was composed probably about 125ñ100 B. C. E.
Before Apocryphon of Jeremiah C a similar text, Apocryphon of
Jeremiah A is published. Another manuscript 4Q384 4QpapApocryphon
of Jeremiah B? was published by M. Smith in DJD XIX, cf.
supra 3.1.12. Also the text 4Q470 published in DJD XIX may be
related (95). 4Q383 4QApocryphon of Jeremiah A (117ñ127, pl. IV,
frgs. 1ñ6, AñC) is clearly linked to the prophet. 4Q385a 4QApocryphon
of Jeremiah C a (131ñ171, pls. IVñVI, frgs. 1ñ18, AñK) is
the largest collection of fragments. 4Q387 b (173ñ199, pls. VIIñVIII,
frgs. 1ñ9, A), fragments from the middle and later parts of the scroll.
4Q388a c (201ñ217, pls. VIIIñIX, frgs. 1ñ7, AñI). 4Q389 d (219ñ234,
pls. IXñX, frgs. 1ñ9, AñE). 4Q390 e (235ñ253, pl. XI, frgs. 1ñ8).
4Q387a f (255ñ260, pl. XII, frgs. 1ñ9).
The volume XXX is result of very demanding activity. Devorah
Dimant very carefully classified the fragments and presented them in
appropriate sequence. In her detailed comments she applied her profound
knowledge of Jewish post-biblical literature. Especially important
are passages entitled ìAnalysis,î in which she discussed difficult
problems and offered many valid solutions. Her edition of two
pseudo-prophetic texts is valuable contribution to the study of Dead
Sea scrolls. These texts are important for interpretation of prophetic
books, for the history of the Second Temple period, and for understanding
of eschatology (cf. 96). Their reliable edition will be effectively
and gratefully used for further research in these fields which
deserve more attention.
113

STANISLAV SEGERT
3.1.24 Aramaic Texts, I
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXXI Qumr‚n Grotte 4 XXII,
Textes aramÈens, Première partie 4Q329ñ549. Par …mile Puech.
ISBN 19-827026-7. Oxford: Clarendon 2001. xvill + 434 pp., pls.
IñXXII. Price USD 80.00
This volume is in French, like the previous volumes II, III, VI, VII,
XXV. Like the volume XXV (v. supra, 3.1.20), this volume was edited
by …mile Puech, Director of Research at the Centre National de
Recherche Scientifique in Paris, who works at the …cole biblique et
archÈologique francaise in Jerusalem. And like volume XXV, also
this volume is dedicated to the memory of Jean Starcky. The English
foreword (xi) was written by Professor Emanuel Tov, editor-in-chief
of the DJD series. The manuscripts 4Q521ñ578 were originally assigned
to Jean Starcky. …mile Puech continued the editorial work.
The remaining texts have to be published in DJD volume XXXVII.
The work on production, done in Jerusalem, is appreciated. The editor
of the volume, …mile Puech, remembers in the French preface
(xiiiñxvi) the work of Jean Starcky on the Aramaic texts. Some were
published by J. T. Milik. Identification and arrangements of texts is
explained. The texts in this volume are related to biblical personalities.
Several texts are testaments.
A. Paroles de Michel. 4Q529 (1ñ8, pl. I, 2 fragments).The title
ìWords of book which Michael said to anglesî introduces a vision.
B. Livre des GÈants. 4Q530ñ533, 203 1. Livre des GÈants bñe : Introduction
(9ñ16). These texts were identified with help of Manichean
Book of Giants, preserved in Middle Persian and other versions, Book
of Giants, related to the Book of Enoch, was composed probably in
the second century B. C. E. 4Q203 1 Livre des GÈants a (17ñ18, pl. I,
1 frg.) is republished as appendix. 4Q530 b (19ñ47, pls. IñII, 20 frgs.).
4Q531 c (49ñ94, pls. IIIñV, 47 frgs.). 4Q532 d (95ñ104, pl. VI, 2 frgs.).
4Q533 e (105ñ115, pl. VI, 8 frgs.).
C. Naissance de NoÈ. 4Q534ñ536. Naissance de NoÈ añc : Introduction
(117ñ127). Birth of Noah text was recognised as such after various
scholarly opinions were expressed. Noah was Elect of God. The
text was composed about 160 B. C. E. 4Q534 a (129ñ152, pls. VIIñIX,
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ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
7 frgs.); 4Q535 b (163ñ159, pl. X, 3 frgs.); 4Q536 c (161ñ170, pl. X, 4
frgs.).
D. Testament de Jacob. 4Q537 Testament de Jacob? (171ñ190, pl.
XII, 25 frgs.) Composed in the Pre-Qumranian period.
E. Testament de Juda 4Q538 (191ñ199, pl. XII, 4 frgs.) was recognised
by relations to Genesis and Jubilees.
F. Testament de Joseph 4Q539 (201ñ211, pl. XII, 5 frgs.) can be
compared to Greek Testament of Joseph.
G. Apocryphe de LÈvi. 4Q540ñ541 Apocryphe de LÈvi añb ?: Introduction.
(213ñ216) Contacts with other texts mentioning Levi can be
observed. 4Q540 a ? (217ñ223, pl. XII, 3 frgs.); 4Q541 b ? (225ñ256,
pls. XIIIñXIV, 24 frgs.).
H. Testament de Qahat 4Q542 (257ñ282, pl. XV, 3 frgs.). Parting
of Qahat and his son and heir ëAmram.
I. Visions de ë Amram. 4Q543ñ549 añb : Introduction (283ñ288). In
this texts composed about 150 B. C. E. some similarities to the Samaritan
tradition were observed by J. T. Milik. 4Q543 a (289ñ318,
pls. XVIñXVIII, 46 frgs.). 4Q544 b (319ñ329, pl. XVIII, 3 frgs.)
4Q545 c (331ñ349, pl. XIX, 12 frgs.). 4Q546 d (351ñ374, pl. XX, 25
frgs.). 4Q547 e (375ñ390. pl. XXI, 9 frgs.); 4Q548 f (391ñ398, pl.
XXII, 3 frgs.); 4Q549 g ? (399ñ405, pl. XXII, 2 frgs.). There are many
parallels between these manuscripts.
The concordance (407ñ439) prepared by S. and C. Pfann contains
all the Aramaic words. Words with morphemes B-, H-, K-, L- are
listed in their alphabetic order without respect to these morphemes.
Plates IñXXII present clear photographs of the fragments, made with
help of infra-red rays. As such photograph was not available for
4Q537 1, Puech offered a drawing (cf. xiv).
The edition of Aramaic texts found in Qumran caves is more detailed
than that of Hebrew texts. It was necessary to identify texts
preserved on fragments. It was necessary to locate the texts in the
Jewish literature of the Pre-Qumranian period, before the middle of
the second century B. C. E., preserved mostly in later reworking and
translations. Puech successfully applied his wide and profound knowledge
and appropriate methodology.
The introductions to text editions deal with identification and
characterisation of fragmentary works. In the passages of palaeogra-
115

STANISLAV SEGERT
phy all letters are described in alphabetic order. The observations
are used for determining dates of the manuscripts. The paragraphs
on orthography and language present conveniently these features on
separate lines. If there are faults or corrections in the manuscripts,
they are dealt with before the editions. The Aramaic texts are presented
in usual Hebrew letters. The notes on readings are added.
French translations are arranged in usual manner, in lines corresponding
to those of the originals. Problematic renderings are presented
in Italics. In some instances two different translations are presented
(cf. 4Q530 frg. 5 1, p. 27; 4Q534 frg 1 i 11, p. 134).
Comments following and explaining the translations are very detailed.
Previous interpretations are discussed, relations to biblical and
other ancient texts are evaluated. Many original interpretations and
observations are included.
Even as some texts were copied in the Qumran area, they were
mostly composed in the Pre-Qumranian era (cf. 259) and brought to
the Essene library. These texts are important for the study of Judaism
in the Second Temple period, of Bible interpretation and of the cultural
background. Some studies will be made possible as the remaining
Aramaic texts from the cave 4 will be published, and all Aramaic
texts from the Qumran area will be available. It will be possible
to prepare a book on the Aramaic of the Dead Sea Scrolls. The effectively
used book The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls by Elisha
Qimron (Atlanta: Scholars Press 1986; reviewed in Catholic Biblical
Quarterly 50/1988: 308ñ309) can serve as model. The excellent
edition of the first part of Aramaic texts from the Qumran cave 4
will be highly appreciated by its users. They may wish that …mile
Puech publish such outstanding edition of the second part in near
future.
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ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
7. Collections or articles
In this section the review of the Encyclopedia containing about
450†articles is presented (7.12).
7.12 Encyclopedia.
ISBN 0-19-508450-0: Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Lawrence
H. Schiffman, James C. VanderKam, editors in chief. Oxford
University Press (New York) 2000. Volume 1, pp. iñxiv, 1ñ594. Volume
2, [iñiv] 595ñ1132. (21 ◊ 28 cm). Price USD 295.00.
The purpose of this encyclopaedia is to present to scholars and to
lay people the results of research in the half century since the discovery
of the Dead Sea Scrolls and to let them know the information
relevant for the history of our civilisation (vii). Both editors in chief
are well known experts, some of their publications were reviewed in
this journal (CV 36/1994, 264; 38/1996, 140, 150, 154ñ158; and
38/1996, 139, 144ñ145, 159ñ160). Also other members of the editorial
board (cf. ii) are known for their work on the Scrolls: editors:
George J. Brooke, John J. Collins, Florentine GarcÌa MartinÈz, Eileen
M. Schuller, Emanuel Tov, Eugene Ulrich; consultant Ephraim Stern;
advisers: Joseph A. Fitzmyer, Jonas C. Greenfield, …mile Puech, Hartmut
Stegemann. In the Directory of Contributors (1057ñ1065)
179†persons are listed, mostly professors, also researchers in museums,
independent scholars, and even graduate students. Most of them
from the United States, many from Canada and from Israel, and also
some from 9 European countries. Articles contributed by them are
listed.
In the preface (viiñxiv) the editors in chief explain how the encyclopaedia
was conceived as all the texts became available in the
1990s. They point to their importance for history of Judaism and
Christianity. The collections are shortly described and characterised.
Qumran scrolls found at the site of the community occupied from
about 134 B. C. E. until 68 C. E. are from the last three centuries
B. C. E. and the first century C. E. Samaria papyri discovered at
Wadi-ed-Daliyeh are Aramaic texts from the 4 th century B. C. E. Bar
Kokhba texts from the 2 nd century C. E. were found in valleys south
117

STANISLAV SEGERT
of Qumran; also texts in various languages from the Iron Age to the
Byzantine period were discovered in this area. Masada provided Hebrew
and Aramaic texts from the period before 73 C. E. (cf. 520).
Khirbet Mird yielded Greek, Christian Palestinian Aramaic and Arabic
texts from the Byzantine period, and later (cf. 564). The purpose
of the Encyclopedia is to encompass all scholarship on the scrolls to
date. The work started in 1992. The design relates to 8 conceptual
categories.
How to use the Encyclopedia (xiiñxiv): The headwords of articles
indicate independent entries, or composite entries, where groups
of related topics provide appropriate contexts, or blind entries, referring
to other entries concerning the subject. Bibliographies at the
end of articles provide information about basic studies. The Encyclopedia
sums the recent accomplishments and points to future tasks.
Those who supported the work on the Encyclopedia are appreciated.
The number of articles is indicated as 450; they are printed on pp.
1ñ1012, two columns on a page. The entries are accompanied by
bibliographies. Some long entries consist of several articles: ìQumranî
(733ñ746): Archaeology by Magen Broshi; ìWritten materialsî,
by Devorah Dimant; ìMasadaî (515ñ525): Archaeology, by Jodi
Magness; ìHistoryî, by Hanan Eshel; ìWritten materialî, by Shemaryahu
Talmon; ìDaniel, Book ofî (170ñ178): Hebrew and Aramaic
Text, by Eugene Ulrich; Greek Additions, by George
W. E. Nickelsburg; Pseudo-Daniel, by John J. Collins. In some entries
are tables (v. 109, 458ñ459; cf. 1073) Neither pictures nor maps
are contained in this encyclopedia; some information can be seen in
bibliographies.
Very useful indexes are at the end of volume 2: ìProvisional List of
Documents from the Judean Desertî (1013ñ1049); ìIndex of Document
Names to Document Numbersî (1051ñ1056); ìDirectory of Contributorsî
(1057ñ1065); ìSynoptic Outline of Contentsî (1067ñ1071);
ìIndexî (1073ñ1132).
Beyond the alphabetic arrangement of entries the orientation in
this rich treasury of data is provided by the innovative synoptic outline.
On its first page (1067) the general conceptual categories are
listed. Then (1068ñ1071) the entries are presented according to them.
Among ìPlaces of General Importanceî most attention is devoted to
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ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
ìJudeaî (440ñ455): Economy, Flora, Fauna, Geography, History.
ìArchaeological Sites and Written Materialî are presented. Material
remains are fisted in two classes, ìArchitectureî and ìArtefacts and
Remainsî, including ìWriting Materialsî (996ñ997).
ìWritten Material Discovered in the Judean Desertî are introduced
by ìOverviewî, informing about general entries, such as ìAlphabetsî
(18ñ20), ìPoetryî (679ñ681), and about categories of texts, such as
ìCalendars and Mishmarotî (108ñ117), ìInterpretation of Scripturesî
(376ñ383), ìScripturesî: Texts, Translations, Quotation and Use
(832ñ842). ìWisdom Textsî (976ñ980).
Among ìTextsî discovered are: Hebrew Scripture, ìPsalms, Book
ofî (702ñ710), Biblical Text, Apocryphal Psalms; ìEzekiel, Book ofî
(279ñ284), Biblical Text, Pseudo-Ezekiel; previously known compositions
pseudepigraphs; previously unknown compositions ñ 47 texts,
including Hodayot, Pesher Habakkuk, Rule of the Community (ÿ·d
Jednoty), Temple Scroll.
ìLanguages and Scriptsî: Arabic, Aramaic, Greek, Hebrew, Latin,
also: Languages, Names of God, Orthography, Palaeography, Scribal
Practices.
ìRelated Ancient Textsî are listed including Mishna and Tosephta,
Talmudim, Josephus Flavius, Philo Judaeus, Christian ñ New Testament,
Other Christian Writings.
ìHistoryî: ìPolitical, Military and Economic Historyî. ìReligious
History: Jewish Groups ñ also Karaites ñ, Christian Groups ñ also
Jewish Christians, Other Religious Groups and Movements ñ also
Gnosticism.
ìBeliefs, Institutions and Practices:î ìBeliefs,î including Dualism,
Eschatology, God, Messiahs, Warfare, and Religious Beliefs,
Qumran Sect. ìInstitutions:î Community Organisation, Priests, et al.
ìPracticesî: including Celibacy, Mysticism, Sabbath, and Worship,
Qumran Sect.
ìFiguresî: ìHebrew Biblical Figuresî, ìSobriquetsî, including
Teacher of the Righteousness; ìContemporaneous Figuresî: Jesus
(404ñ408), John the Baptist (418ñ421), Bar Kokhba, Shim c on, and
various rulers.
ìScroll Researchî: ìResearch, Publication and Preservationî, including
Scroll Research, Publication, Discoveries in the Judaean
119

STANISLAV SEGERT
Desert, Revue de Qumr‚n, Museums and Collections, Scroll Research.
ìTools and Methods of Studyî: Archaeological Surveys, Carbonñ14
Dating, Photography and Computer Imaging, Research Tools.
ìKey Individuals and Institutionsî: 15 individuals, 10 institutions.
This selective survey shows how competently the richness of materials
and ideas is made accessible to users of this encyclopaedia.
Also most helpful is the arrangement of ìIndexî (1073ñ1132). The
primary essays on the topics are referred to page numbers in boldface.
Tables are denoted by page numbers in italics, cf. 109, calendars;
458ñ459, judicial procedures: penalties. Names of contributors
are accompanied by references to pages of their articles. Titles of
books and texts are printed in italics. Items are printed at beginning
of lines, related topics are a little shifted aside. Their large numbers
make it possible to trace various contacts of items. And the great
number of items and related topics enables to penetrate into the data
in the manuscripts and their various connections.
ìProvisional List of Documents from the Judean Desertî
(1013ñ1049) is characterised as such in its title (1013). Information
from the list published by E. Tov in 1999 (cf. CV 41/1999, 181) is
added; additional text sigla in brackets [], names of texts.
Those texts which were written on papyrus are marked by the
abbreviation pap; the other texts were written on leather. Also the
languages of texts are indicated by abbreviations: ar ñ Aramaic, nab ñ
Nabatean, gr ñ Greek, lat ñ Latin, arab ñArabic; Hebrew texts are not
marked, only rarely the abbreviation heb is used.
Text numbers are in the first column, the official sigla in the second
column, the third column provides name or description in Encyclopedia;
if 1999 names are different, they are presented in the fourth column.
The largest corpus, documents from Qumran (Q; 1013ñ1034), is
followed by texts from Masada (Mas; 1034ñ1035), Murabba c at (Mur;
1035ñ1039), Wadi Sdeir, Naḥal Ḥever, Nahal Ṣeíelim (Seiyal)
(1039ñ1044), Nahal Mishmar, Wadi Ghweir, Wadi enñNar (1044),
Wadi edñDaliyeh (1044ñ1045), Khirbet Mird (1045ñ1049).
The orientation in this complete up-to-date list is facilitated by the
ìIndex of Document Names to Document Numbersî(1051ñ156);
names and also types are related to numbers in the first column of the
120

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Provisional List. The list of documents shows quantity and variety of
the Dead Sea Scrolls. The Encyclopedia provides relevant data, places
them in context, and points to previous and also future research. Appropriate
attention is devoted to modern research methods: ìCarbonñ14
Datingî, Gregory L. Doudna (120ñ121); ìPhotography and
Computer Imagining,î Bruce Zuckerman and Kenneth Zuckerman
(669ñ675).
Problems which were or are still discussed are presented with exact
substantiation of facts, clear formulation leads to their understanding.
At the end of the entry ìGnosticismî (313ñ317) Birger
A. Pearson concludes that this movement arose from Jewish apocalyptic
traditions, attested also in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Michael
A. Knibb gives detailed information about ìTeacher of Righteousnessî
(918ñ921), who cannot be identified with a known historical
figure. For the date and authenticity of ìCopper Scrollî (144ñ148) Al
Wolters quotes 6 major theories; he himself considers the treasure
authentic, belonging to the Jerusalem Temple before 68 C. E.
A few entries appear unusual. ìAeneidî (10ñ11; Eugene Ulrich) is
description of the very small fragment of this poem by Virgil, found
at Masada. ìElephantine Textsî (241ñ246) are from the 5 th century
B. C. E.; Bezalel Porten compares the forms of these Aramaic letters
and documents with those of Hebrew and Aramaic texts from the
2 nd †century C. E. found in the caves south of the Qumran area. Among
15†individuals important for the work on the Dead Sea Scrolls (cf.
1071) there is one born in Vienna and raised in Brno, Czechoslovakia.
The article ìLicht, Jacobî (494ñ495) was contributed by Bilha
Nitzan. She informs about his life (1922ñ1992), about his position of
professor of Bible at Tel Aviv University, and about his works on the
Dead Sea Scrolls (Cf. J·kob Licht. éivot a dÌlo, Religio 4, 1996,
194ñ200).
Among the contributors to Encyclopedia are former students of
this reviewer, from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, James
M. Lichtenberger ñ ìLettersî (480ñ485), and from University of California,
Los Angeles: James R. Davila ñ ìExodus, Book ofî
(277ñ279), ìGenesis, Book ofî (299ñ300), ìOrthographyî (625ñ628;
Hebrew, Aramaic), and Robert Good ñ ìJacobî (395ñ396), ìJosephî
(425ñ426), ìJudahî (438ñ439). Professor of Biblical Studies at this
121

STANISLAV SEGERT
University, William M. Schniedewind contributed the entry ìManasseh,
Kingî (504ñ505).
This short review could point only to a few features of the magnificent
Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls. The more it will be read
and used, the more its qualities will be appreciated. In these two large
volumes many data are contained which without its help should be
sought in various, often not easily accessible, publications. Students
and those who aspire to be acquainted with this important discovery
can study the topics systematically, with help of the synoptic outline.
Researchers can find required information, for which they should
otherwise go to libraries. The contributors, the editors, and all who
produced this Encyclopedia, deserve gratitude of its users. This reviewer
can appreciate, how helpful this Encyclopedia will be, as he
will continue his work on the Czech translation of the Dead Sea
Scrolls, which is now being prepared in co-operation with the Centre
of Biblical Studies at the Protestant Theological Faculty of Charles
University in Prague.
8. Books about Dead Sea Scrolls
Even as two prominent scholars in this field, David Flusser and Jakob
Licht, were of Czech origin, relatively few books have been published
in Czech languages. Now an important book by David Flusser
is available.
8.1.0 A book by David Flusser in Czech translation.
David Flusser, EsejskÈ dobrodruûstvÌ ñ éidovskÈ spoleËenstvÌ od MrtvÈho
mo¯e. »eho si lze povöimnout u JeûÌöe, Pavla, DidachÈ a Martina
Bubera. Praha: Oik˙menÈ 1999. 200 pp. [Translated from German
by Petr Sl·ma.]
The development of this book is explained in the introduction
(11ñ13): First part was prepared for Israel broadcast in 1982, then
published in Hebrew in 1985, translated into English in 1989, from it
to German in 1992. German edition, extended by three additional
essays appeared in 1994 in Cardun Verlag, Winterthur, Das essenische
122

ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Abenteuer. Auff‰ligkeiten bei Jesus, Paulus, Didache und Martin Buber.
In the introduction Flusser also appreciates the importance of the
Scrolls and of the Essene sect. The foreword (7ñ10) was contributed
by Clemens Thoma, Professor in Luzern. He evaluates Flusserís work
on Qumran, especially his interpretation of liturgical esoterics. Even
more important is Flusserís interpretation of the New Testament.
In the first part the Jewish community of the Dead Sea is
charactericed by (14ñ94). Flusser informs about Essenes, who isolated
themselves, and also about Pharisees and Sadducees (14ñ26).
For the period from about 100 B. C. E. to the war with Romans in the
second half of the 1 st century C. E., Flusser used Flavius Josephus as
main source (26ñ32). According to Flusser it is possible that Juda the
Essene, who predicted the killing of Antigonos was the Teacher of
Righteousness, the founder of the sect (cf. 28; 31n, 68). The life and
organisation of the sect are described (32ñ38). Relations of the sect to
other Israelites are characterised (38ñ50). Essene theological system
(50ñ94) is presented: predestination (50ñ56), antagonism between
spirit and body (56ñ61), history of humanity (61ñ67), apocalyptic
and its literature (67ñ80), hate through love (80ñ87), faith in messiah
(88ñ94).
The second part (95ñ120) is devoted to the Doctrine of Twelve
Apostles and to Jesus. The Jewish model for the first part of Doctrine
ñ Didache ñ is known from the Latin version, Doctrina apostolorum.
Jewish Two Ways are known also from the Qumran Rule of
the Community (1QS, ÿ·d Jednoty). These texts are compared with
the message of Jesus in Matthew 5:17ñ48.
The third part (121ñ152) deals with Essenes and Christianity. In
the introduction (121ñ126) Flusser criticised some recent publications.
The Scrolls are useful for the study of various trends in Early
Christianity, Jesus and Christology are compared with some features
in the Essene texts. Also Qumran and the early church are compared
(138ñ152). Qumran Scrolls help to find what is important in ancient
Judaism and Christianity.
The last, fourth part (153ñ192) on two types of faith according to
Buber was published in German as epilogue to Buberís book on this
topic. Only few direct relations to the Dead Sea Scrolls are contained
in this part: a reference to the Commentary to Habakkuk (164,
123

STANISLAV SEGERT
n. 458); Essene interpretation of Psalm 143:2 in the Thanksgiving
Hymns, according to which man can be justified only by Godís grace
(166ñ167). Martin Buber distinguished two types of faith, emuna ñ
Jewish, and pistis ñ Christian.
Four parts of the book are provided with 529 notes, references to
Bible and literature, and explanations. In the bibliography (193ñ199)
36 Flusserís publications are listed. The translator, Petr Sl·ma, added
to some notes references to Czech publications. In his note (199) he
explains that he used Czech ecumenical Bible translation, for Didache
quotations the translation by Dan Dr·pal (1985; cf. 95, n. 190), for
quotations from the Dead Sea Scrolls the translation by this reviewer
which is being prepared for publication in Prague.
Even as Flusser grew up, studied and taught in Prague (cf. ìOsmdes·t
let profesora Davida Flusseraî, the article to his 80 th birthday,
Religio 5, 1997, 69ñ80), the book reviewed here is his first publication
in Czech, which was his main language.
In the first part Flusser presents the Essene community according
to Scrolls and other sources. He uses his thorough knowledge of texts
and the results of research. He complements them by his original
observations. Also the relevance of the ancient ideas for the later
times is stressed; Flusser points to Erasmus, Luther, and Calvin†(146),
to Tolstoy and Gandhi (80ñ81,87). The ancient texts and ideas are
presented in manner well understandable to the broader public. This
approach reminds this reviewer how Flusser taught similar topics of
Jewish history and culture in his weekly course of Modern Hebrew,
held in the Oriental Institute in Prague in early 1950s. Flusser was
teaching the language during the first hour, in the second hour he was
acquainting his grateful audience with values of Judaism.
Second and third part of this book introduce the readers in the
research on relations between Judaism and early Christianity, the area
in which Flusser is one of the leading scholars. He contributes substantially
to better mutual contacts between Jews and Christians. The
fourth part evaluates one work of Martin Buber, the great philosopher,
with whom Flusser, a philologist was in close contact (cf. 153).
Both were professors at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. While
this reviewer was Flusserís guest in spring 1964, he was able to visit
Buber, thanks to Flusserís recommendation. He learned how highly
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ACCESS TO THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ñ V
Buber was evaluating Flusserís personality and activity. Czech readers
can have important book by Flusser in their and his language. The
book on Jesus is now being translated into Czech and will appear
soon. It was reviewed already in the journal published in Brno (ìDavid
Flusser on the Historical Jesusî, Religio 7, 1998, 63ñ72). And
Czech readers will appreciate Czech translations of other Flusserís
works. A collection of his articles, especially those on contacts between
Judaism and early Christianity, would be most welcome, in
particular now after he passed away in September 2000.
125

BOOK REVIEWS
Pavel Hoöek
The Trinity and the Interfaith
S. Mark Heim, The Depth of the Riches: A Trinitarian Theology of Religious Ends,
W. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan / Cambridge, U. K.,
2001; Series: Sacra Doctrina: Christian Theology for Postmodern Age, general editor:
A. G. Padgett. Includes bibliography and index, xi + 312 pages, ISBN
0-8028-4758-7.
In his recent book The Depth of the Riches: A Trinitarian Theology of
Religious Ends S. Mark Heim proposes a new perspective on interreligious
dialogue. The book is part of the series Sacra Doctrina:
Christian Theology for a Postmodern Age. This series is a project of
The Christian Theological Research Fellowship and its goal is to rethink
traditional theological doctrines in the light of the postmodern
cultural situation.
Given this general goal, Heimës book is in many respects constructive
and innovative. He thinks through new ways of looking at
interreligious dialogue, as this task is pressed upon the Christian
church by the changing cultural situation of the Western world.
In the first part of his book Heim explains his approach to the
question of religious pluralism. He reviews the three traditional Christian
responses to this question: exclusivism, inclusivism and pluralism.
Heimís summary points out the following: Exclusivists hold that
there is only one religious end (Christian salvation) and that only
practising Christians can hope to attain this goal. Inclusivists hold as
well that there is only one religious end, which they also identify with
Christian salvation, but they allow the possibility that this end will be
achieved by many ìanonymous Christiansî (K. Rahner) among the
adherents of other religions. Pluralists hold as well that there is only
one religious end, which must not be identified with any concrete
doctrine of any particular religious tradition, but which will nevertheless
be attained by all serious believers, regardless of their particular
convictions. The universal religious end is beyond description in concepts
and propositions (J. Hick), it is only symbolically and vaguely
expressed in all religious traditions.
Heimís main criticism of these traditional approaches is that they
all build on the unproven assumption that there must be only one
126

BOOK REVIEWS
religious end for all people. While exclusivism has nothing to offer to
interreligious dialogue, both inclusivism and pluralism tend to underestimate
the concrete particularities of religious traditions. This neglect
of particularities is in sharp contrast with the witness of religious
traditions to the crucial importance of these particularities. For
both inclusivists and pluralists, believers will be ìsavedî (i.e. will
attain the only existing religious end) not because, but in spite of the
concrete shape of their religious heritage. Heim disagrees with Gandhiís
claim that all religions lead to the same goal and are essentially
the same in spite of their apparent differences. In Heimís view the
concrete practices, rituals, habits, the whole lifestyle shaped by particular
traditions are essentially important exactly in their being different
from any other way of life. They make people who they are
and they shape the particular religious end towards which believers
direct their existence. He points to the fact that the expectations of
different religions in terms of afterlife are unexchangeable and irreducibly
different. The diversity of the ends of particular religions
corresponds to the obvious diversity of particular lifestyles and mindsets
which these religions produce in their adherents. Nirvana is
a paradigmaticly different religious end from the Christian eschatological
vision, which again is totally different from the humble religious
end of Taoism, etc. What solution to this problem does Heim
offer?
Heim agrees with Hickís view that whatever the true nature of
Ultimate reality may be, the way it is perceived by any human person
will be strongly marked by his or her cultural and religious background
and training. Whatever the actual ultimate destiny of a believer,
his or her perception of it will be codetermined by religious
expectations of the particular tradition. These expectations (religious
ends) will be therefore at least partially fulfilled and confirmed by his
or her actual post mortem condition and experience. This would seem
to imply that Heimís view is simply relativistic. That conclusion appears
to be confirmed by Heimís thesis that every theory of interreligious
relations must be designed from within oneís particular tradition,
which must provide the conceptual framework. There is no
metatheory, free of presuppositions and a priori commitments. Therefore
Heim as a Christian offers a Christian solution, but this solution,
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he claims, can be easily appropriated by the representatives of other
religions.
On the other hand, Heim denies that his stance is relativistic. To
the question how can anyone decide which religion (which religious
end) to choose, Heim responds that there is one relative criterion on
which to base such a choice, namely the explaining power of each
proposed theory of religion and interreligious relations. In other
words, we need to ask which religion is able to explain itself and all
other religions in the most comprehensive and satisfactory way. In
Heimís view, this is Christianity. He holds that the best explanation of
the diversity of religions with their differing religious ends, which
respects their particularities, but still offers a unified interpretive
framework is the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. This suggestion is
open to public debate and therefore not relativistic.
In Heimís view, any theory that wants to be a candidate for the
most comprehensive and satisfactory theory of religion and of interreligious
relations must fit the following criteria: besides providing
a unified interpretive framework for all religions, it must 1) see the
value of religious particularity, 2) acknowledge the distinctive truth
of other religions, 3) at the same time see the legitimacy of each
religionís witness to its own ìone and onlyî aspect. Heim believes
the best candidate is the Christian trinitarian conceptual structure. He
agrees with R. Panikkar that Trinity is the key to understand the plurality
of world religions. The distinct religious ends of different religions
are related to the distinct dimensions of the trinitarian divine
life.
In the second part of the book the author reviews the biblical and
theological tradition of the Christian church to show parallels and
anticipations of his view of religious plurality. He points to the universalistic
elements of the Scripture (the covenant with Noah, ìpagan
saintsî such as Jethro, Ruth, Job etc., the Johannine notion of Logos,
the Pauline notion of the law written on peopleís hearts etc.) He
reviews the universalistic elements in Justin Martyr, Origen and other
Fathers. He documents how very soon in the history of the church the
eternal destiny of human beings was seen in a more and more differentiated
way: the Fathers speak (alongside heaven and hell) of purgatory,
which for some of them is a permanent destiny. Augustine speaks
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about limbo for children and another limbo for Old Testament saints
(the bosom of Abraham) ñ these are already four distinct destinations,
some of them temporary, some eternal. Thomas Aquinas speaks
of five destinations: heaven, hell, purgatory, limbo for Old Testament
saints and limbo for children. He also distinguishes different dimensions
of hell and different levels of heaven.
Heim offers one whole chapter of analysis of Danteís Divine Comedy.
For Dante, everything in the afterlife moves by attraction, affinity
and desire, nothing by force. Everybody ìends upî where he or
she wants. Punishment is the sin itself, hell is rather privative than
punitive. The eschatological destiny of every human being is actually
the expression of his or her deepest desire, which God respects, honours
and rewards. Therefore, for many, limbo is an eternal destiny,
they want to stay there forever. There is some relation to God at every
level. Later in the book Heim says that his view of religious ends is
a modified version of Danteís eschatological vision in Divine Comedy.
At the beginning of the third part of the book Heim summarizes
what he has said so far: different religions produce and shape different
expectations and mindsets. By a series of religious choices people
in each tradition become who they are. They shape their lives in
accordance and conformity with the religious end they strive to
achieve. Heim holds that these different ends are not just human projections,
but existing options of eternal destinations. These religious
ends will therefore eventually become reality. God will honour each
religionís expectations, just as in Danteís vision. How can that happen?
As suggested above, Heim sees the answer in the Christian doctrine
of the Trinity. The Trinity in Heimís view provides a unified
map for diverse religious experiences. Different religions emphasize
different aspects of the human relation to Ultimate Reality: some
emphasise the deity above us, some the deity among us, some the
deity within us, in other words, each relates to a different aspect of
the trinitarian life. Using the conceptual categories of R. Panikkar,
N. Smart and S. Konstantine, Heim shows how the ìtrinitarian grammarî
provides the best paradigm for interreligious relations: the doctrine
of the Trinity with its transcendent as well as immanent dimen-
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BOOK REVIEWS
sions, with is personalistic as well as impersonal elements serves as
an all-inclusive map for religious diversity. There are religions of
apophatism, other religions of personalism and still others of divine
immanence. All these differences can be viewed, Heim says, as differing
types of relating to the complex trinitarian divine being, to the
inner relational dynamics of Father, Son and Holy Spirit. For Heim
the trinitarian grammar is the best conceptual framework which Christian
theology can offer as a basis for the theory and practice of
interreligious dialogue.
In the last part of his book, Heim offers an eschatological vision
derived from his trinitarian theology of diverse religious ends. He
argues for the view, presented in the main body of his book, that
human beings are essentially free to choose and codetermine their
eternal destiny or, from the theological perspective, that the existence
of diverse world religions with their diverse religious ends is due to
Godís providential activity towards humankind. Heimís main emphasis
in the last part of the book is what he calls the theological
principle of plenitude. According to this principle, God aims at the
multiplication of all possible kinds of good. His goal is the largest
possible diversity and communion in difference ñ it actually reflects
Godís own trinitarian life. Heim refers in this context to A. Lovejoyís
famous book The Great Chain of Being, which focuses on the history
of the idea that God leaves no genuine possibility of being unrealised.
This idea is another expression of the theological principle of plenitude.
In Heimís understanding, this principle 1) is a qualitative description
of the divine life as triune, 2) is expressed economically in
what God has made, 3) is reflected in the nature of salvation too, and
most importantly 4) demands a variety of religious ends (besides
Christian salvation). Heim believes that God allows the creature to
determine its eternal destiny; in the richness of the trinitarian life,
there is space for pantheistic, as well as poly- and monotheistic relations
to the deity, just as for both personal and impersonal views of
Ultimate Reality (Heim refers in this context to P. Tillichís view of
God as the Ground and Abyss of being).
What I appreciate about Heimís book is his courage in breaking
new ground in theological speculation, in response to the contemporary
cultural situation. His research is well supported by references to
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BOOK REVIEWS
both classical and contemporary scholarship. He shows wide knowledge
in the fields of systematic theology and religious science and
a developed skill of integrating the data of these two fields of knowledge.
He also fruitfully employs his rich experience of working for
the Interfaith Working Group of the Faith and Order Commission of
the National Council of Churches in the U. S. A as well as more than
two decades of lecturing and publishing about world religions from
a theological perspective.
My main objection to his theological proposal (besides the highly
speculative character of his eschatological vision, which he himself
acknowledges) is that it ends up being very close to the classical
inclusivist Christian theory, which he strongly criticizes. Heimís view
can certainly be attacked for the same reasons: a paternalistic attitude
towards non-Christian religions as being only ìsecond bestî and as
being implicitly (and unwillingly) related to the Christian religious
Absolute. Heimís vision is not too far from Rahnerís concept of
anonymous Christianity (or, let us say, Justin Martyrís view of logos
spermatikos, in which pagans can participate, or Origenís universalistic
vision of apokatastasis panthon). Heimís claim that his theory
can easily be appropriated by proponents of other religions simply by
exchanging trinitarian terminology for their own all-inclusive framework
may prove true in the actual interreligious dialogue, but it
doesnít seem to move beyond the classical inclusivist theories. The
innovative element is that Heimís version of inclusivism doesnít force
the Christian view of eternal bliss on those who are not interested in
it ñ Buddhists striving for Nirvana for example. They, just as everybody
else, will be ìsavedî their own way. The traditional Christian
view, which is perceived as arrogant by other faiths, namely that
non-Christian religions may have some elements of truth in them, but
the clearest and fullest revelation of truth is found only in Christianity,
is obviously present in Heimís theory as well, perhaps because it
cannot be removed as long as the thinker wants to remain a faithful
Christian. Unfortunately, it has far-reaching and devastating effects
on interreligious dialogue. This is an obstacle which Heimís proposal
doesnít manage to overcome.
To summarise, Heimís new book is an inspiring contribution to the
rapidly developing tradition of Christian theological reflection on
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other religions and Christianityís relation to them. All theologians
involved in interreligious dialogue will benefit from this book.
Filip »apek
The Old Testament as Inspiration in Culture, International Academic
Symposium, Prague, September 1995, Heller, J., Talmon,
S., Hlav·Ëkov·, H., (eds.), Prudk˝, M. (executive ed.),
Ml˝n: T¯ebenice 2001, 205 pp. + 16pp. supplement, ISBN 80-902296-8-9.
This volume of essays of the Old Testament (i.e. of the Hebrew Bible
or Tanakh) and its reception in art consists of six chapters. The introduction
(pp. 9ñ22) follows the impact of the Old Testament on culture
in general. Central to this introduction is the work of Israeli
scholar Shemaryahu Talmon, The Hebrew Bible as Inspiration in Culture,
which is preceded by the editor's preface and a short address
delivered by Moshe Yegar, the Israeli ambassador in Prague.
The second part of the volume, entitled Studies in Theology and
Philosophy (pp. 23ñ62) presents the exegetical study Inspiration and
Communication According to Gen. 2,7 (in German) by Czech biblical
scholar Jan Heller. Following this is an analysis of a painting by
Willemd Drost depicting the dialogue of Naomi and Ruth just after
the departing of Oprah. This painting, as the author Dutch professor
of biblical studies Karel Deurloo argues in his analysis, does not
only aspire to be an illustration of the scriptural narrative, but as
well, an artistic rendering of the message of the Book of Ruth. The
third contribution to this section, by the Czech scholar Martin Prudk˝,
examines the Second Commandment of the Decalogue lingustically
and theologically. An interesting study on the function of art in the
Old Testament by Czech professor of religion Milan Balab·n bears a
title Achetypology of the Israeli Art of Painting (and Building) in
Tanakh (in German) and concludes this section of the volume.
A brief third chapter titled Studies in Czech and Slovak Bible
Translation (pp. 63ñ71) consists of a study by Czech scholar Stanislav
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Segert, a long time resident of the USA. Entitled Old Testament Poetry:
Czech and Slovak Translations and Transformations, it discusses
the motives of the Songs of Songs and of the Psalms which have been
creatively transformed and translated into Czech and Slovak poetry
and music.
The most extensive chapter, called Studies in Bible and Visual Arts
(pp. 72ñ139), includes S. Talmonís amply illustrated study A Unique
Depiction of a Scene From the Book of Jonah in a 13th Century
Illuminated Hebrew Manuscript, showing the openness of Medieval
Jewish illuminative art to the motives of classic Greek mythology and
the Christian milieu. Next is the essay The Gothic Mural Painting of
the Stations of the Cross in the Monastery of Emauzy (in German)
which traces the influence of the central images of the Old Testament
on the Christian art found at Emauzy. The author, Zuzana VöeteËkov·,
is a member of the Czech Academy of Sciences. A similarly oriented
contribution that might be considered is the study The Tower of Babel
in the Bedford Books of Hours by Israeli scholar Mira Friedman,
which investigates the influence of Jewish Midrashic legends on
Gen. 11 in Christian art. Katrin Kogman-Appel takes another direction
in her stimulating exposition titled The Iconography of the Biblical
Cycle of the Second Nuremberg and the Yahudah Haggadot: Tradition
and Innovation. This detailed study analyses two Haggadots,
challenging the prevailing method of interpretation of the iconography
of biblical manuscripts. This method, orignating with Kurt
Weitzman, emphasizes the necessity of certain model of an artistic
prototype as a starting point and key for the study of other traditions
which use this model as the given and essential pattern. Kogman-
Appel opposes this interpretation, arguing that of the two Haggadots
studied, neither belonged to any of the iconographical traditions, nor
were directly connected with them. On the contrary, these Haggadot
provide us with an excellent example of the peculiar and innovative
way of the illustration of the Jewish manuscripts. The author concludes
her argument with this statement:
The Jewish artist of the Second Nuremberg and Yahudah
Haggadot, far from being merely a talented copyist, was a highly
original, creative and innovative illustrator, well aquainted with recent
artistic trends of the developing graphic arts, thoroughly familiar
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BOOK REVIEWS
with the Rabbinic tradition and deeply concerned to emphasize to
Jewish character of his work. He did not depend upon a single source,
but was inspired by a variety of models, elements of which he combined
freely with his own unique creations (pp. 130 ñ131).
The last contribution to the chapter is entitled Old Testament
Scenes in the Bible of King Wenceslas IV, written by Hana Hlav·Ëkov·,
member of The Academy of Science.
The fifth chapter of the volume, titled Studies in Bible and Music,
(pp. 140ñ182) begins with a remarkable study by Frantiöek J. Hole-
Ëek O. M. titled The Books of Maccabees as an Inspiration of the
Hussite Choral Who Are the Gods Fighters.The author of the study
discusses the choral line by line, referencing the stance of the Czech
reformer Jan Hus toward The Book of Maccabees. HoleËeks frequent
quotations from various historical documents aid readers in grasping
the intensive dependence of Hus and the Hussites on dthese apocryphal
booksd. The second contribution to this chapter is titled Violent
Embraces: Monastic Representations of the Old Testament, written
by M. Burcht Pranger from the University of Amsterdam, who points
to a non-referentiality which ìunderlies whatever meaning of whatever
imageî (p. 172). Pranger, interpreting especially the paintings
The Stations of the Cross created by Barnett Newman, argues that
each image provides the observer with new, unexpected and dramatic
encounters.
The sixth chapter, titled Studies in Bible and Literature,
(pp. 183ñ200) is a contribution provided by Stefan Schreiner from
the Institutum Judaicum, T¸bingen. Entitled The Bible In Narratives
of Bruno Schulz, (in German) it examines the enigmatic work of the
writer, painter and visionary Bruno Schulz, exploring why and to
what degree this assimilated Polish Jew was inspired by the Old
Testament.
Surely it is intentional that the pivotal theme of the work appears
to be the Second Commandment of the Decalogue. This is manifested
by the different perspectives presented according to the specialization
of the individual scholars who contributed to the volume.
The prohibition of making images has profound theological implications.
On the one hand, it constitutes the ideological peculiarity of the
Old Testament, on the other it distinctly influenced the later Jews and
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Christians of the Old Testament on art. Therefore the prohibition, as
quoted by S. Talmon, who states that ìthe biblical authors paint in
wordsî, thus making up for the absence of the medium of painting,
which in ancient Israel was proscribed by law, with narration. (p. 21).
The emphasis on an aniconic approach to God is also, according to
M. Prudk˝ís contextual linguistic and theological analysis, the main
message of the Second commandment; he opposes the idea the prohibition
on picturing would refer to other gods only. Moreover, the
prohibition of making images is not a result of a sceptical attitude
toward art. Substantiation of this prohibition is, according to Prudk˝,
not ìderived from the philosophic recognition of the inappropriateness
of the analogy of the image, nor from any sceptical or negative
attitude to art in general, but from the basic theological postulates of
the faith of Israel: any kind of image would be a threat to the freedom
of YHWH, which he preserves in sovereign fashion even with regard
to the worship of his own peopleî (p. 47). Consequently, he believes
the Second Command applies not only to the other gods, but also to
the God of Israel. A similar point of view is expressed by M. Balab·n,
ergo: the ability to make images contains a threat that the image
might gain dominance over the subject it delineates (see p. 54). Analogously,
M. Friedman documents that the capability of the Jewish artists
not to portray God anthropomorphically also finds acceptance
here and there in Christian art (cf. p. 115f).
The Old Testament as Inspiration in Culture a is well-balanced
publication, recommended to all who are interested in the Old Testament
and its impact on past and present culture. All unpublished
essays presented during the symposium are briefly mentioned in the
summary at the end of the volume, which has been composed by
professor Jan Heller (pp. 201ñ203).
135

ADDRESSES OF THE CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Jind¯ich Halama, e-mail: halama@etf.cuni.cz;
Karlova Universita v†Praze,
Evangelick· teologick· fakulta,
»ern· 9, CZ 115 55 Praha 1
Jacob Nesuner,
e-mail: neusner@webjogger.net
Bard College, Annandale-on-Hudson, New York
12504, USA
Martin Rothkegel, e-mail: rothkegel@centrum.cz
Jugosl·vsk˝ch partyz·n˘ 31, CZ 160 00 Praha 6
Gerhard Sauter,
Stanislav Segert,
Filip »apek,
Pavel Hoöek,
e-mail: ute600@snphilos1.philos.uni-bonn.de
Rheinische Friedrich- Wilhelms-Universit‰t
Bonn
Evangelisch-Theologische Fakult‰t,
÷kumenisches Institut
Am Hof 1, D53113 Bonn
e-mail: segert@beachnet.com
University of California, Los Angeles
Near Eastern Languages and Cultures
376 Kinsey Hall, Box 951511, LA, California
90095-1511, USA
e-mail: filipcapek@yahoo.com
Masarykovo n·m.19,
CZ 503 46 T¯ebechovice pod Orebem
e-mail: hosek@etspraha.cz
ETS, StoliÚsk· 2417/41a, CZ 193 00 Praha 9
The authors of the articles herein published are responsible for their contents,
and while the editors have presented their ideas for discussion, they need not
agree with them.
Communio viatorum is indexed in the ATLA Religion Database , published by
the American Theological Library Association, 250 S. Wacker Dr., 16 th Flr.,
Chicago, IL 60606, E-mail: atla@atla.com, WWW: http://www.atla.com.
140